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This article contextualizes the Chinese reception of Moltmann's "new political theology" within Chinese academia by revisiting the "Beijing Summit" of October 2014, when Moltmann travelled to Renmin University of China to dialogue with ten leading Chinese academics in the humanities and social sciences. Debates raised concerned the recent Chinese reception of Carl Schmitt (1888–1985); President Xi Jinping's Chinese Dream of National Rejuvenation; state responses to terrorism; and the "new political theology" introduced by Moltmann (1926–2024), Johann Baptist Metz (1928–2019), and others in post-WWII Germany. The article juxtaposes Moltmann's and Schmitt's political theologies in their respective receptions in Chinese scholarship, summarizes and presents a brief contextual analysis of the 2014 Summit with Moltmann, and probes the critical potential of Moltmann's ideas for theological discourse in Chinese academia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The turn of Russia’s foreign policy vector to the East stimulates the better understanding of political processes and phenomena in China, which have not yet been sufficiently considered in Russian academia and political elites. Unlike the lack of a clear value-ideological basis of the national security system in Russia, China has solved this problem by including a conceptual level in the system of national security, with the concept of “The Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation - Chinese Dream” at its center. This concept, developed by Xi Jinping, involves renewing the ideological foundations of China, especially the Communist Party, as the backbone of the entire state. This concept, as is customary in Chinese culture, does not negate the previous ones, but only expands and complements all the previous concepts formulated by the country’s past leaders: “Great Leap Forward”, “Reforms and Openness”, etc. The purpose of the study is to reveal the concept of “The Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation - Chinese Dream” as the ideological basis of China’s national security. The methods of analysis of normative documents and discourse analysis of the Chinese leader’s speeches were applied to reveal the traditional cultural values of Chinese civilization with Confucian and Legist bias are in the center of the idea of the “Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation - Chinese Dream”. This concept was examined in our study through the prism of national security theory, which acquired an updated structure consisting of levels: conceptual, sectoral (spheres), institutional (forces) and resource (means). We conclude that this concept applies to all spheres of China’s national security system and is the ideological basis of this system, predetermining the paradigm of China’s development.

This article examines the extent to which the films Wolf Warrior 2 (战狼2) (Wu 2017) and The Wandering Earth (流浪地球) (Guo 2019) might help to cultivate pride in the dream of a revitalised China among Chinese university students in New Zealand. A combination of state oversight, private capital and market forces have led to the People's Republic of China's (PRC) increased production of blockbuster films that promote the 'Chinese Dream'. These films receive regular theatrical release within New Zealand but our understanding of how PRC university students in New Zealand respond to these films remains limited. Understanding this response is vital given the state's view of these students as 'civil ambassadors' and 'a diaspora in the making'. Using focus group data, the article shows how the reception of these films is complicated by the pluralised context of these films' production and consumption, with the engagement of some participants pivoting upon issues of genre more than ethno-national identification. Nevertheless, for some of the participants these films do help to affirm their identities as Chinese and generate pride in a rejuvenated China via the complex ways in which these films connect to their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the "Belt and Road Initiative (B&R)" (Chinese: 一带一路), which is recognized as a global infrastructure development strategy by the People's Republic of China, for the first time in his speech in Kazakhstan on 7 September 2013, Chinese President, Xi Jinping, spoke about the ancient 'silk road' and mentioned the establishment of the 'Silk Road Economy Belt'. As of June 23, 2021, China had signed 206 cooperation documents which covered communications infrastructure, interconnection, investment, trade, finance, technology, people's livelihoods, and oceans with 140 countries and 32 international organizations to join the "Belt and Road Initiative". In 2020 alone, Chinese investors made direct investments of US$ 18.61 billion in 58 countries along the "Belt and Road Initiative" route. In China's "Belt and Road Initiative", the South Caucasus region, known as the middle corridor, is of great significance in the process of transition to Europe. Although Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia officially supported this Chinese initiative, the conflict, instability and changing geopolitics in the South Caucasus region made investors uneasy. In this study, global factors, the future of the "Belt and Road Initiative" in the region and the position of the South Caucasus were studied. And, the advantages and disadvantages of the initiative are evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China Story, also known as Xi Jinping's Chinese Dream of the Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation, is widely accepted as the central narrative for the leadership's ideological and political legitimacy-building efforts. Despite its significance and the widespread attention it has received in the decade since its inception, surprisingly little literature has examined the Chinese Dream through the lens of narrative theory. This article seeks to close this gap by offering a structural narratological analysis of the China Story. It illuminates how the narrative comprises policy-oriented rhetorical frames that form overarching themes that direct party-state actions and support Xi Jinping's status as the 'core' leader. The paper argues that as a 'master narrative', it seeks to provide a spiritual foundation and a compelling vision of a strong, prosperous, and unified China under the rule of the Chinese Communist Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how Chinese politician tactically builds a dream narrative in political speech, namely, the Chinese Dream. By combining the discourse-historical approach, corpus-assisted methods and framing analysis, the study forms a complementary framework to examine the discursive construction of the Chinese Dream in President Xi Jinping's representative speeches between 2012 and 2022. It identifies four key thematic representations, i.e. NATIONAL REJUVENATION, CPC'S LEGITIMACY, CHINESE PEOPLE'S INTERESTS and WORLD'S INTERESTS and also finds that the strategies of nomination, predication, argumentation and perspectivization are skillfully used and reveals the Chinese-centric narrative frame. Beyond that, it further discusses Chineseness in the dream narrative. The paper argues that the Chinese Dream is an artificially discursive construct in a grand narrative used to build an ultimate national consensus and to serve the ideological legitimacy of the ruling class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

