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Much has been written about the demographic make-up of librarianship, which remains overwhelmingly white and female, but little has been discussed about the socioeconomic background of folks entering the field. In this column, I explore some of the ways that coming from a financially disadvantaged background can impact both entering the profession and the experience of working within it. A mix of practical and aspirational action items are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a reconceptualization of class-in-capitalism and its articulation with racialization and gender that builds on critical strands of Marxian thought and integrates insights from Black radical and feminist socialist traditions. Rather than a transhistorical materialist conception of class simpliciter, we develop a historically-specific conception of class embedded within an analysis of capitalist social relations. The result is an account of class based not on the appropriation of a “material surplus,” but on asymmetrical social relations in the division of labor and disposition of its fruits. Developing this conception along three key axes of asymmetries—property, production, and personhood—we show how the dynamics propelled by capitalist social relations are co-constitutive with those of racialization, while both the privatization of reproduction and gender-based super-exploitation are systemic features of these dynamics. We emphasize law’s role in the history of these relations, and end with implications of our analysis for their transformation.

This paper presents the findings of a qualitative study of religious practice in a working-class and middle-class Muslim American community. Given the small sample size (N = 18), this study is exploratory and suggests avenues for future research on social class and religious practice among Muslim Americans. The results indicate that different social classes have different views regarding the proper role of religion in their lives. Moreover, social class provides people with unequal resources to meet certain demands placed on them by their religious community and society in general. Other aspects of community life (e.g., social networks) also intervene and mediate institutional relationships and affect religious practice. The social and cultural elements that facilitate perceived compliance with a particular interpretation of religious praxis can be analysed in terms of social and cultural capital. This study suggests that social and cultural capital can help scholars understand differences in religious practice among Muslims across different localities and classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across Indian cities, daily wagers gather every morning at large intersections or crossroads (nakas) where they seek work for the day from small construction contractors. In the satellite city of Navi Mumbai (New Mumbai), some of these daily wagers are reconstituting themselves into a class of ‘disadvantaged, crossroad workers’. This article provides an ethnographic narration of how class is experienced, constituted and asserted at a street crossroad. Through the space of the naka, daily wagers combine their different experiences of caste, religious and regional disadvantage into a collective identity of crossroad workers. As a collective, they seek and gain recognition as workers by the state, even if their everyday terms of work continue to be largely unprotected by law. While such reframing of disadvantage has long been part of social movements in western India, their contemporary politics is conditioned by workers’ alienation from new town‐making projects, where they are seen as temporary labor migrants and must contend with landed, socio‐politically dominant groups vying for control over the city. This article contributes to growing scholarship on the resocialization of labour movements, as both work and class organizing change dramatically, particularly in contentious urban spaces like Navi Mumbai. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the work of three working-class-identified artists based in the UK – Mark Leckey, Andrea Luka Zimmerman and Simeon Barclay – who make art which explores their personal narratives or backgrounds. Starting with the context of changes to postwar British art education, it explores the ‘professionalisation’ of art degrees by incorporating art history and theory elements, and awarding accredited degrees including the research-as-practice PhD. Despite the greater inclusivity of art schools for students from lower socio-economic backgrounds, this article argues that the language and theory utilised at degree level could be prohibitive. It argues that although the approaches taken by artists Leckey, Barclay and Zimmerman offer a more embodied approach to theory and language in their practices, ultimately, education can be both liberatory and restrictive. Furthermore, in identifying these artists as examples of working class artists who have escaped or exceeded their working-class backgrounds via education and social mobility, it does not offer solutions to the structural issues of a largely elitist education system and artworld, and if anything results in tropes and stereotypes of the appearance and language of ‘working-class’ art. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This piece responds to the Queer Precarities workshop and its invitations and provocations to think back through and forward to questions of class and sexuality, and as navigated by feminist geographers. I think thorough the situatedness of academic (re)productions as always occurring in time and place, when new terms and articulations may repeat or disguise. Precarity as a term of now may act to displace class as a term of then – or 'them' – raising enduring questions about the politics, production and interruption of knowledge. I offer up queer-class stories, including dimensions of the personal, political, affective, archival and material, encountered across place and time. I am still compelled by class as a concept and one which still often collides with queer. In this short viewpoint, I hope to show and share some of the research reflections enabled by the Queer Precarities workshop. