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Genetic investigations of Upper Palaeolithic Europe have revealed a complex and transformative history of human population movements and ancestries, with evidence of several instances of genetic change across the European continent in the period following the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM). Concurrent with these genetic shifts, the post-LGM period is characterized by a series of significant climatic changes, population expansions and cultural diversification. Britain lies at the extreme northwest corner of post-LGM expansion and its earliest Late Glacial human occupation remains unclear. Here we present genetic data from Palaeolithic human individuals in the United Kingdom and the oldest human DNA thus far obtained from Britain or Ireland. We determine that a Late Upper Palaeolithic individual from Gough's Cave probably traced all its ancestry to Magdalenian-associated individuals closely related to those from sites such as El Mirón Cave, Spain, and Troisième Caverne in Goyet, Belgium. However, an individual from Kendrick's Cave shows no evidence of having ancestry related to the Gough’s Cave individual. Instead, the Kendrick’s Cave individual traces its ancestry to groups who expanded across Europe during the Late Glacial and are represented at sites such as Villabruna, Italy. Furthermore, the individuals differ not only in their genetic ancestry profiles but also in their mortuary practices and their diets and ecologies, as evidenced through stable isotope analyses. This finding mirrors patterns of dual genetic ancestry and admixture previously detected in Iberia but may suggest a more drastic genetic turnover in northwestern Europe than in the southwest.

Roksandic et al. (2022) proposed the new species name Homo bodoensis as a replacement name for Homo rhodesiensis Woodward, 1921, because they felt it was poorly and variably defined and was linked to sociopolitical baggage. However, the International Code of Zoological Nomenclature includes regulations on how and when such name changes are allowed, and Roksandic et al.'s arguments meet none of these requirements. It is not permitted to change a name solely because of variable (or erroneous) later use once it has been originally defined correctly, nor can a name be modified because it is offensive to one or more authors or to be politically expedient. We discuss past usage of H. rhodesiensis and the relevant nomenclatural procedures, the proposed evolutionary position of H. bodoensis, and issues raised about decolonizing paleoanthropology. We reject H. bodoensis as a junior synonym, with no value from its inception.

In this contribution I will review the development of ideas about a recent African origin for our species over the last 50 years, starting from the time of my PhD in the early 1970s. I will examine the instructive and quite different interpretations placed on the 1979 discovery of a partial Neanderthal skeleton associated with a Châtelperronian industry at the rock shelter of St-Césaire in France, and then focus on the crucial years from 1987-1989, including the so-called 'Human Revolution' conference of 1987, and my 1988 Science paper with Peter Andrews: 'Genetic and Fossil Evidence for the Origin of Modern Humans'. Following the historical review, I will assess the status of five proposed models for the evolution of derived Homo sapiens: Recent African Origin (RAO); RAO and Hybridisation (RAOH); Assimilation (AM); Multiregional Evolution (MRE); and Braided Stream (BS). I conclude that a recent African origin model with hybridization (RAOH) is the best supported from the fossil and genetic evidence.

The hominin fossil record of Island Southeast Asia (ISEA) indicates that at least two endemic 'super-archaic' species-Homo luzonensis and H. floresiensis-were present around the time anatomically modern humans arrived in the region >50,000 years ago. Intriguingly, contemporary human populations across ISEA carry distinct genomic traces of ancient interbreeding events with Denisovans-a separate hominin lineage that currently lacks a fossil record in ISEA. To query this apparent disparity between fossil and genetic evidence, we performed a comprehensive search for super-archaic introgression in >400 modern human genomes, including >200 from ISEA. Our results corroborate widespread Denisovan ancestry in ISEA populations, but fail to detect any substantial super-archaic admixture signals compatible with the endemic fossil record of ISEA. We discuss the implications of our findings for the understanding of hominin history in ISEA, including future research directions that might help to unlock more details about the prehistory of the enigmatic Denisovans.

The cranium from Broken Hill (Kabwe) was recovered from cave deposits in 1921, during metal ore mining in what is now Zambia1. It is one of the best-preserved skulls of a fossil hominin, and was initially designated as the type specimen of Homo rhodesiensis, but recently it has often been included in the taxon Homo heidelbergensis2–4. However, the original site has since been completely quarried away, and—although the cranium is often estimated to be around 500 thousand years old5–7—its unsystematic recovery impedes its accurate dating and placement in human evolution. Here we carried out analyses directly on the skull and found a best age estimate of 299 ± 25 thousand years (mean ± 2σ). The result suggests that later Middle Pleistocene Africa contained multiple contemporaneous hominin lineages (that is, Homo sapiens8,9, H. heidelbergensis/H. rhodesiensis and Homo naledi10,11), similar to Eurasia, where Homo neanderthalensis, the Denisovans, Homo floresiensis, Homo luzonensis and perhaps also Homo heidelbergensis and Homo erectus12 were found contemporaneously. The age estimate also raises further questions about the mode of evolution of H. sapiens in Africa and whether H. heidelbergensis/H. rhodesiensis was a direct ancestor of our species13,14. Analyses of the hominin skull from Broken Hill, Zambia, place it at an earlier date than previously thought, confirming that later Middle Pleistocene Africa was home to at least three lineages of hominin.