В современном образовательном поле звучит вопрос о значимости программ воспитания в школьной среде. Одна из задач воспитательной политики – налаживание процесса передачи и усвоения ценностей учениками школ. Воспитательная политика в Китае выражена в тексте государственной программы «Китайская мечта», которая служит механизмом построения единого ценностного пространства в обществе Китая. Цель исследования – анализ феномена ценностных текстов в пространстве современной китайской школы, связанных с ценностными ориентирами развития и воспитания, изложенными в программе «Китайская мечта», выявление готовности использования технологии ценностных текстов в пространстве российской школы. Научная новизна заключается в выявлении характерных признаков ценностных текстов как социокультурного феномена в образовательной практике, распространенного в китайских школах и в подробном изучении реализации национального плана «Китайская мечта» в образовательной сфере. Применен феноменологический подход и контент-анализ ценностных текстов в пространстве школы (n = 107), констатирующее исследование среди директоров школ (n = 66). В результате исследования доказано, что ценности современного китайского общества в пространствах школ Китая представлены неравномерно. Решением этой проблемы может стать создание методических рекомендаций для директоров школ с поликультурными источниками ценностных текстов для школьных пространств.

Focus of the article is the pursuit by President Xi Jinping (2013–2021) of an aggressive policy of environmental protection and preservation with the ambitious goal of creating a 'beautiful China'. Article begins with a summary of the rise to national leadership by Xi Jinping from a local and provincial leader to national prominence, and then examines the creation of central and local bureaucracies for policy implementation on the environment along with such initiatives as the system of 'river chiefs' to address the serious problem of waterway pollution. By tracing the transition to more environmentally friendly economic and industrial policies, government efforts are also described to foster greater environmental consciousness on the part of the Chinese public. The article concludes by weighing the accomplishments of the new policies along with various economic, institutional, and structural obstacles to achieving a 'beautiful China'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper was to explore the tendency of Xi Jinping's ideology in the context of modern Chinese politics. This article argued that Xi Jinping's ideology is a hybrid between Marxism and nationalism. Through a qualitative method that relies on official documents, archival sources, and specific literatures on Xi Jinping's thoughts and policies, this paper has further analyzed the format of Xi Jinping's ideology used to concentrate on power as well as to build legitimacy and public support. Xi Jinping used the Marxism method to advance his transformative agenda as Marxism changes over time. In addition, he used the Socialism rhetoric to strengthen his personal and party legitimacy amid many problems, such as economic inequality and injustice. Xi Jinping used a nationalism approach to gain public sympathy through the slogan of Chinese Dream.

