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This study examined age-related patterns in exposure and affective reactivity to daily stressors across a 20-year time span among adults who were between 22 and 77 years old at their baseline interview. Longitudinal data from the National Study of Daily Experiences (NSDE) consisted of three bursts of eight consecutive nightly interviews of stress and affect. Analyses made use of all available data from a U.S. National sample of respondents who participated in any of the three NSDE bursts (N = 2,845; number of daily assessments = 33,688). Findings revealed increasing age-related benefits. Younger adults (<30 years) reported the highest levels of stressor exposure and reactivity, but their stress profile improved with age. Over time, adults averaged an 11% reduction in the occurrence of stressor days, and the younger adults exhibited an even steeper decline (a 47% reduction) in their levels of stressor reactivity. For people in midlife and old age, stressor occurrence continued to decrease over time, yet among adults aged 54 years or older at baseline, stress reactivity remained stable across time.

Studies comparing the effects of positive and negative affect on psychological outcomes are limited by differences in the situations that evoke these states and in the resulting levels of arousal. In the present research, we adapted the speech portion of the Trier Social Stress Test (TSST) to create conditions with similar situational features that induce either positive, negative, or neutral affective states (N = 301). Pre-post emotion ratings showed that negative affect increased in the negative condition but decreased in the positive and neutral conditions. Positive affect increased in the positive condition, remained unchanged in the neutral condition, and decreased in the negative condition. Participants' post-speech ratings of their positive and negative emotions differed significantly between the positive and negative conditions, which has not been accomplished in previous attempts to create a non-stressful positive TSST. Importantly, participants in the positive and negative conditions did not differ in self-reported levels of arousal and showed similar changes in mean arterial pressure across the speech period, although heart rate was relatively higher during the speech for participants in the negative compared to positive and neutral conditions. Findings demonstrate the effectiveness of a modified TSST for inducing positive affect with similar levels of emotional arousal to the traditional negative TSST.Supplementary informationThe online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s42761-021-00074-6.

ObjectivesDisability in late life has been associated with increases in receiving care and loss of autonomy. The Disablement Process Model suggests that physical impairments lead to functional limitations that contribute to disabilities in managing household, job, or other demands. Yet, we know surprisingly little about how functional limitations are related to activities throughout the day among community-dwelling adults or the possible moderating role of social integration on these associations.MethodsCommunity-dwelling adults (N = 313) aged 65 and older completed a baseline interview assessing their functional limitations, social ties, and background characteristics. Over 5-6 days, they answered questions about daily activities and encounters with social partners every 3 h on handheld Android devices.ResultsMultilevel logistic models revealed that functional limitations are associated with an increased likelihood of activities associated with poor health (e.g., TV watching, medical appointments) and reduced likelihood of social activities, or physical activities, chores, or leaving the home. Most moderation analyses were not significant; family and friends did not mitigate associations between functional limitations and daily activities, with the exception of medical appointments. Individuals with functional limitations were more likely to attend medical appointments when with their social partners than when alone.DiscussionThis study provided a modest indication that functional limitations in community-dwelling older adults are associated with patterns of activity that may lead to further limitations, disability, or loss of autonomy. Findings warrant longitudinal follow-up to establish subsequent patterns of decline or stability.

ObjectivesHaving friends in old age is linked to higher levels of happiness and life satisfaction. Yet, we know little about older adults' emotional experiences when they encounter friends throughout the day. This study examined whether older adults reported (a) more pleasantness, (b) fewer conversations about stressful experiences, and (c) better mood when they had contact with friends compared to when they had contact with other social partners or were alone throughout the day. We also examined whether these experiences varied by the friendship closeness.MethodAdults aged 65+ (n = 313) from the Daily Experiences and Well-being Study provided background information and listed and described their close social partners. Participants then completed ecological momentary assessment (EMA) surveys every 3 hr for 5 to 6 days where they reported their encounters with social partners, rated the pleasantness and indicated whether they discussed stressful issues during these encounters, and rated positive and negative mood.ResultsMultilevel models revealed that encounters with friends were more pleasant and were associated with fewer discussions about stressful experiences compared to encounters with romantic partners or family members throughout the day. Encounters with friends were also associated with better mood, though this link only held for encounters with friends who were not considered close.DiscussionFindings are discussed in terms of functionalist theory, socioemotional selectivity theory, relationship ambivalence, and the benefits of less close ties. This work facilitates the understanding of how daily contact with friends can promote older adults' emotional well-being.