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does social reproduction fully participate in capital accumulation? Which specific form does social reproduction take under capitalism? I use ethnographic material from field research in China to make a contribution to the debate on the relationship between social reproduction and societal reproduction, by providing a historicized account that allows locating the changes that occur when capitalism becomes the dominant form of organization of people's lives and by looking at community and kinship ties that stretch beyond the household and examining the way they produce collective social goods. This article argues that even now China has become capitalist, the circuit of social reproduction may be put to the service of capital accumulation, and even participate in it, but it nonetheless remains a separate circuit, which is not fully subsumed to the circuit of capital. What capitalism entails, rather, is the organization of reproductive labor as well as the distribution of differentiated rights to social reproduction along class lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Older people have been overlooked in recent debates over the relationship between age, class and culture despite their prevalence and the conceptual questions they raise. Seeking to bridge mainstream class analysis with debates in social gerontology, especially via a shared turn to Pierre Bourdieu's relational sociology, this paper draws on survey data from the US to examine not only the class position of older people but their internal social and cultural differentiation. I use geometric data analysis to construct a model of the class system, locate older people within it and then explore differences among older people. I then proceed to compare the cultural symbolisations of social positions among older people to those of the larger sample. The core structures of social and cultural differentiation among older people are roughly homologous with those of the broader sample, but there are also notable differences and even inversions pointing toward the specificity – and autonomy – of ageing as a principle of difference and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are romantic relationships across class maintained under broader conditions of class inequality? This article draws on in‐depth interviews with 38 people who have partnered across class in Australia. It examines the emotional and interpersonal labour required to preserve such relationships within a highly differentiated class structure that is widely obscured in public and political life. We find, first, that for people in committed cross‐class relationships where this difference was openly acknowledged, class difference was acutely felt and described in highly emotional, imprecise terms. Second, this heightened awareness of class difference stimulated elevated levels of class friction and class dissonance within these relationships. We detail these experiences, as they were narrated to us, before examining certain interviewees' efforts to understand and resolve these complexities. We highlight the collaborative work undertaken by one couple in particular to navigate feelings of class discomfort and class dissonance. Third, by focussing on the emotional terrain of intimate cross‐class negotiations, we stress moments which have the potential to disrupt assumptions about class hierarchies and modes of moral distinction that take place within these relationships. Proceeding to tentatively valorise different forms of value‐making and recognition within cross‐class relationships, we also pay attention to the role of class in enabling this very capacity for adaptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the unique contributions of parental wealth, class background, education, and income to different measures of educational attainment. We build on recent sibling correlation approaches to estimate, using Norwegian register data, the gross and net contribution of each social origin dimension across almost 3 decades of birth cohorts. Our findings suggest that parental education is crucial for all measures of children's educational outcomes in all models. In the descriptive analyses, we find that while broad education measures remain stable or decrease over time, attaining higher tertiary education and elite degrees is more stable or increasingly dependent on family background, especially parental financial resources. While gross sibling correlation models show somewhat decreasing trends in the contribution of education in all measures of educational outcomes, net models show that the unique contributions of financial resources have increased over time. Our results lend some support to the idea of education as a positional good and suggest that educational inequalities reflect broader patterns of inequality in society. Our results further indicate that the importance of parental education and cultural capital for children's education can be explained by within‐resource transmission but that pro‐educational norms tied to wealth may play an increasingly important role in educational mobility. In summary, this study sheds light on the multidimensional nature of social origins and highlights the role of different factors in shaping educational outcomes over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has often been asked if Latin America has any lessons in anti-racism for other regions. This kind of comparative approach reifies and homogenises regions as distinct "cases", obscuring common ground. In contrast, a relational approach highlights commonalities and suggests that learning experiences in developing anti-racism can be shared across and within different contexts. Examples from Ecuador and Mexico suggest that the historical relation between race and class in Latin America has produced a "racially-aware class consciousness" that could be mistaken as a simple "lesson" for other regions about how to balance a politics of recognition with one of redistribution. A relational approach highlights that this "lesson" also applies within Latin American countries, because this racially-aware class consciousness is not simply a fully-formed given, but instead needs to be activated and developed in progressive directions, pushing against the currents of history and coloniality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociological analyses of class mobility focus on enduring class movement. How might we reconceptualize class mobility to capture more shifting experiences of class? I propose a new way to theorize class mobility that is oriented toward the analysis of short-term class mobility. Class experience mobility (CEM) is a form of class mobility in which people temporarily access a class lifestyle that does not correspond to their class position, tasting another life before returning to their own. In this theory-building article, I first conceptualize CEM, situating it relative to mainstream class analysis. I then describe six class experience processes that enable temporary upward class mobility through consumption, work, and relationships. Finally, I show how the processes by which people engage in CEM can serve as mechanisms shaping long-term class mobility and people's classed self-understandings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developing a Land Administration Domain Model (LADM) profile for a country is an important process. This enables sound management of land and facilitates complete Land Administration covering cadaster, registry, valuation, taxation and land use. By considering the current processes in that country, their legal or customary framework, an ideal model can be developed. Kenya has four requirements that were identified and addressed