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Imperial apologists often ascribe Britain's construction of its huge empire in the past to the noble urge to bring modernity and the benefits of Western civilization to less fortunate Africans and Asians, an enterprise historically named 'civilizing mission'. These scholars tend to support their assertion by highlighting the achievements accomplished throughout the colonies, especially the spread of modern education among the natives as well as social reformism. Nonetheless, this position has been vehemently counter-argued by critics of empire, who cast doubt on the very genuineness of such a presumed altruistic drive. As such, within the framework of this controversial issue, this article attempts to reconsider the notion of benevolence as a central theme in the imperial discourse within the context of British India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the Union Nationale des Anciens Combattants Coloniaux (UNACC) was the premier organization in a broader colonialist movement. Colonialists sought to transpose the racialized and patriarchal hierarchies that drove colonial conquest to the metropole for authoritarian and fascist purposes. The first case study of the UNACC, this article traces its creation, ideology, and activities in order to show that the group appropriated the Republican label for its own anti-democratic agenda. UNACC newspapers reveal that colonialists believed that they had a mission to civilize the metropolitan Republic by destroying anti-French forces of disorder, which included leftists, pacifists, immigrants, and feminists. To do so, the UNACC crafted a colonialist identity and organized white colonial veterans into a political force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article puts colonial social reform and the ‘civilizing mission’ under new light by examining the Bombay Female Normal School (BFNS) and its short existence under J. Stuart Richmond, a certified British schoolmistress, from 1868 to 1872. By doing so, this article reveals Richmond’s unfitness for her role as a bearer of ‘the white woman’s burden’ but also the ways Raj bureaucrats and imperial reformers carefully curated information about the ‘civilizing mission’ for British audiences. This article interrogates the narratives told about the BFNS in the wake of its closing and showcases the ways in which Bombay’s educational establishment shifted attention away from the shortcomings of their ‘civilizing mission’ and the criminality of Richmond, to instead cast blame on Indians and uphold cruel colonial stereotypes. The ways Raj bureaucrats and social reformers shielded Richmond’s behavior from view highlights the ways the ‘civilizing mission’ required careful curation and thus deserves historical reappraisal today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article will consider the discourse of wine as a "civilizing tool" in Britain's imperial project, specifically in South Australia and Cape Colony. Historically, wine was recollected as a symbol of Greco-Roman civility, reified as the lifeblood of Christ, romanticized as the superiority of Southern European regions, and reimagined as a promoter of nineteenth-century Victorian sensibility. Beyond moral "improvement," wine was also seen as a method to improve physical health. The vine was depicted as a safe, stable, and highly civilized enterprise, with far-reaching consequences. In the violent spaces of wine farms and colonial canteens, this intersected with racialized conceptions of colonized persons needing to be "improved" (and ultimately, controlled) through wine consumption. The networks which connected the global temperance movement often crossed with colonial conversations on race, health, and consumption. The interest in policing consumption of indigenous populations combined with a cultural of paying workers in alcohol, illustrated that along racial lines, accessibility to this desired state of "civilization" was unattainable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to situate US–DPRK relations in a broader historical and theoretical context, that is, part of the violent encounters between the West and the 'Rest' in modern times, to examine discursive causes of their animosity and devise preliminary solutions to usher in peace and reconciliation in the Korean Peninsula. Drawing on a postcolonial reading of the liberal internationalist project and the global nuclear order, as well as a reflexive realist critique of US foreign policy toward the rogue states, this research explores how two competing geopolitical discourses, the mission civilisatrice and realpolitik, have constructed the epistemological problématique of Washington's approach to Pyongyang and contributed to internal tensions in it over time. After analyzing the historical trajectory of America's contrasting understandings of the Korean question, I seek to offer their implications on the dramatic change in the bilateral relations in the Trump era. By interrogating Trump's realist turn in grand strategy and its unexpected influence on the two Cold War enemies' mini-détente in 2018–2020, this article asks how a genuine dialogue between the liberal, 'civilized' center and the illiberal, 'barbarian' periphery can be materialized in an alternative normative setting. In particular, I argue that Trump's new realist trial posed a critical question on how to depart from old ontological assumptions