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À l'aube du XXIe siècle, l'opportunité de la solution fédérale semble faire débat. Les revendications séparatistes, hier cantonnées aux États africains et asiatiques, et qui avaient déjà conduit bon nombre de fédérations à disparaître dans les années 1960, font un retour en force sur la scène politique. Aucun continent n'est épargné. L'idéal de l'État-nation demeure, et bien des peuples minoritaires ne semblent plus trouver leur compte au sein des unions fédérales existantes. Mais l'irrédentisme révèle aussi le volet politique d'une crise plus profonde du fédéralisme. Oubliant leurs promesses originelles, les États fédéraux se sont progressivement « unitarisés ». Au point qu'il est permis de se demander s'il existe une loi de centralisation du fédéralisme. Quoi qu'il en soit, bon nombre d'entre eux ont échoué à offrir à leurs minorités nationales une garantie efficace contre l'assimilation qui les menace. Les États fédéraux ont refusé de se concevoir à l'image d'une union plurinationale. En effet, les théoriciens du fédéralisme et du libéralisme ont d'abord exclu le modèle multinational. L'homogénéité politique, linguistique et nationale a été érigée par les pères du fédéralisme en une condition de viabilité de l'union. C'est pourtant cette homogénéité qui porte la responsabilité de la centralisation progressive des États fédéraux. Réserver le statut de nation au seul peuple fédéral a pour effet de déclasser les identités politiques constitutives de la fédération en les renvoyant à une simple manifestation de folklore culturel. Et c'est en réaction à cette dite perte d'identité et d'autonomie que répondent les revendications séparatistes québécoise, flamande ou catalane. Fort heureusement, le XXe siècle a connu un renouvellement de la théorie fédérale qui permet désormais de penser la Fédération comme une véritable union de peuples, comme une fédération plurinationale. Christophe Parent est maître de conférences à l'Université de Poitiers (France). Il est membre de l'Institut de droit public de cette université et de la Chaire de recherche du Canada en études québécoises et canadiennes. Ses travaux portent principalement sur le fédéralisme. Il a publié en 2011 un ouvrage intitulé Le concept d'État fédéral multinational. Essai sur l'union des peuples.

This volume searches for pragmatic answers to the problems that continue to beset peacebuilding efforts at all levels of society, with a singular focus on the role of legitimacy.Many peacebuilding efforts are hampered by their inability to gain the support of those they are trying to help at the local level, or those at regional, national or international levels; whose support is necessary either for success at the local level or to translate local successes to wider arenas. There is no one agreed-upon reason for the difficulty in translating peacebuilding from one arena of action to another, but among those elements that have been studied, one that appears understudied or assumed to be unimportant, is the role of legitimacy. Many questions can be asked about legitimacy as a concept, and this volume addresses these questions through multiple case studies which examine legitimacy at local, regional, national and international levels, as well as looking at how legitimacy at one level either translates or fails to translate at other levels, in order to correlate the level of legitimacy with the success or failure of peacebuilding projects and programsThe value of this work lies both in the breadth of the cases and the singular focus on the role of legitimacy in peacebuilding. By focusing on this concept this volume represents an attempt to build beyond the critical peacebuilding approach of deconstructing the liberal peacebuilding paradigm to a search for pragmatic answers to the problems that continue to plague peacebuilding efforts at all levels of society. This book will be of much interest to students of peacebuilding, conflict resolution, development studies, security studies and International Relations.

Higher Education in Federal Countries: A Comparative Study is a unique study of higher education in nine federal countries—the United States, Canada, Australia, Germany, Mexico, Brazil, Russia, China and India. In this book, leading international scholars discuss the role of federalism and how it shapes higher education in major nation-state actors on the world stage. The editors develop an overarching comparative analysis of the dynamics of central and regional power in higher education, and the national case studies explain how each federal and federal-like higher education system has evolved and how it functions in what are highly varied contexts. The book makes a major contribution to higher education studies and defines a new field of comparative analysis. It also provides important insights into comparative governance and the study of federalism and federal arrangements, with their particular historical, political, legal and economic dimensions.