This article aims to explain the concept of the «Chinese dream», to relate it to other concepts, to find its roots and to determine its meanings. Methodologically, the article proceeds to explore the primary sources – President Xi’s speeches – as well as some explanatory notes on them. The rich literature analyzing the intricate concept confirms that the Chinese also dream... And while their springs are distinct from those of Americans, their dreams intersect and ultimately aspire to global fulfilment.

The "Sinicization of religion" policy launched in 2015 marked a turn in the Communist Party's approach to religious governance, opening a new era of strict control over religion in post-reform China. This article first analyzes this policy in the context of the evolution of the CCP's attitudes to religion over the past century. It then explores the elaboration process and its implications for related official discourse and follows with an examination of the promotion and implementation of this policy. The authors argue that the new conceptual design of "Sinicization" was aimed initially at exogenous religions but later became a general policy applied to all religions, as the central power of the Party realized its utility for subtly achieving absolute authority. Such a "Sinicization" is a projection of Xi Jinping's "Chinese Dream" in the field of religious affairs, a dream of the Party's permanent domination under the mantle of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Upon reaching 100 years of activity, the Communist Party of China (CPC) highlights and projects a unique model of political and social development. Taking as methodological inspiration the proposal of Samuel P. Huntington for the study of the political phenomenon, regarding the adaptability of the seat of power, this work focus on some of the variables that justify the perpetuity of the CPC. Culture and ideology drive an unparalleled evolutionary process in conventional systemic frameworks, legitimized by an outfit with intrinsic Chinese characteristics. China's apparent exceptionalism, based on a strong nationalist vision, is conveyed through a transformational "new era." Western academic currents denote difficulty in framing this phenomenon with global implications.

Ideology is an important though not dominant factor driving the US foreign policy. Amid intensifying great-power rivalry, Washington in recent years has increasingly stepped up its ideological offensive against Beijing. Latest US efforts in this regard include exporting core values associated with the American Dream, e.g., individual freedoms, liberal ideals, and democratic institutions. The three consecutive administrations of George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump had all incorporated ideological components into their policy toward Beijing despite their differences of policy priority vis-à-vis China. Long vigilant about the West’s ideological offensive, Beijing had been pushing back against Washington’s efforts by promoting a rival narrative, the Chinese Dream. Even though Beijing has roundly rejected Washington’s framing of US–China relations in years to come as democracy versus autocracy rivalry and tried hard to insulate China’s relations with the rest of the world from rising geopolitical tensions with the United States, the great and growing ideological rift between the two major powers and their divergent perspectives on and approaches to the big issues of the day may herald an era in which an increasing number of global challenges as well as bilateral disputes and crises defy easy and quick solutions.

