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Secondo la vulgata pseudoprogressista l'immigrazione è sempre un bene e le frontiere esistono soltanto per essere valicate, l'Occidente deve espiare la sua stessa esistenza, il genere è separato dal sesso ed esiste in infinite varianti, la famiglia naturale è male, il cristianesimo è un relitto da cancellare, la vita umana non inizia mai e finisce quando lo decidiamo noi, il transumanesimo è l'orizzonte dell'uomo contemporaneo… Si potrebbe continuare a lungo con questo campionario di affermazioni grottesche, e a lungo si potrebbe riderne, se le conseguenze non fossero libri proibiti, censurati e al macero; parole e idee vietate; intellettuali processati e accademici allontanati… Perché la «diversità» è sì la nuova bandiera, ma non vale se a essere diverse sono le opinioni. Come si può continuare nella difesa di una civiltà di cui non ci permettiamo di vedere la straordinaria e mostruosa trasformazione? Una civiltà che, per uno strano paradosso, volendo emancipare l'individuo lo ha reso schiavo? Qualche anno fa si è a lungo parlato di «scontro di civiltà»? Ma oggi forse non esistono neppure più civiltà che potrebbero scontrarsi, tutte sono scomparse a favore di una «cultura» standardizzata, i cui vari elementi sono difficilmente distinguibili se non per lievi e innocue differenze di colorazione. Quello a cui stiamo assistendo è piuttosto lo shock della non-civiltà. In questo nuovo regime, libertà illimitata e dispotismo illimitato non sono più in opposizione. Si sono fusi.

The monograph analysis the concept of creative society. The main themes are as follows: culture industry and creative industries, management of creativity, creative ecology, regions of creativity, political aspects of creativity, technologies in the creative society, the problems of an empirical approach towards creativity, and creative phenomenology.

The real ‘enemies of the innocent'(the vulnerable in society) are the visionaries: those intellectuals, idealists, philosophers and social engineers aiming to destroy traditional values under the guise of an idealogical social justice theory. This penetrating book explores the critical challenges to our society with its established way of life. Long-standing political, legal, and cultural arrangements, with the essential freedoms inherent in the democratic political order, are under threat. Yet, the core conflict is between the Judeo-Christian faith and a synergy of secular humanism, heathenism, and new age neo-paganism, with a focus on the deep issues of truth, personal identity, meaning, and purpose of life. These heresies are not new, originating in the Garden of Eden, but arising again to cause much discord in our culture as this exposé explains.

Wie kein anderer repräsentierte Albert Einstein die europäische Physiktradition, die mit grundlegenden Prinzipien nach fundamentalen Naturgesetzen suchte. Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts jedoch korrumpierte der mephistophelische Pakt mit dem Militär des Imperiums USA die Physik, der in der Erfindung der Atombombe gipfelte. Geld und die Nähe zur Macht ließen sie zu einem technischen Hochleistungssport werden, der die Frage nach den grundlegenden Naturgesetzen schlicht vergessen hat. Alexander Unzicker zeigt, wie wir die Physik wieder in den Dienst der Menschen stellen, damit die Zivilisation im 21. Jahrhundert nachhaltig bestehen kann.

A Winnipeg Free Press Top Read of 2021 What if David Bowie really was holding the fabric of the universe together? The death of David Bowie in January 2016 was a bad start to a year that got a lot worse: war in Syria, the Zika virus, terrorist attacks in Brussels and Nice, the Brexit vote—and the election of Donald Trump. The end-of-year wraps declared 2016 “the worst … ever.” Four even more troubling years later, the question of our apocalypse had devolved into a tired social media cliché. But when COVID-19 hit, journalist and professor of public policy Andrew Potter started to wonder: what if The End isn't one big event, but a long series of smaller ones? In On Decline, Potter surveys the current problems and likely future of Western civilization (spoiler: it's not great). Economic stagnation and the slowing of scientific innovation. Falling birth rates and environmental degradation. The devastating effects of cultural nostalgia and the havoc wreaked by social media on public discourse. Most acutely, the various failures of Western governments in their responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. If the legacy of the Enlightenment and its virtues—reason, logic, science, evidence—has run its course, how and why has it happened? And where do we go from here?