Objectives: To test whether older adults' pain was bidirectionally associated with nighttime sleep disturbances and whether daily positive encounters attenuated these associations. Methods: Participants (N = 292, mean = 73.71 years old) from the Daily Experiences and Well-being Study indicated pain and positive encounters with close partners (e.g., family and friends) and nonclose partners (e.g., acquaintances and service providers) every 3 hours throughout each day across 4-6 days. They also reported nighttime sleep disturbances the following morning. Results: Multilevel models revealed that participants with more prior nighttime sleep disturbances reported more severe pain the next day. This link was attenuated on days when participants had a greater proportion of positive encounters or viewed encounters as more pleasant, especially when these encounters occurred with close partners. Discussion: This study identifies benefits of positive encounters to older adults and sheds light on ways that may alleviate their pain from a social perspective.

Objective: Graduate students report high levels of distress, levels that professionals are calling a mental health crisis. Researchers have identified several factors that may exacerbate student distress, but our objective was to assess positive aspects that may attenuate distress. Methods: Over 3600 graduate students from 10 campuses responded to questionnaires assessing depressive symptoms as well as both positive and negative aspects of their current lives. Results: Both negative factors (financial concerns, poor mentorship, and perceived institutional discrimination) and positive factors (social support, departmental social climate, and optimism about their career prospects) are related to depressive symptoms in the expected directions, although the positive factors have stronger effects. Further, positive factors buffer the effects of the negative aspects on depressive symptoms. Conclusion: Although findings are correlational and do not imply causation, results suggest potentially modifiable factors that universities should consider when considering graduate student well-being.

ObjectivesTo examine whether (a) negative social encounters and physical pain are linked throughout the day, (b) negative mood mediates these associations, and (c) these associations vary by closeness with social partners.MethodAdults aged 65+ (n = 313) completed ecological momentary assessments and reported their negative social encounters, physical pain, and mood every 3 hr throughout the day for 5-6 days.ResultsMultilevel models revealed that negative social encounters were associated with greater pain at each 3-hr interval and that this association was mediated by negative mood during the same interval. Negative encounters with less close partners were associated with pain, but negative encounters with close partners were not.DiscussionRegulating older adults' negative emotions may be crucial to improving their daily pain. Further, interventions focusing on negative encounters with less close partners in daily life may help mitigate older adults' experiences of pain throughout the day.

Cortisol features prominently in theories describing how chronic stress wears away at physical and cognitive health. The current study examines composite measures of physiological and cognitive functioning in relation to two aspects of daily cortisol: total daily output and change in levels throughout the day. Participants (N = 1001; aged 28-84 years-old) from the Midlife Development in the United States (MIDUS) study provided 4 daily saliva samples across four consecutive days and underwent a physical exam that provided information about six inter-related physiological systems that were combined into a measure of allostatic load. They also completed a phone-based battery of cognitive tasks, which provided a composite score combining memory, reasoning, and speed of processing performance. Total daily cortisol output was captured using area under the curve with respect to ground (AUCg). Change in cortisol levels was assessed using two methods: slope, calculated through piecewise spline models, and dynamic range, calculated by the difference between the day's highest and lowest log-cortisol levels. Findings indicate that, when examined together, overall cortisol output was not associated with either outcome, but a greater range in cortisol throughout the day was associated with both lower allostatic load and higher cognitive functioning. Results emphasize the importance of dynamic daily processes, assessed either using slopes or dynamic range, to both physiological and cognitive functioning.