The analysis of the strontium isotope composition of archaeological materials can provide important information about the mobility of a range of mammals, including humans. The basis of this method is that, prior to any postburial diagenesis, the Sr87/Sr86 ratio of bone and teeth reflects the geological environment from which food and water were sourced while these biominerals were forming. Teeth are particularly amenable to tracing the geographic origins of humans as they mineralize during the first 12–13 years of life (White and Folkens, 2005) and do not subsequently change strontium composition after this time (Schweissing and Grupe, 2003). Strontium isotope analysis can be used to determine if individuals are local or nonlocal by comparison to the isotopic composition in and around their burial location (i.e., Schweissing and Grupe, 2000; Bentley et al., 2007; Conlee et al., 2009). In order to quantify the extent of faunal mobility, the strontium isotope composition of biominerals from fossil samples needs to be compared with a regional map of values obtained either from local faunal material (Price et al., 2002) or from analysis of the bioavailable component of strontium from plants, regolith, or bedrock (Capo et al., 1998).Strontium isotope analysis has been extensively applied to the determination of archaeological mobility, as reviewed by Price et al. (2002), Budd et al. (2004), Bentley (2006), and Montgomery (2010). Although studies of Paleolithic or older archeological material are rare, some have been undertaken on hominins (Sillen et al., 1995, 1998; Richards et al., 2008; Copeland et al., 2011) and faunal material (Horn et al., 1994; Copeland et al., 2010; Britton et al., 2011).Enamel has been shown to be the most favorable material for strontium isotope analysis based on its ability to resist postburial alteration far better than dentine, cement, or bone (Trickett et al., 2003). Enamel of some species grows over extended periods and, when analyzed with microprofiling or laser ablation analysis, can be used to reconstruct comprehensive life histories. This approach demonstrated the seasonal mobility of cattle in Iron Age Britain (Horstwood et al., 2008), Neolithic Germany (Bentley and Knipper, 2005), and England (Viner et al., 2010).

An exclusive connection between Homo sapiens and Nubian Levallois technology has been posited, but remains to be demonstrated1 . Our re-evaluation of the fossil and lithic material from Shukbah Cave confounds such assumptions due to the identification of a Neanderthal molar tooth alongside Nubian Levallois cores and points at the site2 . Hallinan and colleagues3 question this fnding, instead supporting the use of Nubian Levallois technology as a fossile directeur to track expansions of Homo sapiens. We tackle these critiques, highlighting the problematic foundations in the assertion that Nubian Levallois technology is a unique, discrete entity, resulting in its misuse to support simplistic culture-historical narratives., peer-reviewed

This study assessed the regional diversity of the human cranial form by using geometric homologous models based on scanned data from 148 ethnic groups worldwide. This method adopted a template-fitting technique for a nonrigid transformation via the iterative closest point algorithm to generate the homologous meshes. Through the application of principal component analysis to 342 sampled homologous models, the largest variation was detected in overall size, and small South Asian crania were clearly verified. The next greatest diversity was found in the length/breadth proportion of the neurocranium, which showed the contrast between the elongated crania of Africans and the globular crania of Northeast Asians. Notably, this component was slightly correlated with the facial profile. Well-known facial features, such as the forward projection of the cheek among Northeast Asians and compaction of the European maxilla, were reconfirmed. These facial variations were highly correlated with the calvarial outline, particularly the degree of frontal and occipital inclines. An allometric pattern was detected in facial proportions in relation to overall cranial size; in larger crania, the facial profiles tend to be longer and narrower, as demonstrated among many American natives and Northeast Asians. Although our study did not include data on environmental variables that are likely to affect cranial morphology, such as climate or dietary conditions, the large datasets of homologous cranial models will be usefully available for seeking various attributions to phenotypic skeletal characteristics.

