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Copyright of Trans/Form/Ação is the property of Trans/Form/Acao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The tension between the game of chess as strictly regulated by rules and the idea of freedom can be traced in three radidal examples separated by media and different periods of the twentieth century. The first emphatic employment of the concept of freedom is in the title of a chess journal issued by the Communist opposition of the central German working-class chess organization at the end of the Weimar Republic. In the journal Frei Schach! the radical subsection of "Red Sports Unity" asserts its claim for supremacy, demanding revolutionary goals in the class struggle. But this journalistic appeal to freedom was countered by the use of the same concept by the moderate alternative central chess organisation, and soon even by the National Socialists suppressing both working-class organisations. In the cultural scene after the second world war there was a distant, strangely depoliticized echo of freedom in chess. In the Austrian avantgarde dramatist Wolfgang Bauer's version of Ibsen's modernist revision of classical drama in the play Ghosts there is a farcical use of everyday objects as a replacement of chess elements. They function as a postmodern parody of the conventional structures of a conversation play. Compared to such highly idiosyncratic ludic transformation of chess games, today's digitalized chess in which the computer is the final arbiter makes the game more accessible to the masses. The surface democratic appeal in which average players can turn into critics of the chess elite is accompanied by the complete subjection to digitalisation on a late capitalist agenda. However, this does not completely deprive the traditional game of chess of its promise of playful enjoyment for an increasing number of people on a global scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of the politico-economic and ethnic-social basis of difference, paying special attention to the anti-difference violence suffered by indigenous peoples and the concrete experience of the Gurani-Kaiowa in Brazil. Ethnic-social differences and commonalities are here examined through a social sciences reinterpretation of Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit. In this magistral book, Hegel problematises and gradually resolves many questions about human perception, the shortcomings of reason, and the incremental evolution of reason that can only happen through mediation and interaction. The unique features of each social group can consequently expand into ethnoclass commonalities shared with other, unique populations. That is particularly relevant to understand the many pressures to reduce the Guarani-Kaiowa to an indeterminate proletarian condition (generic members of the working class or the peasantry), which has nonetheless revitalised their sense of indigeneity. The Guarani-Kaiowa are different from other segments of the working class, but the more they see, and are seen, as different, the more immersed they become in the subalternity of the rest of the dispossessed population. The identification of the indigenous population as both members of the working class and of unique ethnical groups has major political consequences (the negation of the negation) in terms of poor-poor alliances that can challenge politico-economic trends and, particularly, the illegitimate concessions to agribusiness farmers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1940s and 1950s, the writer H. G. Ajemyan actively participated in a number of important scientific discussions on history and philosophy: a meeting of historians in 1944, a discussion about the movement of Caucasian mountaineers, a philosophical discussion in 1947, a discussion of a report on the nature of nations in 1957, at which he was the main “troublemaker”. His bold ideas about the monistic unity of the state and the people, the harm of class struggle and national liberation movements to strengthen the power of the Russian state, the use of Orthodoxy to fight the Vatican, and the priority of cultural factors over economic factors in the formation of nations were criticized by academic science and party ideologists. At the same time, Ajemyan’s speeches were used by the authorities to identify ideological positions in the professional scientific community, and his interpretation of the reactionary essence of Muridism and Imamate Shamil became official after a while. In 1943, he appealed to Stalin with an absurd plan to end the war.

This article examines the perspectives of M. M. Prishvin on the collectivization of agriculture, utilizing materials from his “Diary”, which have only recently entered scholarly discourse in the post-Soviet years. The choice of this topic is motivated by the ongoing relevance and intensity of discussions surrounding the Stalin era in Soviet society. The focus of this study is a previously unexamined aspect within Prishvin studies: the writer’s attitude toward the radical transformation of traditional Russian peasant life. It is demonstrated that Prishvin, on one hand, critiques the ruthless methods employed in implementing collectivization, while on the other hand, acknowledges the positive aspects of the economic reforms occurring in rural areas. The significance of Prishvin’s insights regarding the origins and causes of collectivization is further underscored by the fact that his conclusions often predate those of several later researchers of the Soviet period. Prishvin’s analysis of both subjective and objective factors influencing Stalin’s collectivization reveals him not only as a gifted writer but also as an exceptional thinker with a distinct perspective on the pressing ideological, political, economic, and sociocultural issues of his time.