This article views adult development through the lens of daily life experiences and recent historical changes in these experiences. In particular, it examines whether theories that postulate general linear increases in well-being throughout adulthood still hold during times of less prosperity and more uncertainty. Descriptive analyses of the National Study of Daily Experiences chart show how stress in the daily lives of Americans may have changed from the 1990s (N = 1,499) to the 2010s (N = 782). Results revealed that adults in the 2010s reported experiencing stressors on 2% more days than in the 1990s, which translates to an additional week of stressors across a year. Participants in the 2010s also reported that stressors were more severe and posed more risks to future plans and finances and that they experienced more distress. These historical changes were particularly pronounced among middle-aged adults (e.g., proportion of stressor days increased by 19%, and perceived risks to finances and to future plans rose by 61% and 52%, respectively). As a consequence, age-related linear increases in well-being observed from young adulthood to midlife in the 1990s were no longer observed in the 2010s. If further studies continue to replicate our findings, traditional theories of adult well-being that were developed and empirically tested during times of relative economic prosperity may need to be reevaluated in light of the changes in middle adulthood currently observed in this historic period. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

ObjectivesThis study examined age-related cross-sectional and longitudinal associations between activity diversity and four dimensions of well-being: psychological well-being, depression, positive affect, and negative affect.MethodActivity diversity was defined as the breadth and evenness of participation in seven daily activities including paid work, time with children, doing chores, leisure, physical activities, formal volunteering, and giving informal help to others. Participants from the National Survey of Daily Experiences (N = 793, Mage = 46.71, SDag = 12.48) provided data during two 8-day measurement bursts approximately 10 years apart.ResultsOlder adults (age = 60-74 years) who engaged in more diverse activities reported higher psychological well-being than older adults who engaged in less diverse activities; an association not significant among middle-aged adults (age = 35-59 years), and in the opposite direction for younger individuals (age = 24-34 years). Longitudinally, increased activity diversity over 10 years was marginally associated with increases in positive affect. Compared with younger individuals who increased activity diversity, older adults who increased activity diversity reported smaller decreases in psychological well-being, greater increases in positive affect, and greater decreases in negative affect.DiscussionOur findings suggest that activity diversity may play an important role in older adults' concurrent well-being and also in their long-term longitudinal improvements of well-being.

The way we respond to life's daily stressors has strong implications for our physical health. Researchers have documented the detrimental effects of initial emotional reactivity to daily stressors on future physical health outcomes but have yet to examine the effects of emotions that linger after a stressor occurs. The current study investigated how negative affect that lingers the day after a minor stressor occurs is associated with health-related outcomes. Participants ( N = 1,155) in a community-based, nationwide study answered questions about daily stressors and affect across 8 consecutive days and about their physical health almost 10 years later. Multilevel models indicated that people experience heightened levels of negative affect the day after a stressor occurs. Furthermore, higher levels of lingering negative affect are associated with greater numbers of chronic conditions and worse functional limitations 10 years later. Findings suggest that affective recovery from daily stressors has unique importance for long-term physical health.

Reports of emotions experienced over the past week can be influenced by memory bias, which is more pronounced for people with depression. No studies, however, have examined memory bias for specific emotion clusters (e.g., sadness, anxiety, and anger) experienced on a day-to-day basis among people with depression or a history of depression. Participants (N = 1,657) from the Midlife in the United States Study were assessed for depression. Approximately 6 months later, participants reported their emotional experiences for 8 days and recalled these experiences on the final day. Differences in recalled and reported emotion were compared between participants with and without a history of depression. Participants overestimated experience only of negative emotions, particularly anger, and this negativity bias was greatest for participants with a history of depression. Feelings related to anger were prone to greater overestimation than sadness or anxiety. These findings emphasize the role of memory bias in retrospective reports of specific emotions and illustrate the presence of an amplified memory bias among people who are at a greater risk for recurrent depressive episodes.

Higher income neighborhoods are associated with better health, a relation observed in many cross-sectional studies. However, prior research focused on the prevalence of health conditions, and examining the incidence of new health conditions may provide stronger support for a potential causal role of neighborhoods on health. We used the 2004 and 2014 waves of the Midlife in the United States Study (n = 1726; ages 34-83) to examine health condition incidence as a function of neighborhood income. Among participants who had lived in the same neighborhood across the time period, we hypothesized that higher neighborhood income would be associated with a lower incidence of health conditions ten years later. Health included 18 chronic conditions related to mental (anxiety, depression) and physical (cardiovascular, immune) health. Multinomial logistic regression analyses adjusting for individual income and sociodemographics indicated that the odds of developing two or more new health conditions (no new health conditions as referent), was significantly lower (OR = 0.92, CI: 0.86, 0.99) for every $10,000 increment in neighborhood income. Associations did not vary by age or neighborhood tenure. Results add to a literature documenting that higher neighborhood income is associated with better health.

