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India is one of the fastest growing countries of the world at present. Currently she is attempting to raise the share of her manufacturing sector to at least a quarter of her GDP by 2022 through variety of proactive industrial policies. This has led to a debate of sorts on the role of industrial policies when the economy is moving towards a free market economy where the discretionary role of government is reduced to a minimum. India's small manufacturing sector, although now sixth largest in the world, is slowly moving towards high and medium technology industries, both in terms of manufacturing value added and in terms of share of manufactured exports. India is now slowly becoming an important player in selected high and medium high technology sectors such as aerospace, pharmaceuticals, and automobiles while her attempts at developing a telecommunications equipment manufacturing industry has failed. The paper identifies the vertical policies that have been crucial for the development or lack of it of each of these four high tech industries. While these vertical policies are shown to be one of the necessary conditions for the growth of these high technology sectors, the sufficient conditions depend on the existence of firm strategies that can take advantage of these proactive vertical policies. The paper thus underscores the importance of specific vertical policies be it is the case of the offset policy in the case of the aerospace industry, the patent policy in the case of the pharmaceutical industry and so on., http://www.grips.ac.jp/list/jp/facultyinfo/mani_sunil/

Right through her independence, India has been trying to achieve economic growth with technological self-reliance. In order to achieve this goal, the country has been adopting a mix of industrial and innovation policies. During the period up to and including the early 1990s, the state attempted to give shape to this goal by intervening directly by generating a whole host of industrial technologies through state-owned undertakings and other public research institutes. During the period since the 1990s, coinciding with the economic liberalization policies the state has replaced this with incentivizing the innovation system of the country. This is because the state wants the private sector enterprises to be at the core of the innovation system. Key to incentivizing the private sector was two specific policies, namely the R&D tax policy and the policy on Intellectual Property Rights. The paper undertakes a critical review of the very recent changes to these two policy instruments., http://www.grips.ac.jp/list/jp/facultyinfo/mani_sunil/

The Supply-Use Tables (SUTs) form a central part of the national accounts, providing a framework to bring together a range of data and, through balancing, to ensure the coherency and consistency of various parts of the national accounts. The SUTs thus serve many purposes, in particular, statistical and analytical, not just for producers but also for a range of different users, and their analytical dimension is especially enhanced when the SUTs are transformed into Input-Output Tables (IOTs). For analytical purposes, the assumptions about the relationships between inputs and outputs are required irrespective of whether the products have been produced by the primary industry or by other industries as their secondary output., {"references":["UN Handbook on Supply and Use Tables and Input-Output Tables with Extensions and Applications (2018)","Eurostat Manual of Supply, Use and Input-Output Tables (2008)"]}

What happens when the most dynamic entrepreneurial businesses in a country are effectively born global, or when most advanced production facilities are owned and operated by foreign firms which turn out products invented elsewhere? Is thin industrialization the result of policy failure, or is it systemic and unavoidable? Can it be unwound by neo-nationalists? What impact does this have on working and middle classes and social development?

Nowadays most of the production processes are composed of different tasks performed by several geographically separated economic agents with its profound impact similar to what observed regarding the division of labour. This system of global production sharing, which is known as Global Value Chains (GVCs), is eventually forming an extensive network of economic values or value added that explains the changing nature of international trade & development. In this context, the gross nature of imports and exports data is such that it cannot provide any direct information about the foreign and domestic value added to an economy. Analysis of value-added trade requires much more sophisticated data like TiVA and WIOD. Nonetheless, we can get some indirect indications about the GVC phenomenon through a set of analytic refinements based on gross trade data and its informed classifications.

The whole purpose of this part of my research is to quantify the degree of value transformation taking place domestically between imports and exports due to India’s GVC integration in the manufacturing sector. The consideration of using gross imports & exports data to draw a quantitative inference about India’s GVC potential leads to a different conceptualisation of the existing production process regarding knowledge, learning, and upgrading. Traditional trade theories assume that the whole production process of a product is taken place in one country and is marketed in another. However, the notion of GVC trade is different – quantifying how much of India’s export value is contributed by imports and how much India is adding value to exports. The basic concept is "import to export" or I2E.

• The conceptualisation of GVC links... Definitions • The structure of GVC links... Trends & Patterns • GVC Link formation mechanisms... Drivers • Shaping economic & social outcomes... Impacts

The statistical challenges of globalization are profound. We cannot rely solely on national statistics to understand how economies work and how to create industrial policies focusing on competitiveness. It is necessary to see the whole. National statistics build pictures based on relationships between producers and consumers and the rest of the world. But these relationships, especially those with the rest of the world, have become increasingly more complex. There is an increasing need to consider global production within a global accounting framework. This implies a departure from the traditional role of international organizations as compilers of internationally comparable national statistics to bring together the national tables to create a global table.