Introduction. Today, China and its foreign policy priorities largely determine global international politics. The PRC is one of the main partners of Russia. The need to understand the meanings that the Chinese leadership lays in its main political concepts determines the relevance of this study. The intensification of foreign policy demanded from the Chinese leadership an appropriate discourse, formalized in foreign policy concepts of a global scale. One of these concepts is the “Chinese Dream”. Its semantic content, at a first approximation, is opposed to the “American Dream”. If in the “American Dream” the interests of the individual and his/her well-being are at the forefront, then in the case of the “Chinese Dream” , on the contrary, at the top of the pyramid of values are the interests of the state, then society, and only then the individual.Methodology and sources. The methodological basis is sociological discourse analysis, combined with reflexive sociology, through which the author aims to expand the interpretation of the “Chinese dream” and reveal its additional, not obvious meanings. The empirical base was a sample of direct speeches by the leaders of China (Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, Xi Jinping) and their speeches at the CPC congresses. The works of Alvin Gouldner, Zygmunt Bauman, Michel Foucault were used as a theoretical basis. The author also analyzed some theoretical works of one of the main authors of the concept of the “Chinese dream” Li Junzhu, and in the context of the method of reflective sociology were studied and presented his biographical data.Results and discussion. From the standpoint of sociological discourse analysis and reflexive sociology, the article examines the context of the concept of the “Chinese dream” based on the publications of one of its authors Li Junzhu and the speeches of the PRC Presidents at the congresses of the Communist Party of China who used this formulation in their speeches. In the study, based on biographical facts, Li Junzhu shows socio -political reflection, as a result of which the concept under consideration was formulated. The academic background and experience of working with Chinese living abroad contributed to the theoretical development of the concept, which, as a first approximation, bears the load of an attractive national idea of the “American Dream” type.Conclusion. Discourse analysis also reveals a broader semantic content of the concept, which extends to China’s foreign policy and its vision of the system of international relations. When building a dialogue with China, it is useful to take into account this semantic construct, which is contained in the consedered concept.

Since Xi Jinping became General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the Chinese Dream of National Rejuvenation has emerged as the country´s ultimate imperative. This goal stands in stark contrast to the Century of National Humiliation, when China was turned into a semi-colonial entity by way of force and compelled to cede its sovereignty and sign unequal treaties. In this article I will explain how Xi Jinping´s concept of Chinese Dream of National Rejuvenation has shifted China’s Foreign Policy approach from a low-profile orientation to a more assertive and ambitious one. Additionally, I will illustrate the role which nationalism plays in the strengthening of the party-state’s political legitimacy and how it is related to the emergence of the Wolf Warrior Diplomacy. Furthermore I will argue Xi has embraced a two-pronged foreign policy approach. On the one hand, China is portrayed as a benign major power which advocates win-win international cooperation, the creation of a Community of Shared Future and a New Model of International Relations. Nevertheless, at the same time it vows to strongly defend China’s core interests, CCP’s political legitimacy and reshape international order along the lines of Chinese political values and imperatives. Furthermore, I will illustrate how Xi has centralized power and reformed the foreign policy decision-making apparatus.

Chinese democracy is discussed here from the perspective of intercultural dialog and the need for a global conversation and cultural understandings to build a new democratic global political order. Democracy in China is a controversial issue. But democracy is today problematic and full of paradoxes and contradictions everywhere. We indeed face a paradoxical situation: Western liberal democracy can no longer be considered the unique and universal model of democracy, yet we cannot surrender to a relativistic perspective on democracy. In this article, I first deal with some presuppositions and questions that constitute the "common sense" about Chinese politics: Is Chinese political culture compatible with democracy? Does democracy exist in China? Is talking about democracy in China a Western imposition? Even more: Is democracy necessary? All these questions are intertwined and drive us to ask which democracy we are talking about. Second, we focus on some of the main debates on Chinese democracy: transition to democracy, gradualism, the New Left, deliberative theories and present visions of democracy linked to the new era, the Chinese Dream and the Chinese concept of "Tianxia" (all under heaven) for a new model of international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El presente artículo analiza los factores que caracterizan las relaciones sino-hongkonesas con el objetivo de analizar el futuro del régimen One Country, Two Systems desde un punto de vista del derecho constitucional. Las fuertes manifestaciones acontecidas en el año 2019, así como las últimas acciones impulsadas por el Gobierno de Pekín, como la aprobación de la ley de seguridad nacional, constituyen una señal inequívoca de la tensión experimentada en la región ante el futuro incierto del régimen de Hong Kong, que parece estar limitado por el artículo 5 de su Ley Fundamental hasta el 30 de junio de 2047. Ante esta incertidumbre, esta investigación valora tres posibles escenarios de futuro: Hong Kong pasa a formar parte de China continental, acontece una transición democrática en la región o el régimen One Country, Two Systems perdura en el tiempo.