as key considerations. The ISO LADM packages and sub package were considered necessary, while most classes were adopted with additional attributes, code lists and multiplicities. Expert opinion on the model was solicited to inform and validate the model. The model presents a starting point for modernizing and completing the land administration process in Kenya. The modernization includes data exchange and interoperability, data and system integration, deployment model, workflows, capacity development and change management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes two contributions to knowledge. First, it broadens geographies of education's focal reach by concentrating attention on the consumption of supplementary education. Supplementary education markets are booming as parents seek to ensure their children have the qualifications required to succeed in knowledge economies. The paper elucidates how consumption of such commercially provided tuition—which is delivered outside of school boundaries but designed to improve performance in school—is shaped by place‐specific, classed and racialised parenting cultures. This shines an important light on shadow education market mechanics that have hitherto been hidden from geographical view, and foregrounds the significant role parenting cultures play in shaping children's educational experiences. Future research in geographies of education must attend to these parenting cultures, as interactions between the home and diverse formal, informal, alternative and supplementary education settings play an increasingly crucial role in confronting and reproducing educational inequality. Second, the paper advances the conceptual contribution of geographies of education to interdisciplinary debates about parents and education. It demonstrates that multi‐scalar geographical research makes a unique contribution to interdisciplinary theorisations of home–school links, including those utilising Bourdieu's notion of cultural reproduction, and Lareau's model of concerted cultivation. Specifically, multi‐scalar analysis demonstrates that: (i) place‐sensitive research is vital as it contextualises parenting cultures, reattaching analyses of parental habitus and capital to the field, highlighting how intersecting global, national and local processes shape parents' educational practices; (ii) previously overlooked racial differences in concerted cultivation must be analysed without being naturalised, by exploring how racialised dispositions towards education are shaped in/across place, and reproduced through global/local racialised social capital; and (iii) inter‐class differences that have dominated parenting debates remain important, but attention to inter‐class similarity and intra‐class variation, as it emerges through intersections with race and in place, is equally vital. This paper focuses geographical attention on the booming supplementary education market: it elucidates how consumption of commercially provided tuition—which is delivered outside of school boundaries but designed to improve performance in school—is shaped by place‐specific, classed and racialised parenting cultures. The paper argues that geographical research can make a unique contribution to interdisciplinary debates about parents' impact on education, as it: (i) elucidates how intersecting global, national and local processes shape parents' educational practices; (ii) illuminates how parents' racialised dispositions are shaped in place and reproduced though global/local racialised social capital; and (iii) foregrounds inter‐ and intra‐class specificities in parenting cultures while attending to class's intersection with race and emergence in place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Writings on epistemic injustice have assessed how people can be harmed in their capacity as knowers when they are a racial minority, a woman, disabled and so on. But what about when they belong to the working class? This paper is an initial attempt to understand why class has so far received limited attention within writings on epistemic injustice and to respond to these reasons. It focuses on how testimonial and hermeneutic injustices specifically harm workers in ways distinctive from the harm one might suffer due to other social identities. It does this by drawing attention to the special case of industrial strike action and the play of conceptual resources and credibility assessments that influence the action's success. Additionally, it provides a first-time exposition for social epistemologists on what I term the 'class compositional approach', derived from 1960-70s Italian labour struggles. This approach, I argue, succeeds in evading the criticism of class reductionism while developing recent philosophical work on class-based injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines how workers describe their motivations for participation in the platform- based gig economy, particularly as rideshare and delivery drivers. I investigate how these accounts vary by socio-economic class, gender, and race. Based on interviews conducted as part of the American Voices Project, I find that workers' accounts differ based on income and gender. Higher earners tend to downplay financial needs and describe platform work as a path to explore their larger community, whereas lower earners focus on financial needs and benefits. Additionally, among lower earners, explanations differed by gender. Interestingly, I did not find any differences based on race. I conclude by investigating why workers from different social groups might offer varying accounts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Assessment of rock mass quality significantly impacts the design and construction of underground and open-pit mines from the point of stability and economy. This study develops the novel Gromov-Hausdorff distance for rock quality (GHDQR) methodology for rock mass quality rating based on multi-criteria grey metric space. It usually presents the quality of surrounding rock by classes (metric spaces) with specified properties and adequate interval-grey numbers. Measuring the distance between surrounding rock sample characteristics and existing classes represents the core of this study. The Gromov-Hausdorff distance is an especially useful discriminant function, i.e. a classifier to calculate these distances, and assess the quality of the surrounding rock. The efficiency of the developed methodology is analyzed using the Mean Absolute Percentage Error (MAPE) technique. Seven existing methods, such as the Gaussian cloud method, Discriminant method, Mutation series method, Artificial neural network (ANN), Support vector machine (SVM), Grey wolf optimizer and Support vector classification method (GWO-SVC) and Rock mass rating method (RMR) are used for comparison with the proposed GHDQR method. The share of the highly accurate category of 85.71% clearly indicates compliance with actual values obtained by the compared methods. The results of comparisons