Though the basic (the late 1860s) Marxian model, under the capitalist mode of production, assumes (more or less) perfect competitive or contestable ambience within the market by means of a large number of trivial firms in each industry, Marx was cognizant of the growing size of firms, the subsequent dwindling of competition, and the evolution of monopolistic or anti-competitive power. Hence, the capital has the inclination for concentration and centralization in the hands of the richest and big capitalists. Actually, the concentration and centralization of capital are two capital accumulation (or self-expansion of capital) techniques. Such concentration and centralization of capital can be clearly detected at this modern time, especially in the USA, in the enormous occurrences of mergers, acquisitions and conglomerates. In this assignment, henceforth, I will be trying to cultivate an analytical discussion about these two interlinked concepts and their implications and repercussions in this modern world of capitalism.

International audience; The global production as a system of creating values is eventually forming a vast web of value chains. It explains the transitional structures of world trade and development of the world economy. It is truly a new wave of globalisation, and we term it as the global value chains (GVCs), creating the nexus among firms, workers and consumers around the globe. The emergence of this new scenario raises some crucial questions. It asks how an economy's businesses, producers and employees are connecting to the global economy. How are they capturing the gains out of it regarding different dimensions of economic development? Indeed, this GVC approach is very crucial for understanding the organisation of the global industries and firms. It requires analysing the statics and dynamics of different economic players involved in this complex global production network. Its widespread notion deals with diverse global, regional, and local issues from the top-down to bottom-up, building scope for policy analysis. In this context, this study will attempt to quantify the extent and impacts of India's engagement in GVCs, based on available data. It will also strive to propose a comprehensive strategic framework to identify the objectives of India's GVC participation and development with some suitable economic strategies to achieve them.

Part I: Stylised facts of Global Value Chains (GVCs) Concept – Structure – Formation – Impacts Part II: Modeling Learning & Upgrading in Global Value Chains (GVCs) Motivation – Fundamentals – Conceptualisation – Structuralisation – Formation – Impacts

The importance of trade to an economy needs no emphasis. You sell products or services that you are competitive at and buy those where you are not. Experience of countries such as South Korea and China demonstrate that resources required for development can be garnered through trade; thus, motivating many countries to embrace trade as a means for development. Simultaneously, emergence of 'Global Value Chain' or 'GVC' as they are popularly known has changed the way we trade. Though the concept of GVC was introduced in the early 2000s, there are examples of global value chains before the 1980s. However, the scale of the phenomenon and the way in which technological change, by lowering trade costs, has allowed fragmentation of production was not possible before (Hernandez et al., 2014). In this context, the World Bank has recently published its 'World Development Report 2020: Trading for Development in the Age of Global Value Chains' (WDR). The report prescribes that GVCs still offer developing countries a clear path to progress and that developing countries can achieve better outcomes by pursuing market-oriented reforms specific to their stage of development., This commentary is the outcome of a panel discussion held at CDS on January 17, 2020. We are grateful to Prof. Sunil Mani, Prof. Sudip Chaudhuri and other participants at the panel discussion for their comments which has benefited this commentary. We are solely responsible for any errors that remain

International audience; As we can understand with the spread of GVCs, a lot of new questions emerge regarding the measurement of participation and positioning in the globalised production process. The World Development Report (WDR) 2020 explains the GVC phenomenon and then focus on participation and the prospects especially in a world of change in technology. From the overview section, we can figure out that nowadays, goods and services flow across borders as intermediate inputs rather than final goods. In traditional trade, we need two countries with the notions of export and import. However, in GVC trade, the goods and services cross borders multiple times requiring more than two countries. Remarkable improvements in information, communication, and transport technologies have made it possible to fragment production across national boundaries. So the question is: how to conceptualise this type of new trade to justify the measurement of participation.

International audience; Purpose of this background note is to present some relevant research issues about India's GVC, such as degree of India's GVC linkages, by sector, by industry (preliminary analysis by GVC measures as well as in-depth econometric analysis), consequences of GVCs for economic prosperity i.e. industrial or economic upgrading (including trade-oriented upgrading and adaptation), the impact of GVCs on social upgrading, such as reflection on labour market dynamics (because social upgrading is not immediately associated with industrial or economics upgrading).

International audience; The phenomenon of global value chains (GVCs) indicates a division of labour type production structure in which tasks and business functions are distributed among several companies, globally, or regionally (Grossman and Rossi-Hansberg 2008). The critical features of GVCs are therefore the international dimension of the production process and the "contractualisation" of buyer and seller relationships, often across international borders (Antras 2016). As a result, these international production networks are highly complex regarding geography, technology, and the different types of firms involved (from large retailers and highly large-scale mechanised manufacturers to small home-based production). Sometimes it may be impossible even to identify all the countries that are involved or the extent of their involvement (Gereffi and Fernandez-Stark 2016). However, the recent development of OECD-WTO's Trade-in Value Added (TiVA) data represents a fundamental step forward in understanding GVC trade. Grossman & Rossi-Hansberg (2008, 2012) rightly point out that the different tasks, rather than sectors, define the specialisation of countries in the value chains.

