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Methamphetamine contamination of housing has been discussed as a significant issue in New Zealand. However, scientific evidence to determine a threshold level at which health harms occur is inconclusive, resulting in conflicting and changing guidance. The initial strong precautionary policy, with significant unintended impacts on vulnerable public housing tenants, dramatically changed following a scientific review. This study explores the policy response to residential methamphetamine contamination in New Zealand over the past decade.Thematic analysis of semi-structured interviews with 13 key stakeholders involved in policy development/implementation, including those from government, industry, residential housing and academic sectors.Consistent application of a methamphetamine contamination threshold for housing has been problematic due to legislative and regulatory gaps. Stakeholders in the residential sector have been influenced by perceptions of methamphetamine contamination as a health risk, political views on drug use, media coverage and the testing industry's business practices. Public housing tenants have faced disadvantages when resolving methamphetamine contamination disputes. The testing industry's participation in committees shaping the regulatory response presents a possible conflict of interest. Wide media coverage heightened public anxiety about the problem but may also have stimulated policy changes to alleviate unintended consequences of the precautionary approach.New Zealand's fragmented policy response to residential methamphetamine contamination is likely rooted in the lack of scientific evidence, with some key actors further exacerbating the response. Future policy development should seek to produce overarching regulation that guides the whole sector while balancing powers of the stakeholders involved.

The focus of current research on social media drug markets is the use of mainstream platforms such as Facebook, Snapchat and Instagram. No research currently exists examining how lesser-known social media platforms may facilitate online drug supply. This paper presents the first analysis of the use of the social media platform Discord to buy and sell illegal drugs. The study utilizes observational data and qualitative interviews with Discord drug market participants in New Zealand, including sellers and a drug server administrator ( n = 12). Our findings demonstrate that the Discord platform, which was initially established for gaming, is also being used to facilitate drug transactions. Discord is used to establish local drug selling groups called “servers,” which can be joined by accessing an “invite-link.” The advantages of Discord drug servers cited by interviewees included competitive prices and the ability to greatly expand local seller and customer bases beyond pre-existing personal networks. However, accessibility, server size and management varied considerably between drug servers, giving rise to a range of issues and concerns. We use drug market typologies based on theory of “open” and “closed” markets to understand how “lower tier” and “higher tier” Discord drug servers provided different buying and selling environments. “Lower tier” drug servers were generally characterized by greater ease of entry, larger size, higher rates of opportunism among participants and variable server management. Conversely, “higher tier” drug servers typically involved tighter market entry controls, more active server management and were generally smaller in size. The emergence of Discord drug servers illustrates how the evolution of social media platforms presents their users with new spaces that can be adapted to function as drug markets and the tensions that may emerge during the process of learning to buy and sell in a new social media space.

The availability of legal and illegal drugs is widespread across New Zealand. All drugs have the potential to cause harm to those who use them, and to others. Understanding the nature and extent of these harms depends upon the ongoing and systematic collection of relevant data, which is crucial in achieving the current national policy goal of minimising drug harm. Thus, we aim to describe how information on drug harm is currently collected and measured in New Zealand.This article maps and evaluates harm data within New Zealand, explores data collection methods and timing, and identifies the substances and types of harm assessed to date. We review large and predominantly administrative datasets that provide a measure of harm, which are collected more than once and/or are updated periodically.We highlight a number of key gaps and limitations that exist within the current data landscape, and outline barriers to ensuring greater utilisation. We recommend more frequent data collection, including improved data on harms to others, and inclusion of a wider range of drugs.Implementation of these recommendations will improve the understanding of comprehensive drug harm in New Zealand, to guide effective local harm reduction policies and interventions.

INTRODUCTION Accurate and timely information about nicotine and alcohol consumption is needed to inform effective policy. Wastewater-based epidemiology provides an opportunity to quantify consumption, which can complement traditional data collection methods. METHODS Wastewater samples were collected from seven wastewater treatment plants on seven consecutive days in three regions of New Zealand during the same week as the national census (6 March 2018). Samples were analysed for nicotine and alcohol metabolites using liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry. Detailed catchment maps were developed and per capita consumption calculated. RESULTS Observed nicotine consumption (mean 1528 ± 412 cigarettes/day/1000 people) was similar to national sales data. Observed alcohol consumption (mean 1155 ± 764 standard drinks/day/1000 people) was lower than estimated using alcohol availability data. Consumption of nicotine and alcohol was generally higher in the Bay of Plenty and Canterbury compared to Auckland, mirroring trends in the New Zealand Health Survey. Intra-regional differences were observed and the patterns could not be attributed to urbanisation alone. Nicotine consumption was consistent throughout the week whereas alcohol consumption often peaked at the weekend. Nicotine consumption was correlated with neighbourhood-deprivation. There was little correlation for alcohol. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS Wastewater-based epidemiology provides a quantitative dataset that complements traditional methods of investigating nicotine and alcohol consumption. Timing data collection to coincide with the census helps to account for the influence of population mobility when normalising consumption.