Upon reaching 100 years of activity, the Communist Party of China (CPC) highlights and projects a unique model of political and social development. Taking as methodological inspiration the proposal of Samuel P. Huntington for the study of the political phenomenon, regarding the adaptability of the seat of power, this work focus on some of the variables that justify the perpetuity of the CPC. Culture and ideology drive an unparalleled evolutionary process in conventional systemic frameworks, legitimized by an outfit with intrinsic Chinese characteristics. China's apparent exceptionalism, based on a strong nationalist vision, is conveyed through a transformational "new era." Western academic currents denote difficulty in framing this phenomenon with global implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation has been the most incredible dream for the Chinese people since the beginning of the 20th century. The Chinese dream is a massive historic economic and social project that requires all the Chinese people to work hard together. Since the reform and opening-up started 40 years ago, significant achievements have been made in China’s economic and social modernization. However, there are still problems that need to be addressed and resolved. It is undoubtedly necessary to explore the causes of the issues and strategies to remedy the defects. To realize the Chinese dream, Chinese people need to renovate their economic and social modernization concept. They need to create a new type of country with more muscular comprehensive national strength and finally realize the dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Communist Party of China (CPC) completed 100 years of its existence in July 2021, with the last 70 plus years spent as the ruling party in China. The centenary occasioned a fresh consideration by the CPC of the challenges to its identity, legitimacy and power. Using select speeches and commentaries produced by the CPC in the context of the centenary, this article analyses how the Party deploys discourses on its history to articulate its concerns and promote its interests today. It also looks at how these interpretations of the Party's history and role in China translate into a growing sense of exceptionalism in the Party-state. The article argues that despite frequent calls to 'seek truth from facts', an overriding desire to retain power is once again pushing the CPC down the path towards dogmatism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Socialism with Chinese Attributes has entered a new era with China's new historical development orientation. Confronted with the new situation at home and abroad, Xi Jinping has initiated some new concepts, ideas and strategies to lead the Chinese people to advance towards the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. His idea of the Chinese Dream depicts a dream of prosperity, national renewal, and happiness, injecting a new connotation and spirit of the times into the adherence to and development of socialism with Chinese Attributes. In the new journey of the new era, Xi Jinping proposed to facilitate the building of a community with a shared future for humankind, establishing a deep and close relationship between China and the world. This paper elaborates on the theoretical ideas and practical activities of Xi Jinping, leading the Chinese people to develop a great socialist culture in China and achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Xi Jinping Thoughts on Socialism with Chinese Attributes for a New Era summarizes the historical experience and the engine for China's future development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study provides a philosophical analysis of the Chinese Space Program and its connection to the embodiment of “China’s Dream” in the 21st century. China’s current achievements and main challenges in the “space race” are observed in comparison to others’ “space superpowers” practical steps. The given analysis includes reflections on geopolitical and scientific-technical aspects of China’s space program and a brief history of the latter, on the development of manned spaceflight carried out by the PRC, and such projects as “Shenzhou,” “Tiangong,” “Beidou,” “Tianhe,” “Chang’e.” Special attention is paid to the review of a variety of Chinese space assets like communication satellites, navigation satellites, meteorological and oceanographic satellites, remote sensing satellites. Also, the national security implications of the the PRC national space program are considered as a security guarantee for China’s peaceful development. It’s arguing that Chinese strides in advancing space technologies have a direct connection to the fulfillment of “China’s Dream” in dimensions of scientific and technological leadership and social-economic prosperity.