As one of the most complete archaic human fossils, the Harbin cranium provides critical evidence for studying the diversification of the Homo genus and the origin of Homo sapiens. However, the unsystematic recovery of this cranium and a long and confused history since the discovery impede its accurate dating. Here, we carried out a series of geochemical analyses, including non-destructive X-ray fluorescence (XRF), rare earth elements (REE), and the Sr isotopes, to test the reported provenance of the Harbin cranium and get better stratigraphic constraints. The results show that the Harbin cranium has very similar XRF element distribution patterns, REE concentration patterns, and Sr isotopic compositions to those of the Middle Pleistocene-Holocene mammalian and human fossils recently recovered from the Harbin area. The sediments adhered in the nasal cavity of the Harbin cranium have a 87Sr/86Sr ratio of 0.711898, falling in the variation range measured in a core drilled near the Dongjiang Bridge, where the cranium was discovered during its reconstruction. The regional stratigraphic correlations indicate that the Harbin cranium was probably from the upper part of the Upper Huangshan Formation of the Harbin area, which has an optically stimulated luminescence dating constraint between 138 and 309 ka. U-series disequilibrium dating (n = 10) directly on the cranium suggests that the cranium is older than 146 ka. The multiple lines of evidence from our experiments consistently support the theory that the Harbin cranium is from the late Middle Pleistocene of the Harbin area. Our study also shows that geochemical approaches can provide reliable evidence for locating and dating unsystematically recovered human fossils, and potentially can be applied to other human fossils without clear provenance and stratigraphy records., Graphical abstract, Public summary • Unsystematic recovery of the Harbin fossil cranium and a long history since the discovery impede its accurate dating • Geochemical analyses, including non-destructive X-ray fluorescence, rare earth elements, and the strontium isotopes, suggest that the fossil cranium was from a bed of lacustrine sediments aged between 138 and 309 thousand years ago in the Harbin region • Uranium-series disequilibrium dating directly on the cranium suggests that the cranium is older than 146 thousand years

It has recently become clear that several human lineages coexisted with Homo sapiens during the late Middle and Late Pleistocene. Here, we report an archaic human fossil that throws new light on debates concerning the diversification of the Homo genus and the origin of H. sapiens. The fossil was recovered in Harbin city in northeastern China, with a minimum uranium-series age of 146 ka. This cranium is one of the best preserved Middle Pleistocene human fossils. Its massive size, with a large cranial capacity (∼1,420 mL) falling in the range of modern humans, is combined with a mosaic of primitive and derived characters. It differs from all the other named Homo species by presenting a combination of features, such as long and low cranial vault, a wide and low face, large and almost square orbits, gently curved but massively developed supraorbital torus, flat and low cheekbones with a shallow canine fossa, and a shallow palate with thick alveolar bone supporting very large molars. The excellent preservation of the Harbin cranium advances our understanding of several less-complete late Middle Pleistocene fossils from China, which have been interpreted as local evolutionary intermediates between the earlier species Homo erectus and later H. sapiens. Phylogenetic analyses based on parsimony criteria and Bayesian tip-dating suggest that the Harbin cranium and some other Middle Pleistocene human fossils from China, such as those from Dali and Xiahe, form a third East Asian lineage, which is a part of the sister group of the H. sapiens lineage. Our analyses of such morphologically distinctive archaic human lineages from Asia, Europe, and Africa suggest that the diversification of the Homo genus may have had a much deeper timescale than previously presumed. Sympatric isolation of small populations combined with stochastic long-distance dispersals is the best fitting biogeographical model for interpreting the evolution of the Homo genus., Graphical abstract, Public summary • More than 100,000 years ago, several human species coexisted in Asia, Europe, and Africa • A completely preserved fossil human cranium discovered in the Harbin area provides critical evidence for understanding the evolution of humans and the origin of our species • The Harbin cranium has a large cranial capacity (∼1,420 mL) falling in the range of modern humans, but is combined with a mosaic of primitive and derived characters • Our comprehensive phylogenetic analyses suggest that the Harbin cranium represents a new sister lineage for Homo sapiens • A multi-directional “shuttle dispersal model” is more likely to explain the complex phylogenetic connections among African and Eurasian Homo species/populations