that frame the dominant liberal internationalist/neoconservative approaches toward a more dialogical and equal negotiation and compromise. A peaceful resolution of the North Korean dilemma is inherently related to a larger reflexivist project that promotes a thorough interrogation of the self-righteous US identity and a great transformation of America's imperialist monologue toward the Third World in general. Des visions américaines concurrentes de la Corée du Nord : Mission civilisatrice vs Realpolitik [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the history of Kazakh deputations to the Russian imperial court in the mid-to-late 19th century. For the first time in historiography, we have analyzed the deputative missions of the Kazakhs during this period as a mechanism for interaction between the imperial ruling circles and the steppe elite. The article aims to scrutinize the goals and objectives of sending deputations, the composition of participants, and the characteristics of this practice throughout its existence. Amidst the social transformation of Kazakh society – spurred by the integration of the steppe region into the broader imperial space – the status of the local elite began to be determined more by personal merits to the empire than by class origin. The Russian authorities viewed the practice of deputations as a means of bolstering the loyalty of the steppe aristocracy, and also to draw them in as participants in the empire’s civilizing mission in the East. For the Kazakh elite, this practice provided an opportunity to solidify the authority among their peers, served as recognition of their merits at the highest level, and offered a path to integrate into the pan-Russian administrative class. Over the period in question, the number of petitions submitted by representatives of the Kazakh elite has consistently dwindled. By the end of the 19th century, the practice of deputations had ultimately degenerated and began to assume a mostly symbolic role. This article is intended for specialists studying the policy of the Russian Empire in Kazakhstan.

This article analyses the portrait of the young Inughuit hunter Qalaherriaq, who was brought involuntarily to England from his home in Perlernerit (Cape York) in today's Kalaallit Nunaat (also known as Greenland) with Captain Erasmus Ommanney's expedition vessel in 1851. The portrait's highly unconventional representation, wherein the sitter is shown both en face and in profile, betrays an interest in nineteenth-century racial science and civilizing ideologies. Despite this problematic colonialist content, the double portrait serves as a record for the existence and experience of Qalaherriaq and the participation of Inuit individuals in European expeditions to the Arctic. As this article argues, the portrait is also a visual testimony to Qalaherriaq's agency, adaptability, and deliberate performance in a social environment characterized by ethnocentrism and racism. Bringing in the trail of Inughuit and European sources that this portrait connects to, this article traces the nature and terms of Qalaherriaq's stay in British society. As a decolonizing strategy, we use the method of concurrences to avoid universalizing perspectives on the past. Examining moments of competing truth claims in the European and Arctic sources about or relating to Qalaherriaq, we point to the competing perspectives on the Arctic, exploration, and British imperialism contained in this material. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within a few decades, the Italian people went from a partially colonized to colonizing power. A number of Italian patriots, therefore, who had espoused the ideals of self-determination, republicanism, and cosmopolitan nationalism, found themselves grappling with the rapid entry into colonization of the nation they had fought so hard to create. This article examines the thoughts and ideas of a select group of these individuals: Aurelio Saffi, Agostino Bertani, Alberto Mario, and Jessie White Mario. Focusing on their arguments in the 1880s and 1890s, it examines their reaction to the establishment of the French protectorate in Tunisia (1881), the British invasion of Egypt and defeat of Ahmad ʿUrabi's seemingly nationalist movement (1882), and the development of the Italian colony in East Africa. Throughout, the article emphasizes the shared importance of the civilizing mission in the ideology of both Italian cosmopolitan nationalism and colonialism. Though left-wing thinkers like Saffi or Bertani fervently argued for the freedom of nationalities and a brotherhood of peoples, their belief that a people needed to be sufficiently advanced for self-government, and that not all peoples were equally ready for that stage, allowed them to justify aspects of Italy's African empire. By examining their differing treatment of the people of Egypt, Tunisia, and East Africa, moreover, the article shows the extent and complexity of their classification of civilizations. While they showed a high level of sympathy for the more 'Europeanized' Egyptians, they viewed the people of Eritrea as 'savages' in need of Italian guidance and intervention. Finally, the article shows how they attempted to distinguish their version of benign and respectful colonization from the more avaricious or aggressive practices of the French or British empires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Daniel Defoe's Robinson Crusoe is a darkly