William Shakespeare and 21st-Century Culture, Politics, and Leadership examines problems, challenges, and crises in our contemporary world through the lens of William Shakespeare's plays, one of the best-known, most admired, and often controversial authors of the last half-millennium. As perhaps the most oft-cited author in the West outside of the Judeo-Christian Bible, Shakespeare has often been considered a sage, providing manifold insights into our shared human qualities and experiences across time and geography. The editors and authors of this accessible book leverage the now global scope of that sibylline reputation to explore what the Bard might tell us about ourselves, our politics, our leaders, and our societies today.The chapters are written with critical rigor and will appeal to scholars and students in leadership and literary studies but are accessible to non-Shakespeare experts. Anyone looking to explore the ongoing relevance of Shakespeare's work will find this volume enlightening and entertaining.

« Nous prenons ce bon café, le premier du matin, nous établissons ensemble le plan de la journée, de la semaine. […] Marie mange des œufs à la coque avec des mouillettes. Nous voudrions tous les deux que ce moment dure, nous voudrions abolir le futur. […] Plus rien n'existe que cet instant, que cette scène où nous discutons, Marie et moi, en buvant notre tasse de café. Mais le meilleur, c'est quand elle ne dit mot, quand je garde moi-même le silence, et que nous nous entendons penser, elle dans ma tête et moi dans la sienne. » Les quelque 70 textes qui composent ce nouveau recueil de Serge Bouchard pourraient s'appeler des « micro-essais », d'abord parce qu'ils ont été écrits pour la radio de Radio-Canada, et aussi en raison de l'exigence artistique qui les inspire, celle de la brièveté, c'est-à-dire d'une prose aussi dense, économique et précise que possible, et qui possède en même temps le pouvoir d'évocation de la poésie. Mais avant tout, ce recueil est un livre d'amour et de deuil, tout entier placé sous le signe de Marie, la compagne trop tôt disparue, dont la présence (ainsi que l'absence) colore chaque page, chaque phrase, chaque évocation. Non pas qu'il y soit toujours question d'elle, loin de là ; comme toujours chez Serge Bouchard, c'est de notre vie quotidienne, de notre monde, de notre passé, de la nature autour de nous qu'il est question, et en particulier de tout ce que nous ne voyons pas et que seul le regard affûté du poète anthropologue sait nous faire découvrir. Mais Marie est toujours là, tout près, en arrière-plan, dans la pièce d'à côté, en quelque sorte, et c'est dans son regard et son esprit à elle que tout se déploie, autant que dans ceux de son compagnon qui tient la plume.

Get the Summary of Ben Shapiro's The Right Side of History in 20 minutes. Please note: This is a summary & not the original book. Original book introduction: In 2016, Ben Shapiro spoke at UC Berkeley. Hundreds of police officers were required from 10 UC campuses across the state to protect his speech, which was - ironically - about the necessity for free speech and rational debate. He came to argue that Western civilization is in the midst of a crisis of purpose and ideas. Our freedoms are built upon the twin notions that every human being is made in God's image and that human beings were created with reason capable of exploring God's world. We can thank these values for the birth of science, the dream of progress, human rights, prosperity, peace, and artistic beauty. Jerusalem and Athens built America, ended slavery, defeated the Nazis and the Communists, lifted billions from poverty, and gave billions spiritual purpose. Jerusalem and Athens were the foundations of the Magna Carta and the Treaty of Westphalia; they were the foundations of the Declaration of Independence, Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, and Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Letter from Birmingham Jail.

Radical Islam has been waging war against our global civilization throughout history—and now, it's closer than ever to American soil. Dr. Michael Youssef, a Coptic Christian who was born in Egypt and now leads a megachurch in America, knows from firsthand experience that radical Islamists have goals that many American Christians believe are “unthinkable.” In this book, he warns Western Christians that it doesn't help to ignore what's going on. There's a third jihad underway, and its goal is to take over the West.The Third Jihad is a call for Christians to defend their families, protect their nation, and boldly share the good news of Jesus with their communities—especially their Muslim neighbors.Packed with surprising insights from history, compelling and dramatic stories, and a practical agenda that one person—or one church—can immediately put into practice to make a difference in the world. Rich in encouraging biblical principles and prophetic insights, The Third Jihad leads the reader to an empowering conclusion in our troubling (and even frightening) times.Michael Youssef's insights will inspire Christians to take their faith seriously, share their faith freely, and to truly be salt and light in a world of increasing darkness and decay.