The Forbes’ Quarry and Devil’s Tower partial crania from Gibraltar are among the first Neanderthal remains ever found. Here, we show that small amounts of ancient DNA are preserved in the petrous bones of the 2 individuals despite unfavorable climatic conditions. However, the endogenous Neanderthal DNA is present among an overwhelming excess of recent human DNA. Using improved DNA library construction methods that enrich for DNA fragments carrying deaminated cytosine residues, we were able to sequence 70 and 0.4 megabase pairs (Mbp) nuclear DNA of the Forbes’ Quarry and Devil’s Tower specimens, respectively, as well as large parts of the mitochondrial genome of the Forbes’ Quarry individual. We confirm that the Forbes’ Quarry individual was a female and the Devil’s Tower individual a male. We also show that the Forbes’ Quarry individual is genetically more similar to the ∼120,000-y-old Neanderthals from Scladina Cave in Belgium (Scladina I-4A) and Hohlenstein-Stadel Cave in Germany, as well as to a ∼60,000- to 70,000-y-old Neanderthal from Russia (Mezmaiskaya 1), than to a ∼49,000-y-old Neanderthal from El Sidrón (El Sidrón 1253) in northern Spain and other younger Neanderthals from Europe and western Asia. This suggests that the Forbes’ Quarry fossil predates the latter Neanderthals. The preservation of archaic human DNA in the warm coastal climate of Gibraltar, close to the shores of Africa, raises hopes for the future recovery of archaic human DNA from regions in which climatic conditions are less than optimal for DNA preservation.

Two fossilized human crania (Apidima 1 and Apidima 2) from Apidima Cave, southern Greece, were discovered in the late 1970s but have remained enigmatic owing to their incomplete nature, taphonomic distortion and lack of archaeological context and chronology. Here we virtually reconstruct both crania, provide detailed comparative descriptions and analyses, and date them using U-series radiometric methods. Apidima 2 dates to more than 170 thousand years ago and has a Neanderthal-like morphological pattern. By contrast, Apidima 1 dates to more than 210 thousand years ago and presents a mixture of modern human and primitive features. These results suggest that two late Middle Pleistocene human groups were present at this site—an early Homo sapiens population, followed by a Neanderthal population. Our findings support multiple dispersals of early modern humans out of Africa, and highlight the complex demographic processes that characterized Pleistocene human evolution and modern human presence in southeast Europe. Detailed comparative analyses of two fossil crania from Apidima Cave, Greece, indicate that two late Middle Pleistocene human groups were present at this site; first an early Homo sapiens population followed by a Neanderthal population.

Perforated batons, usually made from a segment of antler and formed of a sub-cylindrical shaft and at least one perforation, have been documented across Europe from sites throughout the Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic. The function of perforated batons is still debated. We present here three Magdalenian perforated batons from the site of Gough’s Cave (Somerset, UK); these are unique to Britain and represent an important northern example of this artifact type. Our technological analysis revealed that the Gough’s Cave perforated batons did not have a purely symbolic purpose, but were clearly used as tools as demonstrated by extensive use-wear on the perforations’ edges and ancient fractures across both the distal parts and the shafts. The reconstruction of the chaine operatoire suggests that the engraving of the deep curved lines within the perforation of each baton was a functional re-adjustment following the significant distortion of the perforation by use. Additionally, oblique bands of incisions were engraved on two of the batons’ shafts possibly to provide grip on the smooth antler surface. Altogether, the modifications of the perforations and shafts of the three batons support the hypothesis that the Gough’s Cave batons were used in a task associated with ropes and subjected to considerable forces. Their extensive use may be due to the rarity of the raw material (reindeer antler) in the Cheddar Gorge area during the Magdalenian. Extensive usage aside, the Gough’s Cave batons fit typologically and share a number of features with other Magdalenian perforated batons. They can, therefore, add significant insight to the debate about the use of perforated batons.

The Levantine sites of Skhul and Qafzeh have been interpreted as indicating an early, short and unsuccessful expansion of Homo sapiens out of Africa. Chronometric age estimates, however, indicate a history of prolonged occupation, and suggest that Skhul (∼130–100 thousand years ago [ka]) may have been occupied earlier than Qafzeh (beginning ∼110–90 ka). Morphologically, the Skhul individuals can be described as somewhat more primitive in comparison to the Qafzeh fossils. Though the lithic assemblages of sites such as Skhul and Qafzeh are often described as being technologically similar, as part of the ‘Tabun C’ phase/industry, limited detailed information on the Skhul lithic assemblage has been published, and little comparative work has been conducted. Here, we present an analysis of the Skhul stone tool assemblage to describe its characteristics, to evaluate the lithic results against the fossil and chronological data, and for inter-site regional comparison. Our findings indicate that the Skhul lithic assemblage differs from other Levantine Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 5 sites, such as Qafzeh. For example, there was more of an emphasis on diverse methods of point production at Skhul, and the available samples indicate a greater emphasis on preferential rather than recurrent Levallois reduction at Skhul. The current findings suggest that neither the Levantine Middle Palaeolithic in general, nor MIS 5 assemblages in particular, were technologically homogeneous. These data are consistent with either a long occupation of the Levant by Homo sapiens in MIS 5, or at least two phases of occupation (early MIS 5 and mid to late MIS). Whatever the fate of the Skhul and Qafzeh population(s), their occupation of the Levant was neither short nor culturally uniform. Our findings add to the growing pool of evidence that the dispersal of our species ‘Out of Africa’ was more complex than hitherto thought. Further work on MIS 5e contexts in the Levant and elsewhere in Southwest Asia should be a research priority.