showed that the model enables objective, efficient, and reliable assessment of rock mass quality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThere is ongoing debate over the latitude of discretion police officers have when conducting stops and searches. While necessary due to resource limitations and need for individualized justice, discretion involves subjective characteristics of suspicion formation, such as race and ethnicity, which could perpetuate disparities in traffic enforcement. Research has yet to explore other marginalizing characteristics of suspicion formation, such as drivers’ social class. This study draws on over 550,000 stops conducted by a large state police agency in 2022 and 2023 to explore how vehicle values serve as class signals influencing officers’ discretion. We found disparities, whereby lower value vehicles were more likely to be searched than higher value vehicles after matching based on when, where, and under what circumstances stops occurred. However, searches of lower value vehicles were less likely to result in contraband recovery. Our findings highlight potential avenues for officer training and research analyzing inequalities in policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Variation in political preferences is increasingly understood to stem from both environmental influences and genetics. Research in political psychology has argued that a pathway for genetic effects on ideology is via cognitive performance, showing a sizable genetic overlap between the traits. Yet the link between actual trait cognitive performance and economic conservatism is itself highly ambiguous, with both positive, null, and negative estimates prevalent in the literature. In this study, I argue that this puzzle can only be understood from a gene–environment interaction (GxE) perspective. Drawing on traditional theories of political preference formation, I argue that genetics associated with cognitive performance should cause more left‐wing economic preferences if you grow up in relative poverty, but more right‐wing economic preferences if you grow up affluent. Utilizing variation in a polygenic index (PGI) of cognitive performance within dizygotic twin pairs, coupled with unique register data on economic conditions for the twins, their parents, and their childhood neighborhood, I show that the causal effect of the PGI on economic conservatism is zero on average, but indeed sizable and sign‐discordant by class background. The GxE perspective thus has wide‐ranging implications for future research attempting to integrate genetic methods into political psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the relationship between middle-class German Jewish women and food in the context of prewar emigration. Often these women were leaving culturally, economically, and materially rich lives, yet arrived in Britain, America, and other shorelines with very little. Rationing and cultural differences added complex layers to their experience of hosts’ foodscapes. The paper argues that food and its material culture were key parts of German Jewish women’s toolkits for negotiating emigration. Additionally, the article argues that the loss of middle-classness was a defining and enduring feature of their emigratory experience, which is revealed in their relationship to food. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the stories of women migrants from Latin America who found themselves living precarious lives and struggling to sustain former idealised notions of their racial and class identities in London. Dispossessed of previous class membership due to an onward feminised precarity, a diminished social capital, undocumented legal statuses, and menial stigmatised jobs, women clung to an idealised perception of social status (shaped by white Eurocentric aspirations) to negotiate and reconfigure class and racial anxieties in London. They engage in various strategies that include processes of whitening through marriage and children, performances of taste and beauty, and negotiating their racialisation at work. These cases reflect the relevance of the coloniality of power, its influence in the subsistence of racial and class ideologies in Latin America, and in a global economy of care that produces and reproduces postcolonial forms of intersectional racialised and gendered exploitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores a dual dynamic of simultaneous subordination and limited inclusion of Blackness in Latin America, using the example of a 1920s' Argentinian comic strip, "Página del Dólar". The comic's representations of Black people are racist, but also ambivalent and complex. Going beyond common characterisations of the exclusion/inclusion dynamic as a mask of inclusion hiding the reality of exclusion, I argue that the simultaneity and interpenetration of exclusion-plus-inclusion are important for understanding Latin American racial formations. The dynamic works in multiple ways are not fully appreciated in the literature, which emphasises the reproduction of racial hierarchy: as well, it lends specificity to images of the nation; and it provides a moral benchmark for middle classes, especially in relational and ambiguous class and racial locations. The domain of humour is apt for conveying ambivalent meanings, because it provides distance for the reader ("it's just a joke"), while also transmitting important affective charge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does women's representation in politics affect working‐class women's attitudes toward political processes? Despite their increasing presence in the workforce, many women continue to concentrate in occupational sectors characterized by high economic vulnerability and low social status. This dynamic has important implications for the politics of representation. Previous studies suggest that women politicians positively affect women voters' political attitudes, but women's representation in politics is likely to have differing impacts on the political attitudes of working‐class and professional women. This study demonstrates that women's representation has a large class impact among women voters. In particular, using cross‐national data from 31 OECD countries as well as panel survey data from the British Election Study, we show that in countries with a higher degree of women's representation, there is more skepticism among women in low‐skill sectors toward voting and leadership than among those in white‐collar sectors. This is because there exist higher standards of accountability and relatability for women representatives among women voters. Given such high expectations, there is greater room for dissatisfaction among working‐class women than among their white‐collar counterparts when they constantly experience occupational segregation despite a high share of women in politics. In these settings, by contrast, women voters with high‐skill jobs are more likely to believe that voting and leadership matter, as they can better associate