Sustainability within food systems (FS) transcends approaches that only consider FS transformation via changing agricultural practices or consumption patterns. The essence lies in addressing the root causes of current unsustainable FS and their associated social and environmental ramifications. This paper aims to outline the solutions needed to revamp these challenges, by paying special attention to the state-capital nexus in the context of the FS'global core-periphery dialectics. Thereby, we embrace radical political agroecology as being essential in promoting sustainability within the FS, especially in the Global South. Agroecology is proposed as the strategy to address the food system's complexity in terms of the social, environmental, and economic embeddedness. We conclude with potential solutions that contribute to the pathway for FS sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can we make sense of the current rise and strength of the far right in Brazil? This article aims to address this question by providing an analysis of Brazilian politics in recent years, exploring both its institutional aspects and factors exceeding this framework. It examines the past decade of protests beginning with those in June 2013, and the strained relationship between the leftist government and the communities involved in these demonstrations. Furthermore, the article seeks to understand the resurgence of the far right within its historical context as a reactionary movement. It highlights how the events of 2013 foreshadowed unresolved issues pertaining to justice and, consequently, approaches to political struggle in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is: first, to show that the relationship between Latin America and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is a faithful reflection of a class struggle on a world scale, where the correlation of internal and external forces has been articulated over the years in favor of capital; second, to analyze the concrete possibilities that the region will face in the future if it intends to reverse this unfavorable history. The paper argues that the IMF has played a key role in the reconfiguration and extension of the dominance of international finance capital over the productive resources of Latin America by favoring the consolidation of a local capitalist class subordinated to the designs and power of transnational capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses socio-economic relations of the bourgeoisie and proletariat relating them to present-day contemporary Pakistani society. The paper is broken down into sections where class consciousness, struggle, and mobility are discussed in view of a Marxist framework and aligned with that of the Victorian English era and that of today's Pakistan. The present paper, therefore, employing qualitative research methods, including close reading, finds persistent class conflicts and socio-economic disparities, in unison with the struggles laid down by Dickens in his narrative. The implications of the findings strongly hint at the fact that these historical literary insights can be of substantial help in guiding socio-economic reforms within the domain of Pakistan. Future research recommendations are to point towards precise measures on how class disparities in Pakistani society could be alleviated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The progressive integration of Tunisia into the international capital market implies deep institutional and social transformations as well as the positioning of the country in the semi-periphery of the capitalist world-economy. From the mid-19th and during the twentieth century, the growing Tunisia's debt paved the way to a compulsory financial administration of the North African country by 1870. Likewise, this process favoured the development of a capitalist class, whose origins were both exogenous and endogenous, drawing its power from doing business with the global financial élites. Thus, we assist to the birth of a capitalist class with local and international interests, also called afterward compradors. Adopting an original comparative approach, this article shows that the integration of a country into the global economy, mainly when occurring through a growing foreign debt, paves the way not only to the birth of a local capitalist class drawing its power from the circulation of capital but also to the permanent positioning of the country in the semi-periphery of the capitalist world-economy. The access to the international capital markets, according to the rules of the controlling powers and elites, makes the indebted country less independent in its economic policy choices, thus modifying its class structure in favour of the new capitalist elites, and their interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thousands of children and youth across the country took to the streets for two weeks in spring 1947 to protest a three-cent increase in the price of chocolate bars. The protest initially generated enthusiastic press coverage and had widespread popular support, but when the National Federation of Labor Youth (nfly), the Communist Party's youth organization, announced its support, anti-communists in the press and the community red-baited the protesters. The campaign quickly lost momentum, which anti-communists attributed to the presence of Communists but was more likely due to their own red-baiting attacks in the press. Some of these protests were spontaneous reactions to a 40 per cent increase in the price of candy bars, while others were led or inspired by nfly. Either way, the countrywide mobilization of thousands of children and youth marks a turning point in the history of Canada's left. Erupting in tandem with a nationwide strike of industrial workers and protests of activist consumers demanding greater economic security and a more responsive state, the children's chocolate bar protest provides a window on this critical moment in the class struggle. The attacks on this popular protest at the moment that the long run of community-based militancy was about to be demonized, delegitimated, and silenced by red-baiting marks a significant milestone in Canada's Cold War. In addition to adding the youngsters' challenge to capital and the state to the history of the popular left, the event contributes to the growing literature on children and youth engaged in political protest, while their creative protest strategies offer a youthful dimension to the study of performance activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the archaeology and history of labor is based on organized labor, unions, and strikes, and the common rhetoric emphasizes the success or failure of union strike activities. This frames labor activism with clear winners and losers and inadvertently adopts the vantage point of capital. Given the modern world where union membership is plummeting, "success" seems even more unlikely. In this paper, I use the case of the Coalwood lumber camp to argue that labor's "success" was much more complicated than simply winning strikes. Recognizing the difference between concrete and abstract labor provides a way to think about worker's decisions to structure their lives based more on concrete than alienated labor that gives them more autonomy over their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illuminates the contemporary vitality of Lenin's theory of ideology. Since the collapse of Soviet socialism, some have attempted to dismiss Lenin's theory as anti-Marxist and lacking in critical power. More recent studies of the Marxist theory of ideology have neglected Lenin entirely. Contrastingly, this article argues that Lenin's theory of ideology remains relevant, albeit misunderstood. First, Lenin highlighted the class essence of ideology with unparalleled force and clarity. He emphasised that every ideology serves the power of a definite class. Second, Lenin clarified the role of ideology as a weapon in the class struggle. He urged the working class to use socialist ideology to further its interests and overthrow capitalism. Third, Lenin outlined the principles for engaging in the ideological struggle. He instructed Marxists on how to advance their ideas and defeat bourgeois ones. These insights remain indispensable for communists, a hundred years after Lenin's death in 1924. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we study the unintended subversion of official ideology among ordinary people in Mao's China by analyzing the everyday life represented in the letters of a Shanghai worker who sought to overcome political anxieties by turning the political rituals, symbols, and tropes to his ends without resisting political mobilizations and challenging official ideology. By examining how the writer of the letters read Maoist political texts and employ political discourse in everyday life, we seek to explain how such a tactic of everyday politics differs from resistance and escape. We demonstrate that ordinary people could still find a way to transcend the political logic of the Cultural Revolution while outwardly participating in the revolutionary routine. This mode of unintentional subversion helps to explain how the Cultural Revolution ended without a major political upheaval against the Party-state's official ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of PRAKSIS is the property of PRAKSIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of PRAKSIS is the property of PRAKSIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the fortune of Geoffrey de Ste. Croix's famous article 'The Character of the Athenian Empire', and reassesses its basic thesis that the Athenian Empire was popular among the lower classes of the allied cities in the light of recent developments in the field. After surveying the article's immediate and more recent reception, and discussing its relation with The Origins of the Peloponnesian War and The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World , it isolates four key new trends in Greek history that, while going against some of Ste. Croix's basic convictions, end up reinforcing his overall case. These are: a renewed attention to the mass and elite dichotomy, with recent work interpreting Greek oligarchy as a fundamentally reactive and anti-demotic regime; the recognition of the continued relevance of Persian meddling in the later fifth-century; a sea-change in Attic epigraphy which has led to the post-dating of several 'imperial' decrees; the new recognition of the dynamism of the Greek economy, and of the economic function of the Athenian Empire itself. Finally, the article addresses the paradigm of class struggle and stresses how democracy and economic dynamism, to which the Athenian Empire contributed, fostered the growth of slave markets and worsened the exploitation of 'marginal' regions as slave suppliers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Historía da Sociedade e da Cultura is the property of Revista de Historia da Sociedade e da Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the views of Soviet historian Mikhail Nikolaevich Tikhomirov (1893–1965) on the 1068 uprising in Kyiv, in his book, Peasant and Urban Uprisings in Russia, XI–XIII Centuries. It asks the question how the Stalinist cultural matrix affected Tikhomirov's research identity and how it metaphorized his scholarly narratives. It traces the formation of the researcher's methodology, which he intended to demonstrate the emergence of revolutionary processes in eleventh-century Rus'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Economia da UEG is the property of Universidade Estadual de Goias and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Inguruak is the property of Asociacion Vasca de Sociologia y Ciencia Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Humanities (1016-0728) is the property of University of Malawi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From the perspective of critical criminology, the article discusses the structural selectivity that, on an ideological and material level, constitutes a true method of action for the institutions that make up the penal system. Based on a real case, it goes on to discuss the social construction of deviance and the deviant, with the central axis of this debate being the class struggle and the repercussions of social stratification on the ideological and repressive apparatuses of the Althusserian-based state. Then, anchored in the studies of the theory of social labelling, we explore the criminalization process portrayed by Baratta, through which the dominant classes make their ideologies prevail over the dominated classes, imposing on them a double criminalizing selection, the first from the creation of the penal norm (primary criminalization process), and the second from the institutions that apply the penal law, which act in repression, prosecution and penal execution (secondary criminalization process). In the end, we conclude that the great ethical problem of the Brazilian penal system is the selectivity that marks the entire criminalization process led by penal institutions, which feeds a genocidal functioning of the state and produces massive human rights violations, fundamentally of young, black and economically poor people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jim Crotty was a beloved teacher and mentor and a treasured colleague at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst. In this short essay, we try to convey Jim's enormous contributions to his students, colleagues, and friends, and to the development and reproduction of heterodox macroeconomic theory and practice. JEL Classification: B4, B5, E [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sustainability within food systems (FS) transcends approaches that only consider FS transformation via changing agricultural practices or consumption patterns. The essence lies in addressing the root causes of current unsustainable FS and their associated social and environmental ramifications. This paper aims to outline the solutions needed to revamp these challenges, by paying special attention to the state-capital nexus in the context of the FS’global core-periphery dialectics. Thereby, we embrace radical political agroecology as being essential in promoting sustainability within the FS, especially in the Global South. Agroecology is proposed as the strategy to address the food system’s complexity in terms of the social, environmental, and economic embeddedness. We conclude with potential solutions that contribute to the pathway for FS sustainability.