Goals. The article discusses the place and role of Buddhism in current sociopolitical strategies of China’s Communist Party. Results. The study shows that the CPC’s sociopolitical strategy is aimed at realizing the ‘Chinese Dream’ which implies scenarios as follows: building of ‘Socialism with Chinese characteristics under the new conditions’; ‘complete construction of a moderately prosperous society’; implementation of the ‘One Belt ― One Way’ project; establishment of ‘a community of shared future for mankind’ with other countries; creation of ‘a multipolar world’. The official ideology underlying the party’s strategy is Marxist philosophy. So, the paper reveals key stages in the development of Marxist philosophy in the context of China’s social and political landmarks. At the same time, significant attention is paid to traditional culture. Conclusions. The article concludes special importance in realizing the ‘Chinese Dream’ is given to the revival of cultural heritage essentially based on the ‘Three Teachings’ – Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Buddhism is reported to still be of great importance in this heritage. The work gives insight into the modernization of Buddhist philosophical and soteriological principles that emerged in line with China’s new sociopolitical trends, and reveals the concept of ‘humanistic Buddhism’ put forward by Tai Xu, a leader of Renovated Buddhism, proves important enough to this modernization. Thus, the relationship between modernized Buddhism and the Communist Party rest on somewhat mutually beneficial basis: philosophical and worldview principles of Buddhism, its tolerance, and peaceful nature constitute a huge potential for its use in sociopolitical strategies of China’s Communist Party. The paper also emphasizes the role of Buddhism in foreign policies as a diplomatic factor of the Chinese government.

The existing literature on China’s soft power is mainly concerned with its success or failure, ignoring the ideological tensions between the Chinese state's international pursuit of soft power and its efforts at reviving the popularity of socialist ideology at home in a country profoundly transformed by modernisation and globalisation processes. This article argues that such ideological tensions should be contextualised and critically analysed by employing an approach informed by critical globalisation studies, particularly by the power-to-whom critique. It offers a critical analysis of the CPC is With You Along the Way film, a notable recent example of the CPC’s publicity videos in the context of its pursuit of soft power. Borrowing Reisigl and Wodak’s discourse-historical approach (DHA) in addition to the analytical devices for the study of ideology from Eagleton and van Dijk, the article argues that CPC is With You Along the Way illustrates a shift in the party’s ideological approach to the question ‘(soft) power to whom?’.