New Zealand recently held the world's first national referendum on cannabis legalisation involving a detailed bill to regulate retail sale and supply of cannabis for recreational (non-medical) adult use (i.e. the Cannabis Legalisation and Control Bill; CLCB). The referendum generated significant domestic debate and lobbying from both sides of the issue. The CLCB was narrowly defeated, with 48.4% voting to support versus 50.7% opposed. In this commentary, we discuss the referendum campaigns and other political and social factors that may have contributed to the result. Voting patterns appeared to largely follow traditional conservative-liberal, urban-rural and age divides. The referendum format created a public campaigning environment that encouraged persuasion and selective use of evidence rather than rational discussion of all the evidence and related knowledge gaps. The self-imposed neutrality of the centre left Labour Party and its popular leader may have been a decisive factor in the narrow defeat. It did not appear to be the case that anti-CLCB groups outspent the pro-CLCB movement in online promotional advertisements, and the leading digital media appeared largely neutral or mildly in favour of reform. The recent New Zealand experience illustrates the uncertainties of attempting to achieve cannabis law reform via a public referendum vote.

Background Existing studies have highlighted the potential for increased drug market risks from buying drugs via social media involving strangers, such as receiving adulterated drugs or being robbed. However, social supply-driven social media drug markets may also offer enhanced social dealing and harm reduction opportunities. Aim To explore how social media platform features that enable expanded social networking may also support safer social drug dealing and other harm-reduction behaviors. Method Thematic analysis of anonymous online interviews with 33 people who buy and sell drugs via social media in New Zealand. Results Participants (median age 24; 22 male, 10 female, 1 gender diverse) accessing drugs via social media mostly utilized established social networks. These personal networks offered many benefits commonly associated with social media drug trading (i.e., safer and secure drug purchasing). Benefits included reducing the risk of receiving adulterated substances and being victimized. Social media affordances, which participants used to expand their everyday social networks, could also increase participants’ ability to leverage a broader social drug supply network and access related harm reduction benefits. Some participants used darknet markets to buy drugs, which they then resold to “friends” via social media platforms, facilitating supply channels that were largely “separated” from local physical drug markets and associated problems of fraud, violence, and organized crime. Conclusion Social media drug markets offer a range of harm reduction benefits that contribute to a lower-risk local drug market. We suggest this may reflect a closer alignment between social media platform affordances and their adaptation to social supply drug trading.

Background Few countries have developed detailed legislative proposals for legalizing cannabis. New Zealand recently released the Cannabis Legalization and Control Bill (CLCB) that will be the subject of a referendum in September 2020. Aims To assess the CLCB, drawing on emerging evidence from cannabis legalization overseas, public health research on alcohol and tobacco and the attempt to establish a regulated market for 'legal highs' in New Zealand. Discussion The CLCB proposes a strictly regulated commercial cannabis market that resembles the Canadian approach, but notably without on-line sales or regional heterogeneity in retail distribution. The objective of the CLCB of lowering cannabis use over time appears at odds with the largely commercial cannabis sector that will focus on expanding sales. The CLCB includes provision for home cultivation and social benefit operators, but it is not clear what priority these operators will receive. A potency cap of 15% tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) for cannabis plants is included, and this is at the high end of black-market cannabis. The proposed progressive product tax based on THC will be challenging to implement. There is no formal minimum price, but rather discretionary powers to raise the excise if the price drops too much. The CLCB includes a comprehensive ban on advertising, but non-conventional on-line promotion will be difficult to suppress. The central government cannabis authority is tasked with developing local retail outlet policies. We caution against the temptation to employ an interim regulatory regime following a positive referendum result, because a partially regulated market will expose users to health risks and undermine public support. Conclusions New Zealand's Cannabis Legalization and Control Bill's objective of reducing cannabis use via a commercial market will be challenging to achieve. The bill could be strengthened with formal minimum pricing, lower potency cap and greater clarity concerning social benefit operators and the role of local government.