This study probes into the globalist and Marxian perspectives on human insecurity in Sub-Saharan Africa,with a particular focus on Nigeria and South Africa. By employing a case-study methodology and data from relevant secondary and archival sources, the study seeks to understand the effects of globalization, globalist ideologies, and Marxist ideologies on human insecurity in the region. While previous studies have primarily attributed human insecurity in Africa to internal factors, such as corruption, self-destructive public policies, poverty, environmental degradation, militancy, and insurgency, the globalist and Marxist contexts of the insecurity have received limited scholarly attention. While findings partly confirm that most human insecurities in the region are largely influenced by internal factors, the global environment, encompassing job insecurity, global warming, deadly viruses and pandemics, transnational crimes, drugs, and interstate conflict, also plays a significant role. The study further uncovers the exploitative, oppressive, and conflict-ridden interactions between the bourgeoisie and proletariats in Sub-Saharan Africa, thereby contributing to unfairness, deprivation, and conflicts that usually morph into human insecurity. To mitigate human insecurity in Sub-Saharan Africa, the study proposes a collaborative global approach and a more equitable distribution of resources within the state. Understanding the globalist and Marxian foundations of human insecurity can provide valuable insights for policymakers and stakeholders in devising comprehensive strategies to address this pressing issue in the region.

The depiction of the class struggle features prominently in the American canon of the first half of the 20th century. However, the emphasis has been almost exclusively on prose fiction to the exclusion of the works of poets such as Claude McKay, one of the central figures of the early Harlem Renaissance and the leading figure among socially engaged English-speaking poets at the time. The article redresses this imbalance by drawing attention to McKay’s socially engaged sonnets, which helped to expand the horizons and culturally empower the exploited poor in America (and by extension the proletariat in England) to resist and overcome racist ideology in their common struggle for universal social justice. McKay makes use of a traditional, highly aestheticized sonnet form, while giving it a new ethical premise and fresh impetus.

The aim of the study is to explore the underlying repressive Marxist ideologies such as socioeconomic conditions, class system, class struggle, consumerism and commodification in the movie. Drawing on superstructure model, the study also aims to explore the ways in which historical and material circumstances and their relationship manifest in the movie, how it perpetuates capitalist tendencies in society, providing a deeper understanding of the underlying power dynamics and exploitation present in society from a Marxist perspective. The researcher adopted the exploratory re-search framework. The study utilized a qualitative research approach by applying Marxist theory for content analysis on an animated movie "The Jungle Book" as a sample. The sample was determined through typical and critical case sampling methods from animated movies of the world that has basic elements of Marxism. The findings of the study reveal that there are implicit Marxist tendencies present in the movie that conform to the superstructure model of the world. The major characters of the movie strive for economic prosperity and have convenient interactions with one another, which lead to capitalistic attitude, imperialistic dominance, class struggle resulting in consumer culture and commodified relationships. The summative discussions within the light of the findings acquired in this study imply that Marxist elements have been deeply portrayed in the movie and serve as a platform to unveil socioeconomic battles within an animated world through a Marxist lens, exposing the underlying power dynamics, exploitation, and capitalist tendencies present in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the homilies of the Bishop of Cuernavaca, Sergio Méndez Arceo, in the 1970s. The objective is to deepen the multiple messages that economic problems take up, by contextualizing these ideas, within the general framework of Liberation Theology. The main axes of the homilies focus on two positions: 1) conversion and 2) dualism. By conversion, Méndez Arceo constantly returns to the idea of “class struggle”, at the same time, from the perspective of Holy Scripture, he emphasizes the Liberation of the man. While by dualism he insists on the division between a ruling class of wealthy businessmen or landowners and a dominated class of workers and peasants, dividing society into good and bad Christians. It is worth highlighting that this article takes up a novel theme, considering that an in-depth analysis of the economic problems in the homilies has not been carried out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If one wants to get a grasp on the international institutional arrangement of what J. G. Ruggie called “embedded liberalism,” which included the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), one must first carefully examine the conditions that made the regime of accumulation called Fordism possible. More precisely, it is essential to grasp how the particular evolution of class struggle in the US strongly influenced the organization of capitalism in this country, and subsequently the international institutions at the core of the embedded liberalism. Simply put, the thesis defended in this article is that the evolution of class struggle in the US in the 1930s and the following decades has been the main influence in the shaping of Fordism and an undervalued factor in the creation of the GATT. The GATT, in other words, is an agreement that strongly corresponds to the necessity of the management of the class struggle associated with Fordism.