ingenious bestseller. The eponymous hero of the book, in his very name, indexes not only the pursuit of profit ("Kreutzer"), but also hegemonic cultural pretensions ("cross"), and oppressive claims to power ("cruiser"). The three volumes of the novel clandestinely promote European colonialism, Christian ascendancy, and white supremacy. Their message, a cover for slavery and genocide under the veil of a supposed civilizing mission, has the result of calling for a new Holy War ("crusade"). Against this backdrop, the political economy of the "Robinsonade" turns out to be anything but the solitary business of a stranded castaway. Instead, it manifests as the exploratory and exploitative world tour of an imperial strategist. Authenticated by the encrypted scheme in the naming of its hero, the "Robinsonade" is also the foundation of a "Crus(oe)-ade", a prelude to colonization as well as global dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a brief overview of the development of the Mexican Mahjar press during the first three decades of the 20th century, this paper addresses two crucial debates of the migrant transregional public sphere in the 1930’s and 40’s. The first documented diasporic mobilization around the Great Arab Revolt in British Palestine (1936-1938). The political and social crisis that the Revolt articulated in the Mashriq triggered a storm of press coverage in the Mexican Mahjar which effected a qualitative shift in representation. Palestine was radically transformed. Initially cast as a geography of recreation characterized by natural beauty and Christian pilgrimage to the Holy Land, it became the axis of a heated debate around ‘the Palestine question’ and its moral geography. In this process, ways of representing Jewish populations also changed. They ceased to be understood through an Ottoman history of coexistence of religious traditions in the Mashriq, resignified as a homogeneous people, vector of the imperialist project of European Zionism. Coverage of the Revolt elicited no echo from the mainstream Mexican press or interlocution from the Phoenicianist Maronite migrant notability. The debate failed to engage the Mexican Mahjar with Palestinian ‘Arab futures’, except perhaps in the modality of spectacle. In contrast, in the economically difficult and politically impoverished climate in the wake of the Great Depression, the second key debate was a decade-long conversation across the migrant community and Mexican ideologues of mestizaje about the desirability, or not, of Mashriqis as permanent residents of Mexico and the limits to their integration into the mestizo nation. Notables mobilized modernist Nahda narratives to appropriate ancient Phoenician colonization of the Mediterranean, situating Arab migrants in Mexico as partners to local Spanish descent (criollo) elites in a common civilizing effort over mestizos and Amerindian populations.

Several historical accounts of colonialists' entanglements in Malabar have been recorded. Colonialist historiography aimed to popularize the achievements of Europeans stationed in the empire. The representation of European characters in The Jewel of Malabar , a novel published in 1927 by the English soldier and writer Donald Ryder Stephens under the pen name Donald Sinderby, accepts the colonizers' righteous intent of introducing Western culture and religion and the scientific temperament into the colonies. The article argues that a power nexus existed between the colonizers and natives (perceived as elites by various social groups) and shows how the social transactions between the two led to an internalization and proliferation of the need of the white savior. A close analysis of The Jewel of Malabar examines the nature of social transactions between the colonizer and the colonized, and demonstrates the creation of a dependency that is perceived as a symbiotic arrangement, by which some natives are protected from others while giving the colonizers a firmer command of the colony's resources. Furthermore, the article also explores how Western modernization was used to provide a righteous intent cloaking the colonizers' motives (conquest and exploitation) while intensifying the existing binary within colonies, that of nondangerous natives needing protection from dangerous ones, with Hindus and Moplahs playing these roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I think through the case studies of intercollegiate policy debate and the Harvard Indian College in order to illuminate how the presence of Native thought in academic settings so frequently depends upon a disavowal of genocide, accumulation, and fungibility, even and especially as Native scholars posit sovereignty and vitality as authentic grammars of Native existence. I think with an elegy written in 1678 by a student at the Indian College named Eleazar, as well as the colloquial history of Native debate, in order to parallel how both render unapproachable the ensemble of ethical dilemmas presented by the grammar of genocide that position Native people in proximity to death and those presented by slavery's grammars of accumulation and fungibility. I suggest that in order to theorize Native/Black entanglements, in and outside debate, one must think this concessionary ground through terms authorized by accumulation, fungibility, and genocide in order to, in Frank. B. Wilderson, III's terms, "pose the question" rather than restage the concession to the liberal world of the Settler/Master. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aus wissenssoziologischer Perspektive fragt dieser Beitrag nach Deutungsmodellen von Arbeit, die historisch-soziologisch aus Debatten über freie vs. unfreie Arbeit erschlossen werden. Um das Begriffs- und Referenzfeld dieser Unterscheidung zu analysieren, verwenden wir O. Pattersons Soziologie der Sklaverei und der Freiheit als theoretischen Bezugsrahmen. Sie wird durch die historische Wissenssoziologie und die vergleichstheoretische Perspektive spezifiziert. Empirisch basiert der Beitrag auf einer explorativen Studie zur Kategorisierung von Zwangsarbeit durch die International Labour Organization (ILO), die den instruktiven Fall einer frühen internationalen Beobachtungsordnung bildet. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Kategorisierung in den kulturellen Rahmen der europäischen Zivilisierungsmission eingebettet war. Zwangsarbeit wurde im Spiegel kolonialer und geschlechtlicher Differenzierung von der Sklaverei unterschieden und am Kriterium der freien Lohnarbeit verglichen. Der heuristische Gewinn des Beitrags liegt darin, die Wissenskultur und historische Kontingenz freizulegen, in der heutige soziologische Begriffe von Arbeit, Differenzierung und Geschlecht entstanden sind. From a sociology of knowledge perspective, this article explores interpretative models of work in the light of debates about free vs. unfree work. To analyze this distinction, we draw on O. Patterson's sociology of slavery and freedom as the theoretical framework. The historical sociology of knowledge and the sociology of comparison are specifying the analysis. Empirically, the article builds on an exploratory study of the categorization of forced labour at the International Labour Organization (ILO) as the instructive case of an early international observational order. The results suggest that the categorization was embedded in the cultural framework of the European civilizing mission. The ILO discerned forced labor from slavery in the mirror of colonial and gender differentiation and compared it along the criterion of free wage labor. The article's heuristic value is to expose the knowledge culture and historical contingency in which today's sociological concepts of work, differentiation, and gender emerged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the formation of the conception of women`s civilizing mission in the early-Victorian period. The idea of female moral influence, based on the doctrine of «separate spheres» and evolutionary beliefs of the epoch, opened the imperial space for women. The author focuses on the Victorian discourses on female emigration, that are analyzed in terms of the concept of «civilizing mission».

Copyright of Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Méditerrannée is the property of Edisud and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article provides supporting evidence of organized labour transfers of Turkic minorities, primarily Uyghurs, from Xinjiang to other regions in China. From a theoretical point of view, the article places these transfers in the context of the efforts by China's authorities to 'civilize' and forcibly assimilate ethnic minorities, reminiscent of 'civilizing missions' carried out by colonizing nations in the past. The article presents an analysis of official Chinese documents and media reports and a content analysis of almost 80 unofficial online posts 'offering' ethnic minority labourers. The analysis reveals that at least 60,000 labourers could be 'offered' for transfers outside Xinjiang in the course of 2020 alone, thus suggesting that the scope of transfers has significantly intensified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article studies French colonial discourse in the last third of the XIX century. The ideologists of colonization rarely surrendered to abstract thoughts about the Empire, their arguments for the colonization of North Africa and Indochina could differ. The Roman past was present in North Africa and served as reference points for the French colonialists. We are interested in the colonial discourse associated with the actualization of the memory of the ancient past. The article explores the discourse associated with the actualization of the memory of the Roman past; reveals the symbols of the Roman past and sites of memory in North Africa, which helped the French colonial ideologists construct an imperial discourse and propagate the idea that the French are true followers of the Romans in Africa. We studied the texts of historians, publicists, who in their articles and travel notes referred to the experience of the Romans in the colonization of North Africa. Great attention is paid to the analysis of the works of the French historian and philologist Gaston Bouasier. The study revealed that the conquests in North Africa were told to the public as the continuation of the mission of the Romans. The ideologists of colonization emphasized the historical continuity between the Roman and French colonizations, between the tasks of the Romans and the French, focused on the racial closeness of the two peoples. Roman ruins in places of French colonization contributed, in the author's opinion, to the formation of the French idea of spatial proximity of France and North Africa. In the second half of the twentieth century, the French had a hard time with the loss of the North African territories in the course of decolonization.