The world is aging at an unprecedented rate, with older adults representing the fastest-growing segment of the population in most economically developed and developing countries. This demographic shift leaves much uncharted territory for researchers who study social relationships and health. Social relationships exert powerful influences on physical health in later adulthood, a critical consideration given age-related increases in the prevalence of chronic health conditions and physical disability. A large body of research indicates that older adults report greater satisfaction with their social networks than do younger adults, and that they often take measures to minimize their exposure to negative social encounters. These emotionally satisfying and generally positive social ties afford some health protection against a backdrop of mounting physical limitations and play an important role when juxtaposed with the potentially health-damaging frictions that sometimes emerge in older adults' social relationships. Although most older adults report that they are satisfied with their social ties, some older adults experience frequent conflicts or ambivalent exchanges with members of their social networks, and these experiences detract from their health. In addition, many older adults will experience the loss of one or more close relationships during the course of their lives, with ramifications for their health and, often, for the reorganization of their social lives over time. Understanding how both the strengths and vulnerabilities of close social relationships affect health and well-being in later life is an important goal, particularly in view of the accelerating rate of population aging worldwide. (PsycINFO Database Record

Feeling unsafe in one's neighborhood is associated with poor health. This relation may be conferred through multiple pathways, including greater psychological distress and health behaviors that are associated with poorer health and perceptions of neighborhood safety. Women and older adults often report feeling less safe in their environments despite having a lower risk of victimization than men and younger adults, and it is unclear whether these differences influence the health-perception relationship. We used the Midlife in the United States study to test whether baseline neighborhood safety perceptions would be associated with chronic health conditions 10 years later, and whether this relation differs by gender, age, and individual and neighborhood SES. Chronic health conditions included items such as respiratory problems, cancer, autoimmune disorders, digestive problems, pain, infections, cardiovascular conditions, sleep problems, and depression and anxiety. Results indicated that people who perceived lower neighborhood safety had more health problems 10 years later than those perceiving more neighborhood safety. These findings persisted after adjusting for baseline health, neighborhood income, individual income, and individual sociodemographics. This relation was partially mediated by smoking. Results did not differ by gender, age, or individual SES. Our results indicate a longitudinal relation between feeling unsafe in one's neighborhood and later health problems among men and women representing a wide age and income range. Moreover, our findings support a behavioral pathway through which neighborhood safety perceptions may be linked to health.

Poor neighborhoods may represent a situation of chronic stress, and may therefore be associated with health-related correlates of stress. We examined whether lower neighborhood income would relate to higher allostatic load, or physiological well-being, through psychological, affective, and behavioral pathways. Using data from the Biomarker Project of the Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) study and the 2000 Census, we demonstrated that people living in lower income neighborhoods have higher allostatic load net of individual income. Moreover, findings indicate that this relation is partially accounted for by anxious arousal symptoms, fast food consumption, smoking, and exercise habits.

ObjectiveOlder adults often appraise and remember events less negatively than younger adults. These tendencies may influence reports that rely more on nonexperiential, reconstructive processes. As such, the current study examined whether age differences may be more pronounced for reports of emotions that span across increasingly longer temporal epochs compared to reports of more proximal emotional experiences.MethodParticipants (aged 25-74 during Burst 1) from the Midlife in the United States Survey and the National Study of Daily Experiences reported the negative affect they experienced across a month, a week, and throughout the day at two measurement bursts 10 years apart.ResultsAcross all negative affect measures, older age was related to lower levels of negative affect. The effect of age, however, varied across the three temporal epochs, such that age differences were smallest when people reported their daily negative affect and greatest when they reported their monthly negative affect.DiscussionTaking into account how emotion reports differ based on method provides a more realistic picture of emotional experience in adulthood. Findings suggest that age differences in emotional experiences vary based on whether questions ask about short versus longer time periods. Age advantages are most pronounced when people recall emotions across increasingly longer periods of time.