themselves with women political elites. Since men voters do not have strong expectations for relatability and accountability for public officeholders, the class impact of women's representation is weak among men. These findings have important implications for the symbolic representation of marginalized groups and democratic accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the relationship between law and class formation through the case of migrant care and domestic work, and puts sociological class theory into conversation with critical migration research. It contributes to class theory by analysing how law helps produce class relations in the Finnish context. The Finnish state channels migrants into cleaning and domestic work through policy measures, and migration law ties them to the reproductive sector, making law a central social relation that defines migrants' relation to production. The analysis draws on interviews with migrant care and domestic workers (N = 30) holding temporary work permits and examines their structural and affective descriptions of a position restricted by law. The article argues that the way migrant domestic work is formalised in the legislation produces a class relation for migrants, in which they lack full ownership over their labour power. The findings demonstrate how migrant domestic workers express gratitude for their employment despite experiencing it as devalued, indicating labour as repayment of the 'gift' of the residence permit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A minor movement of strippers and sex workers are unionising as the Sex Workers' Union (SWU) branch of the Bakers Food & Allied Workers Union. SWU have produced a counter hegemonic perspective on law and society in the process of class struggle. This perspective demystifies the view that strippers and sex workers are free workers and enterprising subjects, or unfree vulnerable victims in need of state protection. SWU's counter hegemonic perspective inverts this common-sense assumption and posits that strippers and sex workers are unfree workers and free sexual subjects. This demystification is evident in SWU's 'feminist law work', which demands decommodification and decriminalisation for all sex workers by working within, and against, official law. In conclusion, I argue that there are at least three reasons why other feminists should support SWU by ceasing eradication of sex work via criminalisation and closure campaigns. This would open space for a politics of solidarity between sex workers and other feminists, centred on the conditions within which sex workers' labour is commodified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates attitudes towards death and the social factors that influence them among a sample of residents in Tehran, Iran. Using grounded theory and anchoring our analysis in the meaning of death (what people think happens after death), we were able to conceptualise three broad worldviews on death, which were then further refined into nine attitudes. Our research highlights socio-economic status as a factor potentially shaping people's attitudes towards death. A large group of our respondents, mainly among less affluent groups, think about death daily, while many among the more affluent and the educated middle class prefer to avoid thoughts of death. Our study in a Muslim majority setting in the Middle East contributes to the existing literature on attitudes towards death by going beyond simple typologies, such as western versus eastern, traditional versus modern, religious versus secular, denial versus acceptance, to show that the diversity of attitudes towards death can both incorporate and transcend all of these dichotomies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article, titled "Reflections on race, class and multicultural entanglements," discusses the author's ethnographic research on the topic of identity and conviviality in the context of combat sports. The author reflects on the benefits and limitations of an immersive ethnographic approach, highlighting the unique insights gained through personal participation in the sport. The article also explores the concept of conviviality and its political implications, emphasizing the importance of recognizing the everyday multicultural bonds forged by working-class individuals. The author concludes by emphasizing the need to see ourselves in others as a political necessity. [Extracted from the article]

The International Baccalaureate (IB) is a market leader in international education however, research suggests that it predominantly serves elite populations (Bunnell, T., M. Donnelly, H. Lauder, and S. Whewall. 2020. "International Mindedness as a Platform for Class Solidarity." Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education. Published online: 24 August 2020. doi:). Drawing on data from the IB and the Australian government, we explore the growth of the IB in Australia for a period of 11 years (2008 to 2019). Data analysis highlights the narrow growth of the IB amongst relatively homogenous schools, suggesting a period of 'distinction and expansion' that represents a troubling contradiction of the IB's stated goal to increase diversity in IB schools and contributes to the reproduction of class disparity in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As political theorists explore work beyond traditional workplaces, how should we understand the vast class of insecure, informal, and unsalaried workers whose existence defies traditional categories of employment? In asking this question, I revisit the political theory of the Marxist feminist and cofounder of the International Wages for Housework movement, Selma James, to explore her "internationalism of the unwaged" and her writings on wagelessness. An example of political theory in service of struggle, James's internationalism was widely circulated in anticolonial, Black radical, and autonomous Marxist circles in the 1970s. In this article, I argue that it was grounded in three intertwined and mutually reinforcing arguments: an account of how capitalist life is spatially divided into distinct workplaces; an anticapitalist theory of identity that explains social difference as maintained by the international division of labor and labor market hierarchies; and a diagnosis of work organization viewed from the perspective of the wageless worker. I trace how James developed these arguments about the spatial division of labor, hierarchies of identity, and internationalist political struggle and how her view of the common exploitation and division of workers formed the basis of a class-struggle identity politics. Her political theory was an important contribution to women's international thought and transnational feminist critiques of global forms of domination and exploitation. It also offers a critique of capitalism's organization of the displacement of work and workers and an account of wagelessness as a work situation, both of which illuminate capitalist organization of