When faced with global instability and economic uncertainty, it is tempting for states to react by closing borders, hoarding wealth and solidifying power. We have seen it at various times in Japan, France and Italy and now it is infecting all of Europe and America, as the vote for Brexit in the UK has vividly shown. This insularity, together with increased inequality of income and wealth threatens the future role of the West as a font of stability, prosperity and security. Part of the problem is that the principles of liberal democracy upon which the success of the West has been built have been suborned, with special interest groups such as bankers accruing too much power and too great a share of the economic cake. So how is this threat to be countered? States such as Sweden in the 1990s, California at different times or Britain under Thatcher all halted stagnation by clearing away the powers of interest groups and restoring their societies'ability to evolve. To survive, the West needs to be porous, open and flexible. From reinventing welfare systems to redefining the working age, from reimagining education to embracing automation, Emmott lays out the changes the West must make to revive itself in the moment and avoid a deathly rigid future.

A sharp, often surprising, view of the classical world by a major classics scholar at Cambridge and author of The Glittering Prizes This book is the culmination of more than sixty years of a writing life during which Frederic Raphael has returned again and again to the literature and landscape of the ancient world. In his new book, Raphael deploys his renowned wit and erudition to give us a vivid mosaic of the complexities and contradictions underlying Western civilization and its continuing influence upon contemporary society. Tackling a broad range of topics, from the presumed superiority of democracy to the momentum behind today's gay rights movement, Raphael's often daringly heterodox view of the Greek and Roman world will provoke, surprise, and, at the same time, entertain readers. He shows how the interplay of fiction and reality, rhetorical aspiration and practical cunning, are threaded through modern culture.

The West seems to be in retreat -- even from itself -- and cracks have appeared in the structures of international collaboration built after 1945. We live in a time of disintegration and rekindling of old nationalisms. Yet the end of the West has been predicted by academics, philosophers and rival statesmen for more than a hundred years. The West has proved itself to be tough -- adaptable, flexible and able to evolve to meet the challenges of changing times. In this bold new book, Bill Emmott argues that in the face of new threats, we must resist attempts to close borders and minds, and work to remove obstacles that are blocking this evolutionary change. The fight is not lost. The Fate of the West reveals that our record of overcoming our doubters and demons should give the world confidence that the idea of the West will again prevail. But to do so, we will have to return to our lodestars of openness and equality, keeping firmly in mind that without openness, the West cannot thrive; but without equality, the West cannot last.

'A must-read for every concerned American--and especially for every Christian who weeps at the graveside of his culture.'--R.C. Sproul A cataclysmic change has occurred as our culture has shifted toward belief in'Oneism.'Every religion and philosophy fits into one of two basic worldviews:'Oneism'asserts that everything is essentially one, while'Twoism'affirms an irreducible distinction between creation and Creator. The Other Worldview exposes the pagan roots of Oneism, traces its spread throughout Western culture, and demonstrates its inability to save.'For bodily holiness and transformed thinking... we depend entirely on one amazing thing: the incredibly powerful message of the Gospel to a sinful world, which is the ultimate expression and goal of Twoism. The only hope is in Christ alone.'