In the wake of the Revolutions of 1848 in Europe, democratic nationalism promoted the liberation of oppressed peoples from the shackles of absolutist empires and prophesied the emergence of a cosmopolitan brotherhood of nation states. From a global perspective, however, this political culture could be imperial. The governors of State of Buenos Aires modelled plans for the White colonization of the pampas on French Algeria. They sent a Military-Agricultural Legion to the enclave of Bahía Blanca, near the Patagonian frontier, to participate in the war against the Indians. Launched as the successor to Garibaldi's Italian Legion of Montevideo, its leaders promised to bring civilization to savage lands in the spirit of Columbus and in the name of the Risorgimento. This case study offers a window into the cross-pollination of ideas concerning conquest and colonization between Latin America and Europe. Expansion and secession, empire and nation, mestizaje and racial hierarchies, cosmopolitanism and adventurism, all coexisted within an entangled republican universe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Great War, Guillaume Apollinaire tried to drive back the attacks against foreign avant-garde painters in France, by demonstrating the compatibility of their art with the country's aesthetic and spiritual values, as well as with those of 'Latin' civilization as a whole. Upon his return from the front line, he started working again as a journalist and embarked on a campaign aiming to legitimize Cubism and Futurism. These movements, composed mostly of French, Spanish and Italian creators, offered Apollinaire the possibility to enhance the Parisian avant-gardes' 'Latin' essence. Thus, he elaborated on a conceptual synthesis reconciling this avant-garde art with French classicism, and with the latter's Greco-Roman origins. Analyzing various texts written by Apollinaire between 1915 and 1918, I explore in this article the main thematic axes underlying his reflection upon a modern, national and Latin art. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Richard Burton's The Lake Regions of Central Africa (1860), Volume I has been studied as an example of British Imperial values regarding the settling in Africa in the late nineteenth century. Broadly speaking, most works have focused on how the text expresses these ideas and very little work has been carried out on researching the meanings of the imagery used in the text. In this short piece, I look at how the original frontispiece of The Lake Regions of Central Africa (1860), Volume I is revealing of colonial desires and civilizing missions. Particularly, I argue that the image reveals a projection of white through the expression of sexual desires towards the black body, settling fantasies and civilizing mission goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three cases of re-opened murder investigations in French West Africa are at the heart of this article. My aim is to examine these cases as a lens into everyday colonial policing that was not directly linked to major anti-colonial protests. All three inquiries into low-ranking colonial officers and the way they conducted their investigations took place during the 1930s, in Mauritania, Senegal, and Dahomey. While their circumstances were different, the cases reflect the flawed and unprofessional character of colonial investigations. They also demonstrate that murder investigations—as well as criticism of them—were powered by two crucial French colonial notions: the maintenance of public order and the ideology of the civilizing mission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Serbia during the First World War and the activity of the occupation administration of the Military Governorate in the context of its “civilizing mission”. It points to the aspects of the occupation that reveal the Austro-Hungarians’ self-perception as bringers of culture and civilization as conducive to creating an ideological basis for a war against Serbia. The paper also presents their outlook on the world in the age of empires and their idea of establishing what they saw as a more acceptable cultural basis of Serbian national identity shaped primarily by loyalty to the Austro-Hungarian Emperor and King and the ideals of order and discipline. The process is studied through analysing the occupation policies aimed at depoliticizing the public sphere by closing the pre-war institutions of culture and education and introducing educational patterns primarily based on the Austro-Hungarian experience in Bosnia and Herzegovina. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177011: History of political ideas and institutions in the Balkans in the 19th and 20th centuries]

Jean Rhys’s Wide Sargasso Sea is a prequel to Charoltte Bronte’s famous novel Jane Eyre. It is the story of Antoinette Cosway, a white but Creole heiress, from the time of her youth in Jamaica to her unhappy marriage to a certain English gentleman who is never named by the author. This English gentleman soon renames her Bertha; declares her mad; seizes her property and then forces her to come to England. Arresting an oppressive patriarchal society in which she belongs neither to the white Europeans nor to the black Jamaicans, Rhys’s novel re-imagines Bronte’s devilish madwoman in the attic. As with many postcolonial works, the novel deals largely with the themes of racial inequality and the harshness of displacement and assimilation. According to Linda Hutcheon any adaptation must be examined in its context of creation. John Duigan’s 1993 film adaption of Jean Rhys’s Wide Sargasso Sea (1966) is in fact an appropriation re-canonizing Rhys’s novel as an extension of Charlotte Bronte’s Jane Eyre. Duigan’s intentions become more manifest in the light of Australia’s problems and anxieties over its native population of aborigines. By introducing very conspicuous changes and deviating from the original text, the movie re-silences the oppressed characters of Jean Rhys’s novel (who can stand for Australia’s native population) and re-grants the oppressor characters (who can stand for white Australians) full agency and power. In this process, the movie reclaims the superiority of the British culture, justifies the rightness of the British colonial and “civilizing” missions, and grants a kind of psychological pleasure to its white audience ensuring them that they still have power and control over their former aboriginal ‘slaves’. In this paper the researcher attempts to show the hidden purposes of the movie. Keywords: Counter-discursive novel, adaptation, aborigines, civilizing mission, othering.