work and wageless life today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ecofascism is an ideology that attempts to ground the fascist political project on a strongly 'natural' basis. Whilst still inchoate and not yet a mainstream political movement, it is an increasingly influential ideology in far-right circles, motivating a number of acts of political violence. This article uses Australian author David Ireland's last novel The World Repair Video Game to explore the structure and constituent elements of ecofascist ideology, and how this is manifested spatially in the literary world of the novel. Using a structural Marxist understanding of literature as a fashioning of ideology, the article argues that, through aesthetic means, Ireland is able to project an ecofascist future that runs ahead of its material reality. In so doing, Ireland plots how a future ecofascism might synergise an essentialist link between the natural and social worlds, hatred towards those who resist the neoliberal link between labour and human worth, extreme violence and a deep, genuine nature worship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research on family television co-viewing has tended not to examine variation by socioeconomic status (SES). This research uses time diaries from socioeconomically and racially diverse child and adolescent respondents (ages 8–17) from the Child Development Supplement of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) in 2002 (N = 1918), 2007 (N = 1288), 2014 (N = 743), and 2019 (N = 622). I investigate socioeconomic differences in children's total shared TV time and how SES interacts with children's TV co-viewing to shape child-reported relationship quality with their most co-viewing family members. I find that parental educational attainment is significantly associated with total shared television time, but not consistently with child-reported closeness to family members. I find that co-viewed television time is only significantly associated with closeness to their most co-viewing family member in some waves for those whose head of household education is less than high school. Mothers being the most co-viewing family member, however, emerged as significantly associated with child-reported closeness at all waves, emphasizing the importance of co-viewing television specifically for the mother-child relationship. Previous research has explored the relationship between children's co-viewing television with family, but without consideration of SES-based differences in television time. Parental educational attainment is significantly associated with children's total shared TV time. Socioeconomic status and co-viewing time are not consistently significantly associated with child-reported closeness to their co-viewing partner, though mothers being the co-viewer is associated across sample year. This has implications for researchers investigating the role of socioeconomic status in television and family dynamics, helping to tease apart classed and gendered television-viewing patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses mainstream sociolinguistic theory and methods in the context of world Englishes. Despite its obvious applicability, sociolinguistic theory has not always been the primary analytic model for world Englishes. The multilingual and sometimes mobile circumstances of world Englishes contexts do not always fit the usual definition of a Labovian speech community. This article extends classic sociolinguistic theory and method to studies of Outer Circle English situations to test their validity and scope. Predictions for class, gender, age, peer effects and identity are assessed, all initially developed in monolingual urban Western contexts. Methodological constructs such as apparent time, the sociolinguistics interview and social network metrics are also critically evaluated. The discussion shows that, although these new contexts challenge claims of universality, they often also uphold the original insights. A falsifiable theory of sociolinguistic variation and associated methods remain crucial for a principled understanding of variation and change in world Englishes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text highlights the history of women's activism in the UK, particularly focusing on the Women's Liberation Movement (WLM) that emerged in 1969. It acknowledges the lack of awareness within the WLM about the history of women's movements in the UK and explores the development of women's history as a field of study. It also mentions the achievements of various organizations and publications in uncovering the extent and range of women's activism before and after 1918. [Extracted from the article]

The study of migrant minorities in Europe has long been characterized by a turn to identity politics. This turn has had two shortcomings: First, it often conflates religion, ethnicity, and nationality, resulting in what I call "categorical astigmatism". Consequently, migrants find themselves lumped into categories they would not primarily identify with. Second, despite its importance in the lived experiences of migrants, class is treated as a "non-identity" and intra-migrant class differences do not get the attention they deserve. Building on these two criticisms, in this article, I first employ Bourdieu's theory of "classification struggles" to conceptualize "categorical astigmatism" and make a plea for categorical clarification. I then suggest the theory of intersectionality as a way out, highlighting the importance of class and its intersection with other markers of difference. Empirically, the paper builds on interviews with migrants from Turkey and Syria in Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociological research on cross‐border class‐making often centres on contemporary dynamics of social inequality in the context of migration and mobility. Relying on the cultural–sociological and processual understanding of 'class', the article integrates three bodies of literature to study complexities of global and transnational class‐making to overcome the 'presentist' bias. Building on the accounts of the Annales School, and specifically on Fernand Braudel's famous distinction between courte durée, moyenne durée and longue durée of historic time periods, the article brings together three different bodies of research: (i) transnational and intersectional approaches; (ii) conceptual history of class theory and (iii) theories of racial and multi‐scalar capitalist dynamics to develop a flexible and relational, but historic‐sensitive toolkit for the analysis of global and transnational class‐making. One of the greatest advantages of this multi‐temporal outlook is that it allows to avoid over‐generalizing accounts on the logics of class‐making and to unpick potentially heterogeneous dynamics of class (re)production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ibn Khaldûn (1332–1406) was a philosopher, historian and sociologist. This paper asks: What elements of the Political