Chinese diplomacy in the past decades was known for its blandness and the use of long, verbose statements. In recent years, the international community has witnessed the emergence of a new form of Chinese diplomacy. This article provides an interpretation of the "Wolf Warrior Diplomacy" in the geo-historical context of the Chinese Dream, which is advocated by President Xi Jinping of China and considers the psychological domains that produce a new national subject. Focusing on the emotional energy of pride articulated in the so-called 'wolf warriors' are known for their 'aggressive, proactive and high-profile' tactics, those constitute the most essential emotional element in the formation of contemporary Chinese nationalism. Those wolf warrior diplomats, especially during the Covid-19 pandemic, have started to use social media platforms to respond aggressively to US slander against China. This article elucidates the emotional politics of pride by comparing the Chinese foreign policies in the eras of Deng Xiaoping, and I conclude that the emerging national subjectivity is a psychic transformation and reinvention of previous nationalist fantasies in the new context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tourism scholarship can advance the multifarious geopolitical projects of state actors and aligned commercial entities. Such effects are achieved not only through tourism itself, but through the production and circulation of politically-inflected forms of knowledge. Such work is conducted by tourism scholars and allied industry and state actors. A first-person account of a 2017 tourism studies conference held at an Australian university demonstrates the argument by examining the ways in which scholars, industry, and state actors navigated and facilitated the geopolitical and geoeconomic agendas of not only domestic but potentially contentious international regimes. The conference received financial and administrative support from state, industry, and academic agencies from both Australia and China. Hosted by the Griffith Institute for Tourism (GIFT) and the Griffith University's Tourism Confucius Institute (TCI), the conference was the third in a series of 'East-West Dialogues on Tourism and the Chinese Dream'. By actively positioning the international collaboration within the rhetorical bounds of the 'Chinese Dream', and by conducting the conference in collaboration with the Tourism Confucius Institute, a quasi-educational operation directly managed by the Chinese party-state, the Australian and international tourism academy implicitly supported the geopolitical designs of the Chinese Communist Party. Renewed attention to academic ethics and increased areal expertise are a necessary response, especially in a time of global geopolitical instability and structural economic transformation in the academy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Chinese Dream" has become a dominant discourse held by the current Chinese political leadership. By drawing on the methodological synergy of the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA), Corpus Linguistic methods and Framing analysis, this study addresses "Chinese Dream" discourse in its sociohistorical context by examining its discursive construction in speeches and in media representations in three English-language newspapers: China Daily, South China Morning Post and The New York Times. The analysis identifies that (1) the sociohistorical context of contemporary China is absorbed into "Chinese Dream" and thus provides a common ground for its discursive formation; (2) the "Chinese Dream" discourse fundamentally promotes Chinese nationalism, the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) consolidation of legitimacy, and President Xi Jinping's authority; (3) transiting from original political speeches to global media representation, the three media adopt different news frames to shape "Chinese Dream", namely: China Daily's China-centric frame, South China Morning Post's multiculturalist-oriented frame and The New York Times' American-centric "othering" frame. These news frames (and related narratives) form the ground for variation of sociopolitical-ideological perspectives. It is hoped that the critical analysis of "Chinese Dream" can contribute to critically understanding contemporary Chinese political discourse in presidential speeches and media reporting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This July marks the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. This event motivated the authors of this article to consider the main problems that modern Chinese society is solving, the place of the PRC in the world economy and politics at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, and China's growing influence on the planet. China's undoubted successes, including in the fight against the coronavirus pandemic and in overcoming the recession caused by tough quarantine measures in early 2020, show the considerable viability of the state created by the Chinese communists, which is increasingly at the forefront of the world in the economy, science and technology, and culture. However, the path to the current rise of the great power was by no means an easy one, and the prospects for its development are perhaps one of the most debated issues in international discussions. China never tires of emphasizing the specifics of its history. At the same time, the diversity of the internal conditions of the colossal country together with the skillful application of carefully studied foreign experience yielded the extraordinary wealth of forms of development, which can serve as a guarantee of new achievements and, possibly, useful universals for all humankind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese politics is qualified often in reference to terms such as "exceptionalism" and "personalization." The brunt of political authority lies in leadership and hierarchical relations. This study finds that since his inauguration in 2012, Xi Jinping has clearly emphasized his steadfast commitment to the path of socialism and the political system of the CCP while continuing to make revisions to core concepts of the socialist order and sparing no efforts to strengthen the ideological status of the supreme leader. The theoretical framework for "Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era" is now complete. Meanwhile, Xi Jinping continues to be highly cautious of Western powers and all manners of domestic security threats. Politically, he vigorously pursues de-Westernization and endeavors to strengthen his grip on ideology with the aim of reigning in the influence of universal values, which are perceived as a threat to the CCP rule. In doing so, he hopes to protect the political consensus within the party and the nation as a whole. However, facing the post-pandemic era, the coronavirus-hit economy slows may have aggravated unrest and turmoil in Chinese society. Facing this unprecedented crisis, the CCP will continue to hold a tighter grip on ideology and political security, strengthening its publicity in the public sphere to reduce the risk of political chaos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines the "imaginaries" taking place in New Engineering Education (NEE). The NEE is the most recent reform of the engineering education sector in China and is used to interrogate the more encompassing backdrop of the country's national imaginary, the "Chinese Dream." Further, this paper analyzes three important policy documents that constitute the blueprint of the NEE. Drawing on Charles Taylor's concept of the "social imaginary" and using critical discourse analysis, a close analysis of the discursive construction of the technological and national elements in the policy texts is carried out. This combinatory theoretical and analytical framework is used to examine how a normative vision and ideology of the development of engineering education is constructed as taking a "new" direction. In undertaking this policy analysis, this paper demonstrates how a rising power is revolutionizing its engineering education as a resource, coupled with the ideological "social (national) imagination" of the Chinese Dream, to extend its power and geopolitical positioning in a competitive and globalized economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]