The impact of neoliberal reforms of education systems on the work of teachers and school leaders, particularly in relation to high-stakes accountability frameworks, has been extensively studied in ...

The contamination of houses from clandestine methamphetamine manufacture emerged as an issue in New Zealand in the early 2000s. This perspective reviews and discusses the series of policies developed to address methamphetamine contamination in New Zealand houses over a 15-year period, ending with the reversal of the established policy approach in 2018. The policies addressing methamphetamine contamination of New Zealand properties were influenced by a range of sources including overseas scientific guidelines, local scientific reviews, public housing agency policies, and the local methamphetamine testing industry. A post-remediation methamphetamine level of 0.5 μg/100 cm2 was initially implemented in 2010, leading to the termination of public housing tenancies, suspensions from the public housing list, and financial charges for decontamination on public housing tenants. Subsequent reviews of the policy led to some increase in the thresholds (up to 1.5-3.8 μg/100 cm2 ) and the adoption of less punitive sanction processes. A scientific review in 2018 recommended a substantial threshold increase to 15 μg/100 cm2 (a 30-fold increase on the 2010 standard), resulting in HNZ initiating a plan to compensate previously sanctioned tenants. Overreliance on the "precautionary principle"; strict interpretation of scientific guidelines; and the public housing agency's "zero tolerance approach" to drug use, contributed to an overly punitive policy approach to methamphetamine contamination in New Zealand that negatively impacted vulnerable public housing tenants, landlords, and property owners. Investigation into the extent that all possible influences had on the development of the policies, as well as the consequences of their implementation, should be undertaken.

Introduction: New Zealand’s Alcohol Licencing Trusts (ALTs) are community-owned entities that sell alcohol in their districts and return profits back to the local community.Aim: To investigate supp...

New Zealand’s 2020 cannabis legalisation referendum was narrowly defeated. Some post-referendum commentary claimed that the anti-reform campaign dominated the information space. Digital media represented a new forum for referendum advocacy. We analysed reporting on the cannabis referendum by six leading New Zealand digital news providers and Facebook advocacy campaigns ‘for’ and ‘against’ legalisation during 3 months pre-referendum. The mean sentiment score of media articles was marginally supportive of reform (+0.4 on a scale of −2 to +2). On average, pro-legalisation articles were re-published more often (2.3 vs 1.5 times for anti-reform), received better website placement (52% of articles published in the prime website section) and had more Facebook interactions (mean 1129 vs 771 for anti-reform). Ninety six per cent of articles were shared on Facebook, including via paid advertising. The principal pro-legalisation campaigner spent four times as much on Facebook advertising as the principal anti-legalisation campaigner. The networked map of Facebook posts illuminated links between digital media and cannabis advocacy. We find that pro-legalisation campaign dominated the digital information space, while the anti-legalisation campaign relied on traditional media, such as billboards. Combining media sentiment analysis with network analysis of social media posts provided new insights into the cannabis referenda debate.

Social media is increasingly being utilized to facilitate the buying and selling of illegal drugs, particularly by young people. However, the range of social media and messaging platforms means people must make 'choices' around which platforms they will use to conduct drug transactions. Polymedia theory suggests that people use different media to manage their social relationships, 'choosing' appropriate channels or platforms based on platform features and the social context of the relationship. This paper uses polymedia theory to explore how buyers and sellers navigate platform 'choice' for drug trading, and how this bears similarities to the ways in which they move between different platforms in their daily lives. We conducted anonymous online interviews with thirty-three people who buy and/or sell drugs via social media and encrypted messaging apps in New Zealand to explore the factors shaping their selection of platforms for drug transactions. Our findings highlight the importance of the relationship between the buyer and seller in shaping how interviewees weighted the relative importance of platform security and convenience. Though more commercial drug sellers exercised considerable influence in directing buyers of drugs towards a given platform, this pattern was less characteristic of how platform 'choice' was navigated in contexts of drug supply between friends. In social supply contexts, platform 'choices' were often not explicitly made, but rather exchanges were channelled through platforms already in use within the social group. We highlight the tensions that arise between seller preferences for a more secure platform and buyer preferences for greater convenience in contexts of friendship. Our findings highlight the importance of understanding social media drug market engagement as shaped by broader patterns of social media engagement, and the distinctions between different social contexts and personal relationships, consistent with polymedia theory.