The face is the most distinctive feature used to identify others. Modern humans have a short, retracted face beneath a large globular brain case that is distinctively different from that of our closest living relatives. The face is a skeletal complex formed by 14 individual bones housing parts of the digestive, respiratory, visual, and olfactory systems. A key to understanding the origin and evolution of the human face is to analyze the faces of extinct taxa in the hominin clade over the last 6 million years. Yet as new fossils are recovered, and the number of hominin species grows, the question of how and when the modern human face originated remains unclear. By examining key features of the facial skeleton, here we evaluate the evolutionary history of the modern human face in the context of its development, morphology, and function, and suggest that its appearance is the result of a combination of biomechanical, physiological and social influences.

The early Middle Pleistocene human material from Boxgrove (West Sussex, UK) consists of a partial left tibia and two lower incisors from a separate adult individual. These remains derive from deposits assigned to the MIS 13 interglacial at about 480 ka and have been referred to as Homo cf. heidelbergensis. The much larger skeletal sample from the Sima de los Huesos (Atapuerca, Spain) is dated to the succeeding MIS 12, at about 430 ka. This fossil material has previously been assigned to Homo heidelbergensis but is now placed within the Neanderthal clade. Because of the scarcity of human remains from the Middle Pleistocene and their morphological variability, this study assessed whether the Boxgrove specimens fit within the morphological variability of the homogeneous Sima de los Huesos population. Based on morphometric analyses performed against 22 lower incisors from Sima de los Huesos and published material, the data from the Boxgrove incisors place them comfortably within the range of Sima de los Huesos. Both assemblages present robust incisors distinct from the overall small recent Homo sapiens incisors, and Boxgrove also aligns closely with Homo neanderthalensis and some other European Middle Pleistocene hominins. Following morphological and cross-sectional analyses of the Boxgrove tibia compared to seven adult Sima de los Huesos specimens and a set of comparative tibiae, Boxgrove is shown to be similar to Sima de los Huesos and Neanderthals in having thick cortices and bone walls, but in contrast resembles modern humans in having a straight anterior tibial crest and a suggestion of a lateral concavity. Based on the patterns observed, there is no justification for assigning the Boxgrove and Sima de los Huesos incisors to distinct paleodemes, but the tibial data show greater contrasts and suggest that all three of these samples are unlikely to represent the same paleodeme.

Cooper et al . (Research Articles, 19 February 2021, p. 811) propose that the Laschamps geomagnetic inversion ~42,000 years ago drove global climatic shifts, causing major behavioral changes within prehistoric groups, as well as events of human and megafaunal extinction. Other scientific studies indicate that this proposition is unproven from the current archaeological, paleoanthropological, and genetic records.

The Romanian karst hosts numerous caves and shelters that over time provided remarkable archaeological and anthropological vestiges. Altogether they show that humans must have entered caves in Romania at least as early as 170,000 years ago. However, ancient human footprints are very rare in the fossil record of East-Central Europe, with only two known locations in the Apuseni Mountains of western Romania. Vârtop Cave site originally preserved three fossil footprints made about 67,800 years ago by a Homo neanderthalensis, whereas Ciur Izbuc Cave was probably home of early H. sapiens that left almost 400 footprints (interspersed with spoors of cave bears), which were indirectly dated to be younger than ~36,500 years.

Mortuary behavior (activities concerning dead conspecifics) is one of many traits that were previously widely considered to have been uniquely human, but on which perspectives have changed markedly in recent years. Theoretical approaches to hominin mortuary activity and its evolution have undergone major revision, and advances in diverse archeological and paleoanthropological methods have brought new ways of identifying behaviors such as intentional burial. Despite these advances, debates concerning the nature of hominin mortuary activity, particularly among the Neanderthals, rely heavily on the rereading of old excavations as new finds are relatively rare, limiting the extent to which such debates can benefit from advances in the field. The recent discovery of in situ articulated Neanderthal remains at Shanidar Cave offers a rare opportunity to take full advantage of these methodological and theoretical developments to understand Neanderthal mortuary activity, making a review of these advances relevant and timely. publishedVersion

