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This study addresses efforts made by Indonesian government actors in Malaysia and Hong Kong to protect Indonesian women migrant workers in the informal sector working in both countries. Indonesian female migrant workers in Malaysia were numbered the highest in Southeast Asia, while Indonesian female migrant workers in Hong Kong were the highest in Asia. The theories and ideas used in this research are the concepts of countries and migrant workers suggested by Gunawardana with the classification of brokerage, regulatory and protectionist regimes. The increasing number of work-related cases of violence, access to health, and legal protection indicates that the problems faced by Indonesian women migrant workers and the role of government protection remain partially addressed. By using qualitative research methods, and in-depth interviews, the current study found that Indonesian government actors in Malaysia made efforts to protect two women migrant workers who were victims of violence. However, it was not only due to protection efforts but also because of the role that civil society had in their efforts to resolve the cases. Meanwhile, Indonesian government actors in Hong Kong had not performed optimally in seeking protective measures for victims of violence, and there was a dominant protective role maintained by civil society in Hong Kong in regards to the Erwiana case. The domestic recruitment process, which is quite lacking in terms of protection, had an effect on the violence experienced by the two Indonesian female migrant workers in Malaysia and had no effect on the Indonesian female migrant worker in Hong Kong. Based on these findings, it can be concluded that the role of Indonesian government actors in protecting women migrant workers is part of the protectionist regime but is partially executed because they had not been afforded protection since their departure. The novelty of this research is that the role maintained by civil society has led to the shift of the broker regime toward the protectionist. This research discovered a new finding that given the role of civil society and the synergy between government actors and civil society, the role of the Indonesian government is identified to be in the protectionist regime even though it is partial and conditional, namely given the role and participation that civil society holds.

Kebijakan publik merupakan arena penting bagi perjuangan dalam mewujudkan kesetaraan dan keadilan gender. Komitmen pemerintah terhadap hal tersebut salah satunya dapat dilihat melalui Anggaran Responsif Gender. Anggaran responsif gender merupakan pendekatan untuk mengintegrasikan suatu program untuk mencapai kesetaraan gender dan keadilan gender melalui intervensi anggaran. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis anggaran responsif gender pada sektor Kesehatan Provinsi DKI Jakarta. Sebagaimana Instruksi Presiden (Inpres) No. 9 Tahun 2000 tentang Pengarusutamaan Gender dalam Pembangunan Nasional memiliki dampak terhadap perencanaan dan implementasi kebijakan publik di Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan penelitian analisis kualitatif. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam dan studi kepustakaan, termasuk dokumen APBD. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa komitmen dan pelaksanaan anggaran responsif gender masih lemah. Alokasi belanja Provinsi DKI Jakarta di sektor kesehatan sudah menggunakan anggaran responsif gender, namun masih kecil dan belum memenuhi standar Undang-Undang Kesehatan.

Tulisan ini berupaya mengeksplorasi peran media alternatif perempuan Magdalene.co dan Konde.co di dalam proses advokasi kebijakan RUU Penghapusan Kekerasan Seksual (PKS). Kajian tersebut penting lantaran studi terdahulu mengenai advokasi kebijakan di ranah politik lebih banyak difokuskan di institusi seperti legislatif, birokrasi, maupun partai politik. Analisis konten, wawancara, dan studi literatur digunakan untuk mengumpulkan data. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan Konde.co cukup jelas keberpihakannya soal advokasi RUU PKS tapi berita mereka lebih sedikit, sedangkan Magdalene.co konsisten memberitakan RUU PKS, meskipun lebih banyak terdistorsi oleh banyak isu perempuan di ranah publik, seperti gaya hidup, kondisi sosial, dan agama.

Sebagai suatu sistem politik di alam demokrasi keberadaan partai politik merupakan sebuah keharusan dalam kehidupan politik modern yang demokratis. Partai politik mampu mengantarkan warga negara untuk duduk di kursi pemerintahan baik legislatif maupun eksekutif. Dengan menggunakan teori strategi politik serta metode penelitian kualitatif, penelitian ini ingin melihat bagaimana faktor internal berpengaruh terhadap kemenangan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) di pemilihan DPRD Kota Depok. Hasil dari penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa keberhasilan PKS dalam Pemilu 2019, khususnya pada pemilihan DPRD Kota Depok tidak lepas dari adanya pengaruh internal partai, yaitu ideologi Islam konservatif serta peran kader dan pengurus PKS Kota Depok. Ideologi Islam konservatif yang kurang diminati di Indonesia pasca reformasi kini mulai diminati seiring dengan menguatnya isu agama jelang pemilu serentak tahun 2019. Selain itu, faktor kader serta pengurus PKS Kota Depok juga menjadi salah satu kunci kemenangan PKS dalam pemilihan DPRD Kota Depok tahun 2019. Hal ini terlihat dari persiapan yang matang jelang pemilu.