A discrete experiment in wastewater-based epidemiology (WBE) timed to coincide with the census was used to investigate the spatial, temporal and socioeconomic patterns of illicit drug consumption in Auckland, Bay of Plenty and Canterbury.For seven consecutive days over census week (6 March 2018), wastewater was sampled from seven wastewater treatment plants and analysed for methamphetamine, cocaine (as benzoylecgonine) and 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA). Detailed sewer catchment maps were developed and, together with the data, were used to analyse drug consumption.Methamphetamine (mean 22.9 ± 9.9 doses/day/1000 people) was the most consumed drug, followed by MDMA (mean 1.7 ± 1.5 doses/day/1000 people) and cocaine (mean 0.5 ± 0.3 doses/day/1000 people). Methamphetamine consumption (and to a lesser extent MDMA) was high compared to that reported for Western nations, while cocaine consumption was extremely low. Cocaine and MDMA consumption were higher in cities compared to towns. In contrast, methamphetamine was typically higher in towns. Cocaine and MDMA were consumed more at weekends. Methamphetamine use was more consistent throughout the week. MDMA and cocaine were correlated with socioeconomic advantage, whereas methamphetamine was correlated with disadvantage.This paper contextualises illicit drug use in three New Zealand regions containing 18.3% of the national population and confirms the pervasiveness of methamphetamine consumption in New Zealand towns. This work demonstrates how WBE can be used to explore the socioeconomic dimensions of drug use when duly combined with other data sources like censuses.

Purpose It is conceivable that cannabis cultivators who grow for medical purposes aim to improve the therapeutic index of their cannabis by attempting to produce particular concentrations of CBD and/or THC. The purpose of this paper is to examine whether small-scale medical cannabis growers differ from those growing for recreational reasons in terms of self-assessed concentrations of THC and CBD in the cannabis they grow. Design/methodology/approach Data collection was conducted online from a convenience sample of 268 cannabis growers visiting a popular Israeli cannabis internet forum. χ2 and Kruskal–Wallis H were used to test bivariate associations between medical and recreational cannabis cultivators in terms of self-assessed cannabinoid concentrations. Findings In total, 40 percent of cannabis growers reported that they grow for medical purposes. Medical cannabis growers were more likely to report that they thought they knew the cannabinoid concentrations of the cannabis they grew and they reported higher self-assessed concentrations of THC, but not CBD. Originality/value Compared to recreational growers, medical cannabis growers are more likely to strive to be informed in terms of the content of their cannabis. Medical growers may also be attempting to grow more potent THC but not CBD cannabis.

To investigate medicinal cannabis users' intentions to transition to the new prescription Medicinal Cannabis Scheme (MCS) in New Zealand.An online survey of 3,634 past-year medicinal cannabis users completed prior to implementation of the MCS in New Zealand in April 2020. Logistic regression models were fitted to identify predictors of intended future engagement with the MCS.Seventy-eight percent of respondents were aware of the new MCS and 66% intended to use it. Higher income (OR=1.57), younger age (OR=1.02) and smoking cannabis (v. vaping (OR=2.0) or oral ingestion in edible form (OR=2.22)) predicted intention to engage with the MCS. Conversely, Māori (OR=0.63) and those who grew their own cannabis (OR=0.52) were less likely to intend to engage with the new prescription MCS.The lower intended engagement with the MCS by Māori, lower income groups and those who home-grow cannabis may reflect their perceptions of the MCS as restrictive and expensive.