The Westbury-sub-Mendip cave deposits were first exposed during quarrying in 1969. Detailed study of the faunas was carried out by Bishop, who concluded that the derived Westbury 1 fauna is of early Pleistocene age, while the Westbury 2 and 3 faunas are post-Cromerian sensu stricto but pre-date those of the Hoxnian Stage. An alternative proposal by Stuart was that the main Westbury faunas are Cromerian, representing the end of that interglacial Stage. Systematic excavations at Westbury (1976–1984) led by a team from the Natural History Museum have demonstrated the complexity of the site and faunal sequences. The probable early Pleistocene ‘Siliceous Group’ (Unit 1) and its derived fauna is succeeded by two separate stratigraphic and faunal sequences at the western and eastern ends of the site. Palaeoecological reconstructions, using a Taxonomic Habitat Index derived from the small mammal faunas, indicate that the western sequence contains three temperate phases, separated by more boreal conditions and followed by a tundra phase. This tundra phase also appears to be represented in the upper parts of the eastern sequence. Since all of these faunas, including those indicating optimum interglacial conditions, contain Arvicola cantiana, they must be post-Cromerian sensu stricto and appear to pre-date the Hoxnian Stage.

The hominin fossil record of Island Southeast Asia (ISEA) indicates that at least two endemic 'super-archaic' species-Homo luzonensis and H. floresiensis-were present around the time anatomically modern humans arrived in the region50,000 years ago. Intriguingly, contemporary human populations across ISEA carry distinct genomic traces of ancient interbreeding events with Denisovans-a separate hominin lineage that currently lacks a fossil record in ISEA. To query this apparent disparity between fossil and genetic evidence, we performed a comprehensive search for super-archaic introgression in400 modern human genomes, including200 from ISEA. Our results corroborate widespread Denisovan ancestry in ISEA populations, but fail to detect any substantial super-archaic admixture signals compatible with the endemic fossil record of ISEA. We discuss the implications of our findings for the understanding of hominin history in ISEA, including future research directions that might help to unlock more details about the prehistory of the enigmatic Denisovans.

The hominin fossil record of Island Southeast Asia (ISEA) indicates that at least two endemic ‘super-archaic’ species – Homo luzonensis and H. floresiensis – were present around the time anatomically modern humans (AMH) arrived in the region >50,000 years ago. Contemporary human populations carry signals consistent with interbreeding events with Denisovans in ISEA – a species that is thought to be more closely related to AMH than the super-archaic endemic ISEA hominins. To query this disparity between fossil and genetic evidence, we performed a comprehensive search for super-archaic introgression in >400 modern human genomes. Our results corroborate widespread Denisovan ancestry in ISEA populations but fail to detect any super-archaic admixture signals. By highlighting local megafaunal survival east of the Wallace Line as a potential signature of deep, pre-H. sapiens hominin-faunal interaction, we propose that this understudied region may hold the key to unlocking significant chapters in Denisovan prehistory.

Fossil hominin footprints provide a direct source of evidence of locomotor behavior and allow inference of other biological data such as anthropometrics. Many recent comparative analyses of hominin footprints have used 3D analytical methods to assess their morphological affinities, comparing tracks from different locations and/or time periods. However, environmental conditions can sometimes preclude 3D digital capture, as was the case at Happisburgh (England) in 2013. Consequently, we use here a 2D geometric morphometric approach to investigate the evolutionary context of the Happisburgh tracks. The comparative sample of hominin tracks comes from eight localities that span a broad temporal range from the Pliocene to Late Holocene. The results show disparity in the shapes of tracks ascribed to hominins from the Pliocene (presumably Australopithecus afarensis), Pleistocene (presumably Homo erectus and Homo antecessor), and Holocene (Homo sapiens). Three distinct morphological differences are apparent between time samples: changes in adduction of the hallux, changes in the shape and position of the medial longitudinal arch impression, and apparent changes in foot proportions. Linear dimensions classified the potential H. antecessor tracks from Happisburgh as being most similar to the presumed H. erectus prints from Ileret. We demonstrate using 2D geometric morphometric methods and linear dimensions that the Happisburgh tracks are morphologically similar to other presumed Homo tracks and differ from the Laetoli footprints. The probable functional implications of these results fit well with previous comparative analyses of hominin tracks at other sites.