What drives the uneven distribution of democratic practices at the subnational level?Within subunits of a democratic federation, lasting political practices that restrict choice, limit debate, and exclude or distort democratic participation have been analyzed in recent scholarship as subnational authoritarianism. Once a critical number of citizens or regions band together in these practices, they can leverage illiberal efforts at the federal level. This timely, data-driven book compares federations that underwent transitions in the first, second, and third waves of democratization and offers a substantial expansion of the concept of subnational authoritarianism. The eleven expert political scientists featured in this text examine the nature and scope of subnational democratic variations within six large federations, including the United States, India, Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, and Russia. Illiberal Practices makes the case that subnational units are more likely to operate by means of illiberal structures and practices than as fully authoritarian regimes. Detailed case studies examine uneven levels of citizenship in each federal system. These are distributed unequally across the different regions of the country and display semi-democratic or hybrid characteristics. Appropriate for scholars and students of democratization, authoritarianism, federalism, decentralization, and comparative politics, Illiberal Practices sheds light on the uneven extension of democracy within countries that have already democratized.Contributors: Jacqueline Behrend, André Borges, Julián Durazo Herrmann, Carlos Gervasoni, Edward L. Gibson, Desmond King, Inga A.-L. Saikkonen, Celina Souza, Maya Tudor, Laurence Whitehead, Adam Ziegfeld

Intergovernmental agreements are an important instrument in federal systems, establishing new social programs, regulating agricultural practices, and even changing constitutions. Despite their importance, there have only been limited attempts to understand agreements in a comparative context or to provide a theoretical framework for their study. This book addresses both of these deficiencies by comparing the use of agreements in six federations (Australia, Canada, Germany, South Africa, Switzerland and the United States) and considering why certain federations form more agreements than others. Parker analyzes the data using an institutional framework that considers the effects of seven variables, including the constitutional division of powers, the system of intergovernmental transfers, the size of the welfare state and the nature of governing institutions. In addition, the study provides the first ever comparative database of national intergovernmental agreements — a new resource for future research. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of Political Science, Federalism, Government, Political Institutions, Political Theory and Comparative Politics.

Why does political decentralization seem reduce intrastate conflict more in some countries than in others? This question constitutes the central focus of Peace by Design. Brancati argues that the ability of decentralization to reduce intrastate conflict hinges on the electoral strength of regional parties. According to Brancati, regional parties tend to promote intrastate conflict by creating regional identities, advocating legislation harmful to other regions and regional minorities, and mobilizing groups to engage in conflict or supporting extremist organizations that do. Brancati also highlights a number of conditions under which regional parties are more likely to promote conflict, such as democratic transitions. Brancati further argues that decentralization increases the strength of regional parties depending on particular features of decentralization (i.e., the proportion of legislative seats a region possesses, the number of regional legislatures in a country, the upper house election procedures, the sequencing of national and regional elections). These features of decentralization vary across countries and are fundamental to explaining why decentralization is not effective in reducing conflict in all countries. Brancati's ultimate conclusion is that decentralization can be effectively designed to promote peace, as long as it is designed to encourage statewide parties to incorporate regional parties into their agendas and to limit the strength of regional parties. The author provides compelling evidence for her argument through three detailed cases studies (e.g., Czechoslovakia, Spain, and India) and a rigorous quantitative analysis in which she introduces a new dataset on constituency-level elections that will prove an invaluable resource for many future studies.

Why is competition between institutions usually viewed in a negative light, when competition is considered positive in most other economic contexts? The contributors to this volume introduce new perspectives on this issue, analytically and empirically exploring reasons for this perception. Negative assessments of institutional competition emphasize that such competition may lead to a race to the bottom in terms of eroding government revenues, redistributing wealth from workers to capitalists, and limiting democracy by forcing politicians to prioritize international investment capital rather than working for their voters. In this volume, however, many of the essays draw attention to the positive learning and information effects. The contributors conclude that competition may actually lead to institutions becoming more efficient in allocating resources.Students and scholars of economics, political economy, international relations and political science will find the book's non-traditional take on institutional competition a must-read, as will policy analysts and those with an interest in taxation and welfare states.

Problems for environmental management are taking on a new urgency. This book addresses aspects of environmental management that raise fundamental questions about governmental roles and the relationship of humans to the environment. It examines the interaction of local and national governments and the strengths and weaknesses of co-operative vs. coercive environmental management, through a focus on the management of natural hazards. Leading experts in the field examine new and innovative environmental management and planning programmes with particular focus on North America and Australia. This book offers a new understanding of environmental problems and explores the appropriate policy mix that must be developed for environmental management to strive towards environmental sustainability.