Luis Sáez Rueda emprende en este libro la ambiciosa tarea de mostrar las bases de la crisis que atraviesa Occidente, conectando sus causas sociales y políticas a dinámicas más profundas incrustadas en el subsuelo espiritual de la cultura. La tesis central del autor afirma el ocaso de las potencias creativas que subyacen a la interpretación del mundo y el modus operandi que conforman el modo de ser de nuestra civilización. Al unísono, da cuenta de un nuevo malestar en la cultura, un sentimiento asfixiante en el inconsciente colectivo que se expande de forma clandestina. Sobre la base de este análisis, Sáez sostiene que el ocaso de Occidente radica en su agenesia (la impotencia de su substrato sociocultural para crearse a sí mismo) y en la necedad que la acompaña (en cuanto pérdida del autoextrañamiento). Tal estado yermo del mundo sociocultural da lugar a un agente patógeno —la autofagia civilizatoria— un fenómeno complejo que propulsa un devenir de la civilización contra sus propias potencias autocreadoras. La crisis del presente es este paradójico progreso involucionista, del que emanan patologías civilizatorias que cobran forma en procesos concretos sociales y políticos. Hay que atravesar desde dentro esta noche del ocaso —termina sosteniendo el autor— para que se hagan realidad las luces de aurora que hoy se vislumbran y que el autor cifra en tres fundamentales: el centelleo pro-barroco, el destello del espíritu trágico y los principios de una ética de la lucidez.

America will remain the world's only superpower for the foreseeable future. But what sort of superpower? What role should America play in the world? What role do you want America to play? Ian Bremmer argues that Washington's directionless foreign policy has become prohibitively expensive and increasingly dangerous. Since the end of the Cold War, U.S. policymakers have stumbled from crisis to crisis in Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Libya, Syria, and Ukraine without a clear strategy. Ordinary Americans too often base their foreign policy choices on allegiance or opposition to the party in power. We can no longer afford this complacency, especially now that both parties are deeply divided about America's role in the world. The next presidential election could easily pit an interventionist Democrat against an isolationist Republican—or the exact opposite. As 2016 rapidly approaches, Bremmer urges every American to think more deeply about what sort of country America should be and how it should use its superpower status. He explores three options: Independent America asserts that it's time for America to declare independence from the responsibility to solve other people's problems. Instead, Americans should lead by example—in part, by investing in the country's vast untapped potential. Moneyball America acknowledges that Washington can't meet every international challenge. With a clear-eyed assessment of U.S. strengths and limitations, we must look beyond empty arguments over exceptionalism and American values. The priorities must be to focus on opportunities and to defend U.S. interests where they're threatened. Indispensable America argues that only America can defend the values on which global stability increasingly depends. In today's interdependent, hyperconnected world, a turn inward would undermine America's own security and prosperity. We will never live in a stable world while others are denied their most basic freedoms—from China to Russia to the Middle East and beyond.There are sound arguments for and against each of these choices, but we must choose. Washington can no longer improvise a foreign policy without a lasting commitment to a coherent strategy. As Bremmer notes, “When I began writing this book, I didn't know which of these three choices I would favor. It's easy to be swayed by pundits and politicians with a story to sell or an ax to grind. My attempt to make the most honest and forceful case I could make for each of these three arguments helped me understand what I believe and why I believe it. I hope it will do the same for you. I don't ask you to agree with me. I ask only that you choose.”

Le Québec est, jusqu'à nouvel ordre, une simple province, et les Québécois sont des « provinciaux ». Dans ce recueil de textes, qui fait suite à ses « Chroniques d'un temps loufoque », François Ricard nous fait prendre conscience des avantages qu'il y a à vivre dans une province et à ne pas se trouver aux commandes du monde, ne serait-ce que la possibilité de voir celui-ci d'un peu loin, donc de le critiquer plus librement. Mettant à profit ce recul favorable à la réflexion, il nous invite à nous pencher sur des questions qu'on évite le plus souvent : Qu'est-ce qu'être moderne aujourd'hui? L'anti-intellectualisme est-il le fléau que l'on dit dans notre société? Le français est-il en voie de devenir une langue obsolète, même – et surtout – en France? La littérature québécoise – pour peu qu'elle existe – serait-elle l'avenir de la littérature française? Le salut peut-il passer par la poésie? L'auteur propose, en passant, le concept de « néoprovincialisme » pour décrire notre situation. Car n'est-ce pas en province que sont désormais accueillies les idées nouvelles avec un enthousiasme et une unanimité qu'on ne voit guère au même degré dans les sociétés où elles ont été inventées? Ce qui l'amène à jeter un regard à la fois intrigué et amusé sur quelques phénomènes qui caractérisent notre quotidien : accommodements raisonnables, « Outgames », règles d'équité en emploi, « grand humour » auquel atteignent parfois certains de nos esprits les plus fins. Bref, les grands et les petits bonheurs de la vie provinciale. « Mœurs de province », où l'essayiste ne manque pas également de rendre un hommage ému à quelques êtres qui l'ont marqué, est un livre qui n'a aucune vérité ni aucun salut à proposer, n'obéissant à rien d'autre qu'au besoin de ne jamais perdre de vue la complexité et la vanité de nos pensées et de nos existences, sans oublier, bien sûr, le plaisir d'écrire.