ObjectivesExposure to psychosocial stressors often elicits increases in negative affect and blood pressure (BP). Rumination, or thinking about a stressor after it passes, is associated with delayed recovery. Given that older age is associated with greater BP reactivity to psychosocial stressors, rumination may be more detrimental to the recovery of older adults than younger adults. The current study examined this question. We hypothesized that prolonged distress resulting from rumination has greater effects on the recovery of older than younger adults.MethodFifty-two older (M = 69 years) and 61 younger (M = 21 years) adults were exposed to a lab stressor. Afterwards, participants were randomly assigned to a rumination condition (n = 58) or a no-instruction control condition (n = 55).ResultsOlder participants in the rumination condition had delayed BP recovery relative to those in the control condition and all younger adults. Rumination did not influence affective recovery among any of the groups.DiscussionRumination delays BP recovery among older adults, suggesting age-specific risks associated with different types of emotion regulation strategies.

The current study examined whether commonly observed age differences in affective experience among community samples of healthy adults would generalize to a group of adults who live with significant functional disability. Age differences in daily affect and affective reactivity to daily stressors among a sample of participants with spinal cord injury (SCI) were compared with a noninjured sample. Results revealed that patterns of affective experience varied by sample. Among noninjured adults, older age was associated with lower levels of daily negative affect, higher levels of daily positive affect, and less negative affective reactivity in response to daily stressors. In contrast, among the sample with SCI, no age differences emerged. Findings, which support the model of Strength and Vulnerability Integration, underscore the importance of taking life context into account when predicting age differences in affective well-being.

The current study investigated age differences and longitudinal change in mode effects, wherein individuals report less negative and more positive psychosocial functioning with data collection modes that have greater (vs. less) direct contact with interviewers (e.g., in-person interviews vs. telephone interviews). Using 2 longitudinal datasets, the Later Life Study of Social Exchanges (LLSSE) and Swedish Adoption/Twin Study of Aging (SATSA), we tested how mode effects may vary with cohort (baseline age differences) and maturational development (longitudinal change). In Study 1, LLSSE participants (65-90 years old) completed in-person and telephone interviews assessing negative and positive aspects of psychosocial functioning across 2 years. The data collection mode with greater direct contact with interviewers (in-person interviews) was associated with reporting less negative and more positive psychosocial functioning compared to the mode with less direct contact (telephone interviews). These mode effects were more pronounced with older baseline age, but only for the negative psychosocial measures. Mode effects also became stronger over time for reports of negative affect. In Study 2, SATSA participants (38-86 years old) completed mailed questionnaires and questionnaires collected in-person that assessed depressive symptoms and positive affect across 18 years. Consistent with Study 1, participants reported fewer depressive symptoms and more positive affect with greater (vs. less) direct contact with interviewers (questionnaires collected in-person vs. mailed questionnaires). For reports of depressive symptoms, but not positive affect, mode effects were more pronounced with age and time. Together, the results underscore how mode effects may contribute to inconsistent findings in the socioemotional aging literature.

Older adults often report less affective reactivity to interpersonal tensions than younger individuals, but few studies have directly investigated mechanisms explaining this effect. The current study examined whether older adults' differential endorsement of goals, appraisals, and emotion regulation strategies (i.e., conflict avoidance/de-escalation, self-distraction) during a controlled negative social interaction may explain age differences in affective and cardiovascular responses to the conflict discussion. Participants (N = 159; 80 younger adults, 79 older adults) discussed hypothetical dilemmas with disagreeable confederates. Throughout the laboratory session, participants' subjective emotional experience, blood pressure, and pulse rate were assessed. Older adults generally exhibited less reactivity (negative affect reactivity, diastolic blood pressure reactivity, and pulse rate reactivity) to the task and more pronounced positive and negative affect recovery following the task than did younger adults. Older adults appraised the task as more enjoyable and the confederate as more likeable and more strongly endorsed goals to perform well on the task, which mediated age differences in negative affect reactivity, pulse rate reactivity, and positive affect recovery (i.e., increases in posttask positive affect), respectively. In addition, younger adults showed increased negative affect reactivity with greater use of self-distraction, whereas older adults did not. Together, findings suggest that older adults respond less negatively to unpleasant social interactions than younger adults, and these responses are explained in part by older adults' pursuit of different motivational goals, less threatening appraisals of the social interaction, and more effective use of self-distraction, compared with younger adults.