Economy of Communication are there in Ibn Khaldûn's work and how do they matter in digital capitalism? It presents relevant passages from Khaldûn's main work Muqaddimah and points out parallels between the Muqaddimah and works in Political Economy, especially Karl Marx's approach of the Critique of Political Economy. The comparison of Khaldûn to Marx is not an arbitrary choice. Several scholars have pointed out parallels between the two's works with respect to general Political Economy. It, therefore, makes sense to, also, compare Khaldûn and Marx in the context of the Political Economy of Communication. The paper analyses the relevance of Khaldûn's ideas in digital capitalism. Khaldûn's works are situated in the context of media and communication theory, digital automation, Facebook, Google, labour in informational and digital capitalism, Amazon, the tabloid press, fake news and post-truth culture. The analysis shows that Khaldûn's Muqaddimah is an early work in Political Economy that can and should inform our contemporary critical analysis of communication in society, communication in capitalism and class society, ideology and digital capitalism. What connects Marx and Khaldûn is that they were critical scholars who although living at different times in different parts of the world saw the importance of the analysis of class and communication. Their works can and should inform the Political Economy of Communication and the analysis of digital capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changing class structure of cities has been a topic of considerable importance and debate for over a 150 years, since the industrial revolution created a large industrial proletariat in many western cities. But the rise of post-industrial society, the decline of the manufacturing industry, a shrinking industrial working class, and the growth of the professional and managerial class from the 1970s onwards has provoked fresh debate about this, as has the emergence of gentrification in many cities. This paper looks at the changing social class structure of London from 2001 to 2021 using data from the population Census. It shows that the higher professional and managerial class continued its long term growth after a pause in 2001–2011. But the number and proportions of small employers, the self-employed and routine workers have also grown. There is therefore continuing professionalisation but also 'asymmetric polarisation'. The paper also examines the geography of social class change by borough over the period and shows that while the professional and managerial class grew in all boroughs, suggesting a gradual upward class change across London, it was highest in the most gentrified inner London boroughs. However, the percentage point growth of the self-employed and routine groups was generally higher in the mostly suburban boroughs where professional and managerial class percentage point change growth was smallest (and vice versa) which suggests an intensified social class sorting and divergence across London with the lower class groups growing most rapidly in suburban outer London where housing costs are less. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses embodied geographies of (non-) belonging for six heavily tattooed white women in Wollongong, Australia, as part of a larger project on tattooed bodies. The article employs the concept of 'embodied belongings' to consider the felt dimensions of how ideas, things and bodies combine in various ways produce shifting inclusionary and/or exclusionary places. Feelings of non-belonging are generated by how women's heavily tattooed bodies combine with things alongside whiteness, Christian faith and patriarchal femininity to comprise public, familial, and work places. The direct challenge of tattooed bodies to social norms surrounding patriarchal femininity can also, however, within the socio-material relationship that comprise certain pubs and chance encounters in public places create feelings of belonging for heavily tattooed women. This article contributes an embodied spatial and relational understanding of how the faithed, racialized, and gendered politics of women's heavily tattooed body plays out in daily life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article theorises the processes of colonisation, wealth accumulation, and inequalities creation that the current paradigm of a resource‐hungry green transition enacts on the most vulnerable populations. We suggest that the extractivist logics and related technical fixes are leading to a "climate necropolitics". In this, the socio‐economic system is increasingly defined by classes' carbon exposure and consumption. Through the "green growth" of late capitalism, we theorise the advent of four carbon‐defined classes. Bounded by the access to climate tech capital and consumption of low‐carbon products, these include the ultra‐carbonised, decarbonised, still‐carbonised, and uncarbonised classes—with the first two acting as dominant classes and necropolitical agents sustained by the remaining lower classes. Inspired by Marxist scholars, we suggest that the current status quo is untenable and will result in class warfare during which coalitions between classes could reorient the "make live and let die" of the current green transition paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Women's Voluntary Service (WVS) was established in 1938, to encourage women into civil defence ahead of the anticipated conflict. Once war began, it quickly expanded, with members engaging in a wide range of duties. Historians have characterised the WVS as an organisation dominated by middle-class women, but, while leadership was typically middle-class, at local level, membership was often more diverse. This article draws on the internal records of thirteen WVS Centres in the Black Country to suggest that the organisation was arguably more inclusive of a wider range of social classes than has previously been considered. It argues that working-class women were able to take on roles within the local public sphere through the very specific, localised and practical nature of the work the WVS undertook in this area. As such, it argues that the organisation played an important role in allowing women's activism to flourish in the mid-twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has shown that elected officials are more responsive to the opinions of high-income citizens than to those of middle and working-class citizens in the United States. This is often explained by the fact that economic elites make campaign contributions to political elites, leading to decision-making that aligns with the preferences of the affluent. This paper examines the opinion-policy link in Swedish politics, where campaign contributions are relatively low. Despite this, the study finds that high-income citizens still receive the most policy responsiveness. Three alternative possible explanations are discussed. Do high-income citizens receive more responsiveness because (a) they are better able to put issues on the political agenda, (b) because they are easier to satisfy and prefer 'cheaper' symbolic policy reforms, while low-income citizens prefer more costly policies or (c) because the status quo bias works to the advantage of high-income citizens? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Hindu law tradition grounds its social ethics on an ideological hierarchy of class or caste known as varṇa. The positive inculcation of this hierarchy is bolstered by a fear of social inversion, known as pratiloma, in every area of law and society. Through an examination of the concept of pratiloma, this article contends first that the central Hindu law principle of dharma, religious and legal duty, depends upon knowing and abiding by one's place in society. From this Hindu articulation of social rank as the foundation of ethics, the article then draws a comparison between classical Anglo-American conservatism and Hindu law to suggest that conservative traditions in general base moral action on social station and the fear of breaking social rank. Ethics in Hindu law, therefore, are derived from an acceptance of social station within the varṇa hierarchy and the constant cultivation of local expectations of proper behavior according to social position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Problem, research strategy, and findings: Gentrification is often described as affluent White populations revitalizing deteriorating neighborhoods and displacing lower-income ethnic/racial residents. However, there is limited research on gentrification led by middle- and upper-class ethnic/racial minorities, which I propose calling gentrification of color. I reviewed 46 qualitative and quantitative studies on gentrification of color in U.S. cities from 1960 to 2021 and found a range of phenomena in terms of ethnicity/race, profiles, locations, preceding policies, and consequences of gentrification of color. These studies highlighted both solidarity and tensions within the same ethnic/racial groups as a result of gentrification. Gentrification of color presents both challenges and opportunities for minorities' cultural inclusion. In addition, my study emphasized the role of policies enabling gentrification of color and the lack of affordable housing policies to address its consequences. The findings can encourage urban planners, policymakers, and scholars to adopt a policy approach that acknowledges the complex intersectionality of race/ethnicity and class. Takeaway for practice: I urge urban planners and policymakers to incorporate the intersectionality of race/ethnicity and class into their approach to gentrification. On one hand, it is important for urban planners to collaborate with gentrifiers of color to foster culturally inclusive urban development. However, it is equally crucial for urban planners to acknowledge that issues such as displacement of lower-income individuals, intra-ethnic class disparities, and conflicting interests may be concealed under the notion of ethnic solidarity. Therefore, urban planning experts and policymakers should prioritize policies that support economically disadvantaged residents, such as affordable housing, while actively seeking their input and perspectives in municipal decision-making processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role community events can play in negotiating forms of community and place identity against a backdrop of social, economic, and urban change. Our contention is that in the context of globalization and deindustrialization, forms of working-class community may be expressed and re-created through maintaining traditions and practices established in place-based community events. The article is based on an ethnographic study of the World Coal Carrying Championships (WCCC), which involved undertaking in-depth interviews, volunteering, focus groups, observations, and archival analysis. The findings show how the WCCC is invested with powerful symbols and invented traditions that are activated through the event. By reconstructing and remobilizing shared pasts in the present, the WCCC permits community members to create an affective sense of community in the contemporary context, in spite of the destabilizing loss of other aspects of their industrial lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Luger and Schwarze's critical unsettling of postindustrial is a presciently welcome one. For some years now, I—and others—have become increasingly uncomfortable with referring to and describing the locations of our research as "postindustrial." The main focus of this commentary is on the facets of Luger and Schwarze's (2024) arguments as they relate to nonmetropolitan deindustrializing urbanisms in the North Atlantic in an attempt to develop how we better conceptualize, understand and do justice to and with such spaces. The main thrust of the contribution is for the affective intensities and traumas of deindustrialization to be brought into closer analytical dialog with the profusion of processes associated with, in particular, "organized abandonment" and "neoliberal urbanism." If classed experiences and knowledge shape these dialogs, there remains hope for urban studies to contribute to an emergent multiethnic class politics around commonalities of contemporary as well as historical class violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Arid Zone Research / Ganhanqu Yanjiu is the property of Arid Zone Research Editorial Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Immigrant children in the U.S. often learn English before their caretakers, leading them to take on the role of day‐to‐day translators ("language brokers"). This study explores the familial socialization of immigrant, linguistic‐minority families in the U.S. by drawing on deductive‐inductive thematic analysis of 14 semi‐structured interviews with Asian American and Latinx young adult language brokers reflecting on how this role shaped their childhoods and prepared them for adulthood. The bulk of interviewees experienced working‐class childhoods. Despite this, respondents seem to have experienced a family socialization model that reflects elements of both middle‐class and working‐class models. "Immigrant Linguistic Maturation" (ILM) consists of linguistic scaffolding in English and heritage languages, verbal airtime, and engagement with authority figures, while also leading children to hold adult knowledge, roles, and responsibilities. Racial and ethnic differences primarily lie in the actors involved in ILM socialization processes. Extended family, and especially grandparents, played a more active role in the ILM socialization of Asian American brokers, while ILM socialization of Latinx brokers was primarily driven by parents, particularly mothers. The case of Asian American and Latinx language brokers calls attention to the importance of factors like immigrant background and linguistic marginalization in shaping familial socialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]