Background There are increasing reports of social media being used to buy and sell illegal drugs internationally. Studies of social media drug markets to date have largely involved general explorations of social media drug transactions in select countries. Social media drug markets may operate differently for different drug types and in different country contexts. Aims To identify predictors of the use of social media to purchase cannabis, methamphetamine, LSD and ecstasy/MDMA in New Zealand using a large-scale online survey sample. Methods The annual New Zealand Drug Trends Survey (NZDTS), an online convenience survey promoted via targeted Facebook™ campaign, was completed by 23,500 respondents aged 16+. Logistic regression models were fitted to identify demographic, drug use and drug market predictors of reporting the use of social media to purchase cannabis, methamphetamine, LSD and ecstasy/MDMA. Results Fifty-one percent of the sample had purchased cannabis, methamphetamine, ecstasy/MDMA or LSD in the past six months, of which 22% had done so via social media (n = 2,650). Cannabis was the drug type most purchased from social media among drug purchasers (24%), followed by ecstasy/MDMA (13%). Sixty percent of social media purchasers had used Facebook™, 48% Snapchat™, and 20% Instagram™. The leading advantages of social media purchasing were “high convenience” (74%), and “fast transaction speed” (43%). Younger age was a significant predictor of social media purchasing for all drug types (particularly among 16–17 year olds). Purchasing from someone identified as a “drug dealer” was a predictor of social media purchasing among respondents for all drug types. Conclusion Social media drug markets may have significant implications for drug purchasing by youth through providing greater access to supply and breaking down age-related barriers between social supply and commercial drug markets. Our findings highlight the importance of incorporating social media platforms into youth drug prevention and harm minimisation strategies.

Background A national referendum to legalise recreational cannabis use and supply in New Zealand via the Cannabis Legalisation and Control Bill (CLCB) was recently narrowly defeated. Understanding the underlying factors for this result can inform the cannabis legalisation debate in other countries. Aims To investigate predictors of voter support for and opposition to the CLCB. Method A representative population panel of 1,022 people completed an online survey of intended voting on the CLCB referendum, which included questions on demographics, drug use history, medicinal cannabis, perceptions of the health risk and moral views of cannabis use, political affiliation, religiosity, community size and reading of the CLCB. Regression models were developed to predict support for the CLCB, with additional predictor variables added over successive iterations. Results The most robust predictors of support for the CLCB were use of and policy support for medicinal cannabis use, voting for a left-wing political party, having a positive moral view of cannabis use, living in a small town and having read the CLCB. Predictors of opposing the CLCB were voting for right-wing parties, considering “frequent” cannabis use to be a high health risk, and lifetime use of other drugs. Age, ethnicity, education, employment status, religiosity and lifetime cannabis use were not significant predictors after controlling for other variables. Conclusions Support for cannabis legalization was not based on broad demographics, but rather specific views concerning the medicinal benefit, morality of cannabis use, health risk of frequent cannabis use, political party affiliation, and knowledge of the proposed regulatory controls of the CLCB. The influence of moral views of cannabis use on voting behaviour suggest the need to debate the right to use cannabis. The importance of knowledge of the proposed regulatory controls of the CLCB on voting underlines the need to raise awareness of proposed regulatory controls during debate.

Introduction The establishment of a legal market for medicinal cannabis under the Dangerous Drugs Amendment Act 2015 has positioned Jamaica at the forefront of cannabis law reform in the developing world. Many local cannabis businesses have attracted investment from overseas, including from Canada, US and Europe. Aim To explore the opportunities and risks of foreign investment in an emerging domestic legal cannabis market in a developing country. Methods Thematic analysis of semi-structured face-to-face interviews with 22 key informants (KIs) from the Jamaican government, local cannabis industry, academia and civil society, and field observations of legal and illegal cannabis cultivators. Results KIs from the Jamaican public agencies and domestic cannabis entrepreneurs saw foreign investment as an essential source of capital to finance the start-up costs of legal cannabis businesses. Local cannabis entrepreneurs prioritised investors with the greatest financial resources, brand reputation and export networks. They also considered how allied an investor was with their business vision (e.g., organic cultivation, medical vs. recreational). The key benefits of partnering with a foreign investor included transfer of technical knowledge and financial capital, which enhanced production, quality assurance and seed-to-sale tracking. Some KIs expressed concern over investors’ focus on increasing production efficiency and scale at the expense of funding research and development (R&D) and clinical trials. KIs from the local industry, government agencies and civil society highlighted the risks of ‘predatory’ shareholder agreements and domestic political interference. Concerns were raised about the impact of foreign investment on the diversity of the domestic cannabis sector in Jamaica, including the commitment to transition traditional illegal small-scale cannabis cultivators to the legal sector. Conclusion While foreign investment has facilitated the commercialisation of the cannabis sector in Jamaica, regulatory measures are also needed to protect the domestic industry and support the transition of small-scale illegal cultivators to the legal regime. Foreign investments may alter the economic, social and political determinants of health in transitioning from illegal to legal cannabis market economy.