Comment: 15 pages, The global production (as a system of creating values) is eventually forming a vast web of value chains that explains the transitional structures of global trade and development of the world economy. It is truly a new wave of globalisation, and we can term it as the global value chains (GVCs), creating the nexus among firms, workers and consumers around the globe. The emergence of this new scenario is asking how an economy's businesses, producers and employees are connecting to the global economy and capturing the gains out of it regarding different dimensions of economic development. Indeed, this GVC approach is very crucial for understanding the organisation of the global industries (including firms) through analysing the statics and dynamics of different economic players involved in this complex global production network. Its widespread notion deals with various global issues (including regional value chains also) from the top down to the bottom up, founding a scope for policy analysis.

The topic of my research is "Learning and Upgrading in Global Value Chains: An Analysis of India's Manufacturing Sector". To analyse India's learning and upgrading through position, functions, specialisation & value addition of manufacturing GVCs, it is required to quantify the extent, drivers, and impacts of India's Manufacturing links in GVCs. I have transformed this overall broad objective into three fundamental questions: (1) What is the extent of India's Manufacturing Links in GVCs? (2) What are the determinants of India's Manufacturing Links in GVCs? (3) What are the impacts of India's Manufacturing Links in GVCs? These three objectives represent my three chapters in my PhD thesis., 26 pages, PhD Proposal

International audience; Indeed, the global production (as a system of creating values) is eventually forming like a gigantic and complex network/web of value chains that explains the transitional structures of global trade and development of the global economy. It’s truly a new wave of globalisation, and we term it as the global value chains (GVCs), creating the nexus among firms, workers and consumers around the globe. The emergence of this new scenario asks– how an economy’s firms, producers and workers connect in the global economy. And how are they capturing the gains out of it in terms of different dimensions of economic development? This GVC approach is very crucial for understanding the organisation of the global industries and firms. It requires the statics and dynamics of diverse players involved in this complex global production network. Its broad notion deals with different global issues (including regional value chains also) from the top down to the bottom up, founding a scope for policy analysis (Gereffi & Fernandez-Stark 2011). But it is true that as Feenstra (1998) points out, any single computational framework is not sufficient to quantification this whole range of economic activities. We should adopt an integrative framework for accurate projection of this dynamic multidimensional phenomenon.

This article examines the operation of Kudumbashree, the Poverty Eradication Mission for the Indian State of Kerala. Kudumbashree operates through female-only Neighbourhood Groups, which aim to contribute to their participants' economic uplift, and to integrate them with the activities and institutions of local governance. As such, Kudumbashree echoes poverty alleviation programmes elsewhere in the Global South designed to link poverty alleviation to 'active citizenship'. This article evaluates the programme, looking in turn at its impacts on women's participation in public space, its attempts to engineer participatory citizenship through engagement with the local state, and the wider consequences of its particular linking of participation and poverty alleviation for processes of exclusion within Kerala. It argues that although the programme has undoubtedly been successful in its scale and in supporting women's public participation, questions remain over both the autonomy of the 'invited spaces' it has created, and the underlying vision of poverty alleviation it embodies. � 2011 Taylor & Francis.

International audience; Slowdown of industrial growth, particularly since the late sixties, had attracted a great deal of scholarly attention in India. That ongoing scholarly discussions created a debate which was in marked contrast to the relative consensus that prevailed in the professional economic circles in the sixties. Many explanations had been offered to solve this debate. Those explanations, some mutually reinforcing, others mutually conflicting, have highlighted the following set of factors: poor agricultural performance despite the Green Revolution. relative price movements resulting in a shift in terms of trade against industry, unequal income distribution and resulting lack of demand, slowdown in import substitution, declining levels of public investment and increasing inefficiencies in the industrial structure resulting from governmental controls and policies. Now the obvious questions are: Why this incommensurability? How far do the available explanations account for the slow industrial growth? Are there other alternative explanations? On what yardsticks can we say that there has been a slowdown? Is the slowdown after 1965-66 a secular or cyclical process’? What does it mean for future policy’? In this review I will try to answer these fundamental questions through analytical reasoning of different articles.

International audience; The crucial and growing role performed by different financial intermediaries such as venture capitalists and angel investors as well as more traditional intermediaries such as commercial banks in developing entrepreneurial or innovative firms and boosting product market innovations has led to great research interest in the economics of innovation and entrepreneurial finance. Besides this, there are some important factors or developments which have affected the entrepreneurial finance in general as well as its influence upon different entrepreneurial or innovative firms. Indeed, it is also true that the financial and ownership structures of the different entrepreneurial firms and the legal as well as institutional environment, in which they operate, itself affects the product market innovations (Chemmanur and Fulghieri, 2014). .Therefore, in this paper I want to target a broad theme i.e. analysis of the mechanisms behind this scenario, especially, in the context of Indian market system.

Introduction of the book

International audience