The three articles were originally presented as papers on a panel organized by Robert Latham, at the Socialist Studies Conference at York University in 2023. While more or less focused on Marxism in academia, the articles deal with different regional contexts: Hyun Ok Park deals with South Korea, Robert Latham with the US, and Raju Das with India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What motivates states' choice of social classification? Existing explanations highlight scientific beliefs of modern states or social engineering by ideological regimes. Focusing on the initial state-building period of two Communist regimes, China and North Korea, this article complements the existing literature and suggests that social classification reflects three missions of political leaders: regime distinction, governance, and power consolidation. Population categories are created to distinguish the new government from the old, to selectively provide welfare, and to attack political opponents. The varying weight of the missions and their manifestation in social classification depend on new ruling elites' cohesion and past experiences. This comparative historical analysis sheds light on the rise of political chaos in China and the personalistic dictatorship in North Korea in the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Desenvolvimento e Meio Ambiente is the property of Universidade Federal do Parana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Simon Clarke left an invaluable critical mark on Marxism. Despite his magnanimous work, he is relatively unknown in Latin America because very few texts have been translated into Spanish. We focus on Clarke's vision and theory of the state, which is of fundamental importance to research in Latin America. First, we focus on his comprehension of the class struggle category to understand the capitalist state's emergence. Second, we show the importance of his analysis of the subordination of the state and civil society to the rule of money and law. Third, we emphasise his particular way of understanding the social relations of production, which results in his incisive critique of structuralism and the regulation school. Finally, we point out that his understanding of the social relations of production led to a specific way of understanding Marxism that is 'Simon Clarke's Marxism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keynesianism, Monetarism, and the Crisis of the State is perhaps Simon's greatest intellectual and political contribution. This article sets the book in the context of his teaching at Warwick and the development of his thought through Marx, Marginalism and Modern Sociology to the publication of Keynesianism. Building on his analysis of the ideological dimensions of classical political economy, Simon set himself the ambitious task of grasping the coherence and complexity of the relationship between economics, politics and ideology in the crisis-ridden development of capitalism. In so doing, he developed a work of immense significance fusing conceptual and empirical analysis to produce a devastating critique of social democracy, neoliberalism and reformism. Although read widely within Conference of Socialist Economists circles, Keynesianism has not achieved the recognition it clearly deserves. Post-Keynesianism, Simon extended his analysis to worker organisation in Russia and beyond. His theoretical and empirical work on capitalism in all its forms offers a unique and enduring contribution to everyone interested in socialism and the limits of reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simon Clarke was an original and consistent Marxist thinker. From an early stage in his career, he independently developed a cogent, non-dogmatic reading of Marx's work that ran against the grain of the dominant variants of Marx of his day. In this piece, we delineate the main features of Clarke's Marxism through a reading of an early essay, first drafted in 1970. We highlight his critique of ideology, his focus on the forms through which the social relations of production appear and his insistence on the unity of theory and history – the conviction that the class struggle is expressed in the concrete movement of history. These features would form the bedrock of his truly significant contribution over five decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this interview with Hugo Radice, John Holloway and Sol Picciotto (early Conference of Socialist Economists (CSE) members) conducted by Edith González, Panagiotis Doulos and Milena Rodríguez Aza (postdoctoral and PhD students from the Benemérita Autonomous University of Puebla, Mexico), we find a reflection on the CSE early days and a recalling of significant debates among CSE members exploring their relevance today. Above all, Clarke's CSE fellows tell us what it meant to be a socialist economist working together with Simon Clarke. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Amme Idaresi Dergisi is the property of Public Administration Institute for Turkey & the Middle East (TODAIE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)