Education is a foundation of society. Thus, politicians and educators of the newly-formed French Third Republic advocated the educational reform and used education as a tool of policy to implement the civilizing mission in metropolitan France. This paper analyzes the socio-political context of the French educational reform in 1870s and 1880s and points out the political goals of the reform. The greatest political implication of this reform was to ensure the legitimacy and stable development of the Third Republic. At the same time, the civilizing mission was also carried out in the French colonies with the expectation of spreading French republican values through and by education. This paper continues to examine the relation between educational reform in France and the implementation of colonial educational policy in Vietnam, mainly in terms of politics, in the period of 1870 to 1914. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is aimed to consider the issue of the intra-imperial emigration of single British women in the late 19th - early 20th centuries in gender and imperial studies. The views of contemporary scholars on various aspects of female emigration movement such as the ideology of female emigration, the functions of women as "builders of the Empire", the organizations and organizers of emigration, the influence of the female emigration movement on the British society are presented in the article. The author concludes that almost all researchers recognized the importance of female emigration as the essential component of the imperial project aimed at strengthening ties with settlement colonies, and at the same time its role in widening the limits of "women's sphere", and in providing new opportunities for female self-realization. The article outlines the directions for future researches of the problem of female emigration in the 19th-20th centuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Ottoman historiography, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the Ottoman state adopted the European civilizing mission and discourse towards the nomadic tribal population in the empire. This phenomenon was usually referred to as 'borrowed colonialism'. However, recently, new studies began to challenge that view, arguing that officials used civilizing discourse to justify their failures in dealing with the nomads, or that they used derogatory references strategically towards specific ends. Interestingly, studies from both groups use the establishment of the town and sub-district of Beersheba in southern Palestine to support their views. Based on Ottoman sources, the main argument of this article is that the fact that the Bedouins were perceived by the state as 'ignorant' and 'wild' caused its officials to demonstrate leniency and bestow special treatment upon them in order to integrate them in the Ottoman state and administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the problems of democratization as a neocolonial practice. The author argues that the spread of democracy is similar in many respects to colonialism and civilizing mission as universal and even messianic phenomena. He notes that both of these phenomena, despite the similarity of their origin, have different "gender basis" (colonialism has characteristics of masculinity and civilizing mission - of femininity). The author reviewed the history of transforming the concepts of "colonialism" and "civilizing mission". Results parallels between the two phenomena are analyzed as a specific intellectual and public discourse in a particular era influenced the formation of both phenomena. Examples of national civilizing projects, their intellectual potential and influence on contemporary world politics are also considered. The echoes of colonialism and civilizing mission are visible in US and the EU doctrines of democracy promotion. Examining the evolution of approaches to democratization, the author finds the differences in strategic culture of the United States and the European Union: if the American establishment have a propensity to masculine practice of democracy promotion ("democratic enlargement", the project "Greater Middle East", etc.), and European leadership prefers feminine practices. In terms of the post-colonial feminism, this approach does not give these actors any special benefits, as it offers the ineffective governing strategy of the local population, not taking into account, and often denying the specific cultural environment of democracy promotion, paying more attention to institutional characteristics (lack of certain civil rights and freedoms, lack of transparency in the work of public authorities, etc.). The author notes that the current strategy of democracy promotion, though being more complex, creates the effect of "double discrimination", when both the local people and local women (imposing image of "a free and independent Western woman") feel that they are "colonized". Based on an analysis of the current state of democratization, the author proposes four possible scenarios for promoting democracy in the world.