The big wave of the women's movement in the world, apart from demanding rights and equality between men and women, also encourages women's representative participation in decision-making process. Previous studies often analyze women's representation based on cultural and institutional barriers without specifically showing the role of political parties in carrying out the gatekeeping activities, especially in women's candidacy. This article uses Pippa Norris' theory of political recruitment with descriptive qualitative analysis methods to analyze the increase in women's representation from Nasdem Party in the 2019 general elections. The results are (1) general election rules and political parties affect the increase in women's representation, (2) representation and women's interests have not become the main criteria in the political selection process of Nasdem Party, (3) the survey culture in the balancing of women's candidacy in addition to providing opportunities for female candidates also fostering kinship politics, (4) Nasdem’s commitment to women's representation and interests is still untested, and the most obvious is (5) as a political commodity where an increase in the representation of women with kinship political backgrounds contributed to the increase in the votes of Nasdem Party in the 2019 elections.

Background of the study: Urban politics in city spatial tends to be related to uniting the capacity of power between actors. In the development of its dynamics, the DKI Jakarta urban regime has a different political decision, that is, some reject or terminate and also support or continue the reclamation. However, in this study, non-governmental actors namely reclamation developers dominate the actions of the urban regime's power in reclamation development. The political and economic dominance of developers is likely to determine the policies and regulations for reclamation development. Methodology: This article uses a qualitative research approach by analyzing problems holistically. Because this article examines one case, the writer has used a single instrumental. This article focuses on just one issue, namely the problem of the dynamics of the urban regime in urban spatial planning on the development policy of the Jakarta pantura reclamation area. Therefore, this article outlines the patterns, context, and settings of the political dynamics of the urban regime. Main Findings: The conclusion is that the dominance of developers tends not to make the reclamation policy effective. In this study improve the theory of the urban regime of Clarence Stone. That after the unification of power capacities between actors, urban regimes tend to face the dynamics of new regimes, namely the dominance of political and economic capacity by one of the actors in the actions of the urban regime's power. Novelty/Originality of this study: This article explains the dynamics of the urban regime in urban spatial planning in the Jakarta pantura reclamation area development policy. The focus of his writings is on the urban regime. Therefore, in this article, we dig deep information from the dynamics of the urban regime on the Jakarta pantura reclamation policy.

This research aims to explain the dynamics of Chinese-Indonesian Women in their candidacy in local legislative elections in 2014 seen from the political recruitment conducted by PDI Perjuangan, the only party that can seat Chinese women candidate in DPRD Semarang City. Using qualitative methods by conducting in-depth interviews to PDI-Perjuangan elites in Semarang City and analyzing the result using political recruitment theory, Chinese-Indonesian Women's recruitment in PDI Perjuangan is based on party ideology that upholds diversity as well as the popular values and the role of the party elite as the gatekeeper that gives assessment of the resources offered by legislative candidates, where the decisive ones are the social resources, financial resources, and network resources. The author also found additional factors that Pippa Norris did not mention; those are cultural capital and relationships with male political elites. Besides, political recruitment conducted by PDI Perjuangan to Chinese-Indonesian Women Candidate was an open political recruitment, while usually it conducts the close mechanism one. Meanwhile, seen from the typology of recruitment according to Geddes, this recruitment is Immediate Survival typology that does not consider the competence of candidates and aims to foster good relations with the Chinese group in Semarang City. This recruitment is patronage and only takes into consideration to the candidate resources, especially financial and network resources (which is owned by the husband’s candidates). Therefore, the factors influencing the party recruiting Chinese-Indonesian Women in PDI Perjuangan Semarang are the political system of the country, the party’s internal democracy, and the candidate’s capitals including social capitals, network capitals, kinship with the elite, and one new capitals, culture, which are all supported by the candidate’s financial capital.

Dolly is part of the Surabaya city which is located in Putat Jaya District. The money flows in Dolly for a night reached 1 billion rupiah. This fact forced people from some groups to take benefits in Dolly’s economy activities. In other hand, social groups were still strongly maintain the moral aspects from Dolly closure, escpecially for children rights protection. Children about 14 to 16 years old often became the actors from human trafficking that offered their own friends. Beside that, children at lower ages acted as sex addict from sex media. These findings informed us the Dolly closure were not easy. As Risma, the Surabaya Mayor, Dolly closure was a must that would need a strong effort to manage and control its impacts. The Dolly closing which conducted on 18 June 2014 had economic, social, and politic impacts. The closing program need to be discuss by all aspects in Surabaya. It should be emphasize people from Dolly to have enough skill for their family income.Keywords – Commercial Sex Worker, Dolly, Power interplay