The year is 2393, and the world is almost unrecognizable. Clear warnings of climate catastrophe went ignored for decades, leading to soaring temperatures, rising sea levels, widespread drought and—finally—the disaster now known as the Great Collapse of 2093, when the disintegration of the West Antarctica Ice Sheet led to mass migration and a complete reshuffling of the global order. Writing from the Second People's Republic of China on the 300th anniversary of the Great Collapse, a senior scholar presents a gripping and deeply disturbing account of how the children of the Enlightenment—the political and economic elites of the so-called advanced industrial societies—failed to act, and so brought about the collapse of Western civilization. In this haunting, provocative work of science-based fiction, Naomi Oreskes and Eric M. Conway imagine a world devastated by climate change. Dramatizing the science in ways traditional nonfiction cannot, the book reasserts the importance of scientists and the work they do and reveals the self-serving interests of the so called'carbon combustion complex'that have turned the practice of science into political fodder. Based on sound scholarship and yet unafraid to speak boldly, this book provides a welcome moment of clarity amid the cacophony of climate change literature.

From the bestselling author of The Ascent of Money and The Square and the Tower, a searching and provocative examination of the widespread institutional rot that threatens our collective futureWhat causes rich countries to lose their way? Symptoms of decline are all around us today: slowing growth, crushing debts, increasing inequality, aging populations, antisocial behavior. But what exactly has gone wrong? The answer, Niall Ferguson argues in The Great Degeneration, is that our institutions—the intricate frameworks within which a society can flourish or fail—are degenerating. With characteristic verve and historical insight, Ferguson analyzes the causes of this stagnation and its profound consequences for the future of the West. The Great Degeneration is an incisive indictment of an era of negligence and complacency—and to arrest the breakdown of our civilization, Ferguson warns, will take heroic leadership and radical reform.

“Cultural instructions.” Everyone who has handled a package of seedlings has encountered that enigmatic advisory. This much water and that much sun, certain tips about fertilizer, soil, and drainage. Planting one sort of flower nearby keeps the bugs away but proximity to another sort makes bad things happen. Young shoots might need stakes, and watch out for beetles, weeds, and unseasonable frosts. It's a complicated business. But at least since Cicero introduced the term cultura animi (“cultivation of the mind or spirit”), such “cultural instructions” have applied as much to the realm of civilization as to horticulture. In this wide-ranging investigation into the vicissitudes of culture in the twenty-first century, the distinguished critic Roger Kimball traces the deep filiations between cultivation as a spiritual enterprise and the prerequisites of political freedom. Drawing on figures as various as James Burnham, Richard Weaver, G. K. Chesterton, Rudyard Kipling, John Buchan, Friedrich von Hayek, and Leszek Kolakowski, Kimball traces the interconnections between what he calls the fortunes of permanence and such ambassadors of anarchy as relativism, multiculturalism, and the socialist-utopian imperative. With his signature blend of wit and erudition, Kimball deftly draws on the resources of art, literature, and political philosophy to illuminate some of the wrong turns and dead ends our culture has recently pursued, while also outlining some of the simple if overlooked alternatives to the various tyrannies masquerading as liberation we have again and again fallen prey to. This rich, rewarding, and intelligent volume bristles with insights into what the nineteenth-century novelist Anthony Trollope called “The Way We Live Now.” Partly an exercise in cultural pathology, The Fortunes of Permanence is also a forward-looking effort of cultural recuperation. It promises to be essential reading for anyone concerned about the direction of Western culture in an age of anti-Western animus and destructive multicultural fantasy.