The article deals with the problems of democratization as a neocolonial practice. The author argues that the spread of democracy is similar in many respects to colonialism and civilizing mission as universal and even messianic phenomena. He notes that both of these phenomena, despite the similarity of their origin, have different "gender basis" (colonialism has characteristics of masculinity and civilizing mission - of femininity). The author reviewed the history of transforming the concepts of "colonialism" and "civilizing mission". Results parallels between the two phenomena are analyzed as a specific intellectual and public discourse in a particular era influenced the formation of both phenomena. Examples of national civilizing projects, their intellectual potential and influence on contemporary world politics are also considered. The echoes of colonialism and civilizing mission are visible in US and the EU doctrines of democracy promotion. Examining the evolution of approaches to democratization, the author finds the differences in strategic culture of the United States and the European Union: if the American establishment have a propensity to masculine practice of democracy promotion ("democratic enlargement", the project "Greater Middle East", etc.), and European leadership prefers feminine practices. In terms of the post-colonial feminism, this approach does not give these actors any special benefits, as it offers the ineffective governing strategy of the local population, not taking into account, and often denying the specific cultural environment of democracy promotion, paying more attention to institutional characteristics (lack of certain civil rights and freedoms, lack of transparency in the work of public authorities, etc.). The author notes that the current strategy of democracy promotion, though being more complex, creates the effect of "double discrimination", when both the local people and local women (imposing image of "a free and independent Western woman") feel that they are "colonized". Based on an analysis of the current state of democratization, the author proposes four possible scenarios for promoting democracy in the world.

This article discusses the similarities and differences of the position of Great Britain in Egypt and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the age of New Imperialism. Comparative approach will allow us to put both situations in their historical context. Austria-Hungary’s absorption of Bosnia-Herzegovina was part of colonial involvement throughout the world. Egypt and Bosnia-Herzegovina were formally parts of the Ottoman Empire, although occupied and administrated by European Powers. Two administrators, Evelyn Baring as consul-general in Egypt and Benjamin von Kállay as civil administrator of Bosnia-Herzegovina, believed that it was their duty to bring “civilization”, prosperity and western culture to these lands - a classic argumentation found in the New Imperialism discourse. One of the most important tasks for both administrators was fighting the national movements, which led to the suppression of political freedoms and the introduction of a large administrative apparatus to govern the newly-occupied lands. Complete control over political life and the educational system was also one of the major features of both administrations. Both Great Britain in Egypt and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina never tackled the agrarian question for their own political reasons. British rule in Egypt and Austro-Hungarian in Bosnia-Herzegovina bore striking resemblances.

From 1930s Palestine to Kenya in the years following World War II, systematized violence shaped and defined much of Britain's twentieth-century empire. Liberal authoritarianism, and with it the "moral effect" that coercion had upon colonial subjects, gave rise to the systematic use of violence against colonial subjects. The ideological roots of these tactics can be located in the twinned birth of liberalism and imperialism, together with metropolitan responses to imperial events in the mid-nineteenth century. Despite copious amounts of empirical evidence documenting the evolution of liberal authoritarianism, and the creation and deployment of legalized lawlessness throughout the British Empire, Steven Pinker either ignores this evidence, or implicitly denies its validity. In reframing Britain's civilizing mission, and challenging liberalism's obfuscating abilities, this article critiques not only the British government's repeated denials of systematized violence in its empire, but also Pinker's reinforcement of the myths of British imperial benevolence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of globalisation brings not only the creation of a single economic market in the world, but also the proliferation of different cultural influences. The contact with those who are somehow different from us increases, too. For this reason, it is necessary to find the appropriate way to this approach to otherness. The paper focuses on the exploration of the place of Western universalism in the contemporary world.