Neighborly cohesiveness has documented benefits for health. Furthermore, high perceived neighborhood cohesion offsets the adverse health effects of neighborhood socioeconomic adversity. One potential way neighborhood cohesion influences health is through daily stress processes. The current study uses participants (n = 2022, age 30-84 years) from The Midlife in the United States II and the National Study of Daily Experiences II, collected between 2004 and 2006, to examine this hypothesis using a within-person, daily diary design. We predicted that people who perceive high neighborhood cohesion are exposed to fewer daily stressors, such as interpersonal arguments, lower daily physical symptoms and negative affect, and higher daily positive affect. We also hypothesized that perceptions of neighborhood cohesion buffer decline in affective and physical well-being on days when daily stressors do occur. Results indicate that higher perceived neighborhood cohesion predicts fewer self-reported daily stressors, higher positive affect, lower negative affect, and fewer physical health symptoms. High perceived neighborhood cohesion also buffers the effects of daily stressors on negative affect, even after adjusting for other sources of social support. Results from the present study suggest interventions focusing on neighborhood cohesion may result in improved well-being and may minimize the adverse effect of daily stressors.

Studies examining the effects of discrimination on emotional well-being have often overlooked (a) differential effects of both everyday and lifetime discrimination and (b) how both types of discrimination may exacerbate stressor-related affect—even when daily stressors are unrelated to discrimination. The current study examined the effects of daily stressors not attributed to discrimination (i.e., nondiscrimination-related daily stressors) on daily negative and positive affect in the presence of either form of discrimination (everyday and lifetime). Participants who completed the second wave of the Survey of Midlife Development in the US (MIDUS-II) and the National Study of Daily Experiences (NSDE-II) answered questionnaires about everyday and lifetime discrimination. Later, they completed daily phone interviews across 8 consecutive days, asking about the nondiscrimination-related daily stressors and the positive and negative affect they had experienced that day. Multilevel model analyses revealed that everyday discrimination was associated with decreased daily positive affect and lifetime discrimination was associated with increased daily negative affect. Moreover, higher frequency of everyday discrimination exacerbated the within-person effects of nondiscriminatory daily stressors on negative affect. Results underscore the importance of considering both independent and synergistic effects of discrimination on daily emotional well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perceived control is an important psychosocial resource for health and well-being across the lifespan. Global control (i.e., overall perceived control) decreases over time in studies following people every few years to upwards of 10 years. Changes across wider intervals of the lifespan, however, have yet to be examined. Further, how perceived control changes for specific aspects of daily life, such as stressors, remains comparatively less clear. Using data from the Midlife in the United States National Study of Daily Experiences (NSDE, N = 1,940, M = 56.25 years, SD = 12.20, 57% female), we examined longitudinal changes in global control across 20 years and daily stressor control across 10 years. Global control was assessed in the first wave of the NSDE (∼1996). In follow-up waves, conducted in ∼2008 and ∼2017, participants again not only reported their global control but also reported their perceived control over stressors they experience across 8 consecutive days. Longitudinal analyses revealed differential change trajectories for global control across 20 years and stressor control across 10 years (ps <.001). Global control declined for younger and older adults but stayed relatively stable for individuals in midlife. The rate of decline in daily stressor control was steeper than the decline in global control and did not vary by age at baseline. In addition, declines were amplified among individuals with higher global control at baseline. Results suggest that daily stressor control is a specific aspect of control beliefs that follows a different rate of change than global control. Public Significance Statement: Global control and control over stressful experiences in daily life change over time but in distinct ways. Analyses from a large national sample with up to 20 years of longitudinal follow-up suggests that global control declines in younger and older adults but stays relatively stable among individuals in midlife. Control over specific aspects of daily life, in contrast, declines at a similar rate across younger, middle-aged, and older adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]