Eseje známého novináře a beletristy shrnují jeho přemýšlení o stavu české společnosti, českého jazyka a „české duše“ poslední doby. Hvížďalovou výsadou je síla diagnózy, jeho odstup, s nímž sledoval české prostředí z německého exilu (1978–1990) mu dosud napomáhá vidět to, co očím mnoha jiných publicistů a spisovatelů zůstává skryté. Hvížďala je často nesmlouvavý k malosti českých poměrů a k plebejství české politiky a veřejného života, nebere si servítky, když mluví o konání nejvyšších státníků, ale i prostých lidí na ulici. Červená nit jeho psaní je vedena jasným pojmenováním reality, za jeho texty je znát zápas o odpovědnost vůči slovům malým i velkým. K. Hvížďala pracoval od 60. let minulého století v médiích (Mladý svět, Albatros), po návratu z německého exilu byl šéfreportérem MF Dnes, spoluzakládal časopis Týden. Publikoval přes dvacet knih rozhovorů, pět próz, přes dvacet rozhlasových her. Vydal knihy esejů o novinařině Moc a nemoc médií a Jak myslet média.

Is western civilisation based on a mistaken understanding of humanity? Fundamental to any society is its comprehension of human nature. It shapes attitudes and policies on a whole range of issues: interpersonal relations, child-rearing, discipline and punishment, economics and welfare. For millennia western societies were based on the idea that human nature is flawed. This was turned upside down 300 years ago during the Enlightenment by writers such as Rousseau, who argued that we are born good and later warped by parents and society; a liberal view of human nature which is now being challenged by scientific discoveries in the fields of the mind, the brain, and genetics (including the Human Genome), evolutionary psychology, and anthropology. This fundamental change has had profound effects. If we are essentially good then we can safely maximize freedom and abandon morality, religion and tradition. Many aspects of life have been liberalised - sexual behaviour, alcohol consumption, censorship, gambling, divorce laws and economic activity. Economic liberals thought free markets were rational and good and favoured minimal government interference and light-touch regulations. This led to the credit crunch and the greatest financial crisis since World War Two. Many parents now hesitate to discipline their own children. The belief that we are essentially good but corrupted by society has also influenced penal policy. Liberals see criminals as victims, not as wrongdoers; because surely no-one would choose to do something wrong. This is a world far removed from the self-sacrifice and fraternity shown during World War Two. It has not brought happiness but rather more alienated individuals. The outcome of egalitarian aims or methods has often missed its mark: e.g., in education it has led to the dumbing down of academic standards, grade inflation and a decline in social mobility. Egalitarian regimes from the French Revolution to the Soviet era have been amongst the most bigoted, brutal and bloody in history. The drive for greater social justice and fairness must remain an essential objective. There is, therefore, an urgent need to separate out the positive from the negative aspects of liberal thought and practice, as otherwise there is the risk of descent into moral anarchy and social disintegration.

The end of the unipolar moment completes the passing of a Western era that was prolonged for half a century when the United States took over for a defeated and exhausted group of European states after World War II. Distinguished scholar Simon Serfaty vigorously argues that while it is possible, and even desirable, to acknowledge the passing of the Western era, it is exaggerated to present it as an irreversible decline of the West relative to an irresistible rise of the Rest. Rather, he shows that the unfolding post-Western moment will be messy. In addition to the United States and the states of Europe as a Union, the new cast of significant powers will involve a dozen or more countries: emerging powers like China and India, postimperial powers such as Japan and Russia, new influentials like Brazil and Turkey, pivot states like Egypt and Pakistan, nuisance states like Iran, failed or failing states like North Korea and Sudan, and others. Echoes of a Sarajevo moment played out this time in the greater Middle East, the new global Balkans for the twenty-first century. But Serfaty convincingly contends that even during a zero-polar moment of geopolitical transition, American power remains superior, and thus indispensable though no longer decisive; Western power stands on top and thus is inescapable though no longer exclusive; and even as the Rest gains broadly in stature and reach it is unlikely to achieve preponderance any time soon. This powerful and provocative book should be read by all who share a deep concern for the future of America—and a recast world.