The nature and expression of climate change in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Levant and further into Arabia is of considerable interest across a range of communities. This is in part due to the need to understand the potential for future climate forcing on environments given the complex range of climatic forcing factors that play out in the region. These include the role of prevailing winds across the Mediterranean, Northerly winds pushing down into the region during cold glacial conditions, and the influence of the Afro-Arabian Monsoon. The last glacial to interglacial period is a critical window to examine such processes, as a range of climatic signals are recorded, many of which have been proposed as correlatives of events seen in the North Atlantic. Dating issues are as ever an issue when trying to precisely compare different climate archives. To address such, the INTIMATE event stratigraphy has been developed for the North Atlantic region, with recent extensions into parts of the Mediterranean. This couples the stratigraphic framework of the Greenland Ice core records as a regional stratotype, with a number of tephra horizons in the North Atlantic and Europe, aiding the process of correlation. The last INTIMATE event stratigraphy coupled the extended GICC05 timescale for Greenland back to 128 b2k (Blockley et al., 2014). This paper reports on attempts to test the potential for tephrochronology to be extended into the Levant and potentially Arabia, through the identification of tephra layers in sediment focussing archives, such as archaeological cave sequences. We have examined tephra presence in archaeological sites, principally in Israel, that record sediment deposition from ~30ka BP through to >100ka BP. Analyses of these records show that tephra is present in almost all of the studied sites (e.g., Kebara, Tabun, Amud, Shovakh). Moreover, tephra in these sequences can be chemically correlated to known volcanic systems, demonstrating the potential going forward to analyse long lake and marine records around the region for cryptotephra. At the same time clear challenges are emerging. Firstly, there is a range of chemistry in many of the layers and careful analyses is needed to pick apart the geochemical signal and to identify reworking, as opposed to chemically heterogeneous ash layers from a single volcano. This process is complicated by the relatively limited range of published geochemical data from some volcanic centres. This presentation will outline the current state of knowledge of key volcanic centres, particularly in the Aegean and Turkey, alongside the new Levantine data, to consider the steps needed to establish a secure extension of the INTIMATE approach into this region.Blockley, S., et al., 2014. Quaternary Science Reviews. 106, 88-100. doi:10.1016/j.quascirev.2014.11.002.

No Abstract

Modern humans have smaller faces relative to Middle and Late Pleistocene members of the genus Homo. While facial reduction and differences in shape have been shown to increase biting efficiency in Homo sapiens relative to these hominins, facial size reduction has also been said to decrease our ability to resist masticatory loads. This study compares crania of Homo heidelbergensis and H. sapiens with respect to mechanical advantages of masticatory muscles, force production efficiency, strains experienced by the cranium and modes of deformation during simulated biting. Analyses utilize X-ray computed tomography (CT) scan-based 3D models of a recent modern human and two H. heidelbergensis. While having muscles of similar cross-sectional area to H. heidelbergensis, our results confirm that the modern human masticatory system is more efficient at converting muscle forces into bite forces. Thus, it can produce higher bite forces than Broken Hill for equal muscle input forces. This difference is the result of alterations in relative in and out-lever arm lengths associated with well-known differences in midfacial prognathism. Apparently at odds with this increased efficiency is the finding that the modern human cranium deforms more, resulting in greater strain magnitudes than Broken Hill when biting at the equivalent tooth. Hence, the facial reduction that characterizes modern humans may not have evolved as a result of selection for force production efficiency. These findings provide further evidence for a degree of uncoupling between form and function in the masticatory system of modern humans. This may reflect the impact of food preparation technologies. These data also support previous suggestions that differences in bite force production efficiency can be considered a spandrel, primarily driven by the midfacial reduction in H. sapiens that occurred for other reasons. Midfacial reduction plausibly resulted in a number of other significant changes in morphology, such as the development of a chin, which has itself been the subject of debate as to whether or not it represents a mechanical adaptation or a spandrel.

Attempts to identify a ‘homeland’ for our species from genetic data are widespread in the academic literature. However, even when putting aside the question of whether a ‘homeland’ is a useful concept, there are a number of inferential pitfalls in attempting to identify the geographic origin of a species from contemporary patterns of genetic variation. These include making strong claims from weakly informative data, treating genetic lineages as representative of populations, assuming a high degree of regional population continuity over hundreds of thousands of years, and using circumstantial observations as corroborating evidence without considering alternative hypotheses on an equal footing, or formally evaluating any hypothesis. In this commentary we review the recent publication that claims to pinpoint the origins of ‘modern humans’ to a very specific region in Africa (Chan et al., 2019), demonstrate how it fell into these inferential pitfalls, and discuss how this can be avoided.