Anglo-America is a clearly identifiable part of what is commonly referred to as the West. The West exists, this book argues, in the form of multiple traditions that have currency in America, Europe, the Americas, and a few outposts in the Southern hemisphere. Led by the British Empire until the beginning and by the United States since the middle of the twentieth century, Anglo-America has been at the very centre of world politics. Bridging the European and the American West, Anglo-America is distinctive, not unique. These multiple Wests coexist with each other and with other civilizations, as parts of one global civilization containing multiple modernities. And like all other civilizations, Anglo-America is marked by multiple traditions and internal pluralism. Once deeply held notions and practices of imperial rule and racial hierarchy now take the form of hegemony or multilateralism and politically contested versions of multiculturalism. At its core Anglo-America is fluid, not fixed. The analytical perspectives of this book are laid out in Katzenstein's opening and concluding chapters. They are explored in seven outstanding case studies, written by widely known authors, which combine historical and contemporary perspectives. Featuring an exceptional line-up and representing a diversity of theoretical views within one integrative perspective, this work will be of interest to all scholars and students of international relations, sociology and political science.

Why the West must overcome its guilty conscience to foster a better global futureFascism, communism, genocide, slavery, racism, imperialism—the West has no shortage of reasons for guilt. And, indeed, since the Holocaust and the end of World War II, Europeans in particular have been consumed by remorse. But Pascal Bruckner argues that guilt has now gone too far. It has become a pathology, and even an obstacle to fighting today's atrocities. Bruckner, one of France's leading writers and public intellectuals, argues that obsessive guilt has obscured important realities. The West has no monopoly on evil, and has destroyed monsters as well as created them—leading in the abolition of slavery, renouncing colonialism, building peaceful and prosperous communities, and establishing rules and institutions that are models for the world. The West should be proud—and ready to defend itself and its values. In this, Europeans should learn from Americans, who still have sufficient self-esteem to act decisively in a world of chaos and violence. Lamenting the vice of anti-Americanism that grips so many European intellectuals, Bruckner urges a renewed transatlantic alliance, and advises Americans not to let recent foreign-policy misadventures sap their own confidence. This is a searing, provocative, and psychologically penetrating account of the crude thought and bad politics that arise from excessive bad conscience.

In spite of modern ideals and achievements in the area of freedom and choice, people today are often afflicted with a sense that they cannot change things for the better. They feel helpless, constrained, caught -- in a word, fatalistic. Beyond Fate, Margaret Visser's 2002 CBC Massey Lectures, examines why. This timely and important book investigates what fate means, and where the propensity to believe in it and accept it comes from. Visser takes an ancient metaphor -- ubiquitous, influential, perhaps unavoidable -- where time is'seen'and spoken of as though it were space; she examines how this way of picturing reality can be a useful tool to think with -- or, on the other hand, may lead us into disastrous misunderstandings. There are ways out. But first, by observing how fatalism manifests itself in our daily lives, in everything from table manners and shopping to sport, we understand our profound attachment to fate, so that we can consider its role in our lives and our cultures.

About eighty-five years ago, philosophers and literary intellectuals as diverse as Edmund Husserl, George Santayana, and Paul ValZry, aware of the declining influence of Christianity, spoke of'the crisis of Western civilization.'In Wretched Aristotle: Using the Past to Rescue the Future, Jude P. Dougherty offers an intriguing reexamination of this crisis in contemporary times. Situating his argument in the context of ongoing debate concerning the nature of the public philosophy that underpins ideas of freedom, Dougherty identifies the essential features of Western culture through a series of interrelated essays. Each essay reinforces the idea that modernity cannot be understood apart from its break with classical antiquity. Wretched Aristotle offers a refreshing historical approach to this issue that will make it appealing to those interested in the mutual influence of science and culture and the role of religion in culture.

Dalla comunicazione pubblicitaria a quella estetico-artistica, dal diluvio massmediale allo strapotere della tecnica, dagli sport estremi alle biotecnologie e alla pornografia, è esperienza comune che la cifra dell'eccesso, del'di-più-di-tutto'marca a fuoco vivo le dimensioni simboliche, i comportamenti sociali, i linguaggi del presente. Sono i temi toccati in questo libro. Ma quali sono le logiche dell'eccesso, e quali le figure con cui si presenta ai nostri occhi? Per tentare di rispondere a questa domanda, decisivo è l'orizzonte storico, ed ecco la riflessione sulla violenza nazista, tragico esempio di una dismisura che ha finito per coinvolgere la sua stessa memoria attraverso una mediatizzazione spettacolare della Shoah. Alla logica dell'eccesso bisognerà allora rispondere con una logica del limite che ci permetta di recuperare, lungo le frontiere tra etica ed estetica, la coscienza della misura e la consapevolezza dei confini mobili entro cui dobbiamo operare (e magari anche inventare).

The United States, argues Michael A. Palmer, is engaged in a political crusade to modernize the Islamic world. Americanism is in the vanguard of modernity's relentless advance, promoting capitalist markets and democratic institutions. To compete, Islamic societies must adopt a more secular and material approach, as have the West and South and East Asia. But these principles conflict with Islamic fundamentals. Once a vibrant force, much of the Muslim world spent four centuries as prisoner of an Ottoman Empire that embraced feudalism while the West jettisoned it. In the absence of a renaissance or enlightenment, modernization in the Islamic world has been painful and unsuccessful. While many in the West long for an “Islamic reformation,” Palmer argues that Islamists such as Osama bin Laden are the face of that reformation. Just as Protestant reformers sought a return to the purity of early Christianity, jihadists desire a return to the halcyon days of conquest and expansion, when the Caliphate controlled a united and powerful Muslim community. American actions have not provoked this conflict, nor can American withdrawal end it, Palmer contends. For example, China, also a once-powerful civilization subjected to Western imperialism, has not produced homicide bombers. Instead, the Chinese are busy modernizing. Islam's failure to modernize is the root cause of the current situation. Bin Laden and other jihadists understand, correctly, that if Islam is to avoid the materialism and secularism that come with modernity, they must Islamize the West by force.

Les corneilles ne sont pas les épouses des corbeaux. Les épinettes noires ne sont pas des arbres de misère. Le monde dans lequel nous vivons n'est pas nécessairement le paradis. Tout, en dehors de Montréal, n'est pas forcément le désert. Notre histoire n'est pas une épopée. Il n'y a pas de bouleaux sur la rivière Mingan. Un camion n'est pas le contraire de la poésie. Les Amérindiens ne forment pas une société archaïque et dépassée. Et le progrès moderne n'est pas si simple qu'on le croit. Serge Bouchard n'est pas un rebelle ni un contestataire. C'est un homme libre, un esprit lucide et cultivé, un prosateur quotidien qui prend pour matière les idées, les faits, les grands phénomènes aussi bien que les « petites affaires et moindres choses » qui composent la trame de son existence et de la nôtre, tantôt occasions de bonheur insoupçonné, tantôt pièges à bêtise ou causes de souffrance, mais signes toujours de notre humanité ancienne et moderne, à la fois orgueilleuse et comique, oublieuse autant que nostalgique, liée à la nature que pourtant elle détruit, aux dieux, aux oiseaux, au temps qui passe, à la mort qui vient. Quoique les convictions n'y manquent pas — l'on découvrira ou retrouvera ici un Serge Bouchard écologiste, ami des nations amérindiennes, critique des idéologies à la mode —, les quatre-vingts petits textes qui composent cet ouvrage (et qui ont d'abord paru sous forme de chroniques dans le journal montréalais Le Devoir) forment surtout une œuvre d'observation et de sagesse, écrite dans une langue toute de simplicité, rythmée, imagée, aussi proche que possible de la conversation entre gens d'intelligence et de cœur. Par la culture, par la finesse du regard, par l'originalité de l'imagination, Serge Bouchard s'y révèle, encore une fois, un essayiste de premier plan.

Title from eBook title screen (iewed on June 22, 2005).