Genetic evidence for anatomically modern humans (AMH) out of Africa before 75 thousand years ago (ka)1 and in island southeast Asia (ISEA) before 60 ka (93–61 ka)2 predates accepted archaeological records of occupation in the region3. Claims that AMH arrived in ISEA before 60 ka (ref. 4) have been supported only by equivocal5 or non-skeletal evidence6. AMH evidence from this period is rare and lacks robust chronologies owing to a lack of direct dating applications7, poor preservation and/or excavation strategies8 and questionable taxonomic identifications9. Lida Ajer is a Sumatran Pleistocene cave with a rich rainforest fauna associated with fossil human teeth7,10. The importance of the site is unclear owing to unsupported taxonomic identification of these fossils and uncertainties regarding the age of the deposit, therefore it is rarely considered in models of human dispersal. Here we reinvestigate Lida Ajer to identify the teeth confidently and establish a robust chronology using an integrated dating approach. Using enamel–dentine junction morphology, enamel thickness and comparative morphology, we show that the teeth are unequivocally AMH. Luminescence and uranium-series techniques applied to bone-bearing sediments and speleothems, and coupled uranium-series and electron spin resonance dating of mammalian teeth, place modern humans in Sumatra between 73 and 63 ka. This age is consistent with biostratigraphic estimations7, palaeoclimate and sea-level reconstructions, and genetic evidence for a pre-60 ka arrival of AMH into ISEA2. Lida Ajer represents, to our knowledge, the earliest evidence of rainforest occupation by AMH, and underscores the importance of reassessing the timing and environmental context of the dispersal of modern humans out of Africa.

The temporal bone discovered in the 1960s from the Darra-i-Kur cave in Afghanistan is often cited as one of the very few Pleistocene human fossils from Central Asia. Here we report the first direct radiocarbon date for the specimen and the genetic analyses of DNA extracted and sequenced from two areas of the bone. The new radiocarbon determination places the find to ∼4500 cal BP (∼2500 BCE) contradicting an assumed Palaeolithic age of ∼30,000 years, as originally suggested. The DNA retrieved from the specimen originates from a male individual who carried mitochondrial DNA of the modern human type. The petrous part yielded more endogenous ancient DNA molecules than the squamous part of the same bone. Molecular dating of the Darra-i-Kur mitochondrial DNA sequence corroborates the radiocarbon date and suggests that the specimen is younger than previously thought. Taken together, the results consolidate the fact that the human bone is not associated with the Pleistocene-age deposits of Darra-i-Kur; instead it is intrusive, possibly re-deposited from upper levels dating to much later periods (Neolithic). Despite its Holocene age, the Darra-i-Kur specimen is, so far, the first and only ancient human from Afghanistan whose DNA has been sequenced.

Visual search experiments used in the field of psychology may be applied to investigate the relationship between environments and prey detection rates that could influence hunting behaviours in ancient humans. Two lab-based experiments were designed to examine the effects of differing virtual environments, representing Marine Isotope Stage 3 (MIS3) in Europe, on participants’ ability to locate prey. The results show that prey detection performance is highly influenced by vegetation structure, both in terms of the biome type (wooded vs. grassland environments) and the density of the vegetation (trees in wooded and shrubs in grassland environments). However, the density of vegetation has a greater relative effect in grassland than in wooded biomes. Closer examination of the transition between biomes (relative percentages of trees vs. shrubs) at the same vegetative density shows a non-linear relationship between prey detection performance and the relative tree to shrub percentages. Changes in the distribution of biomes occurred throughout the Quaternary. The composition of those biomes will have likely affected hominin hunting behaviours because of their intermediary effects on prey detection performance. This may, therefore, have played a role in the turn-overs of hunter-gatherer hominin populations during MIS3 and at other times in the Quaternary.

Westernmost Europe constitutes a key location in determining the timing of the replacement of Neanderthals by anatomically modern humans (AMHs). In this study, the replacement of late Mousterian industries by Aurignacian ones at the site of Bajondillo Cave (Malaga, southern Spain) is reported. On the basis of Bayesian analyses, a total of 26 radiocarbon dates, including 17 new ones, show that replacement at Bajondillo took place in the millennia centring on ~45–43 calibrated thousand years before the present (cal ka bp)—well before the onset of Heinrich event 4 (~40.2–38.3 cal ka bp). These dates indicate that the arrival of AMHs at the southernmost tip of Iberia was essentially synchronous with that recorded in other regions of Europe, and significantly increases the areal expansion reached by early AMHs at that time. In agreement with human dispersal scenarios on other continents, such rapid expansion points to coastal corridors as favoured routes for early AMH. The new radiocarbon dates align Iberian chronologies with AMH dispersal patterns in Eurasia. New 43–45 ka dates for stone tool assemblages associated with anatomically modern humans (AMHs) at the southern Spanish site of Bajondillo suggest an early AMH incursion and weaken the case for late Neanderthal persistence in the region.