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Recognizing emotional expressions across different people and discriminating between them are important social skills. We examined their development using a novel free-sorting task in which children (aged 5 to 10) and adults sorted 20 faces (posing sadness, anger, fear, and disgust) into piles such that all faces in each pile were feeling the same. Participants could make as many or few piles (emotion categories) as they liked and then labeled each pile. There were no age-related changes in the number of piles made. Children made more confusion errors (two emotions in the same pile) than adults, a pattern that decreased with age. Errors were not random, but disproportionately involved placing fearful faces into piles labeled sad and disgusted faces into piles labeled angry-especially among children who did not produce fear and disgust labels, respectively. Our findings are consistent with differentiation and constructivist models of the development of emotion perception. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

With the exception of super recognizers and forensic examiners, people make a surprising number of errors when deciding whether photographs of unfamiliar faces belong to the same person or different people. Training protocols designed to improve professionals’ (e.g., passport officers) performance often include photography. We evaluated the influence of life-time photography experience on the ability to distinguish matched versus mismatched face pairs. Expert photographers were not more sensitive to identity than hobbyists or novices—despite specializing in human subjects; Hobbyists were more liberal (more same responses) than Experts. We conclude that photography experience is not a route to expertise.

First impressions based on facial cues have the potential to influence how older adults (OAs), a vulnerable population, are treated by others. The present study used a data-driven approach to examine dimensions underlying first impressions of OAs and whether those dimensions vary by perceiver age. In Experiment 1, young adult (YA) and OA participants provided unconstrained, written descriptions in response to OA faces. From these descriptors, 18 trait categories were identified that were similar, but not identical, across age groups. In Experiment 2, YA and OA participants rated OA faces on the trait words identified for their age group in Experiment 1. In separate principal components analyses, dimensions of sternness and confidence emerged for both groups. In Experiment 3, YA and OA participants rated these same faces on new words encompassing traits, emotion cues, and other appearance cues. Correlations between these ratings and factor scores showed that sternness is analogous to approachability for both age groups. Confidence is analogous to competence for both age groups and related to perceived age/health/attractiveness. Confidence was related to shyness for YAs but dominance for OAs. The current research has implications for a lifespan perspective on first impressions and informs functional accounts.

Matching identity in images of unfamiliar faces is error prone, but we can easily recognize highly variable images of familiar faces – even images taken decades apart. Recent theoretical development based on computational modelling can account for how we recognize extremely variable instances of the same identity. We provide complementary behavioural data by examining older adults’ representation of older celebrities who were also famous when young. In Experiment 1, participants completed a long‐lag repetition priming task in which primes and test stimuli were the same age or different ages. In Experiment 2, participants completed an identity after effects task in which the adapting stimulus was an older or young photograph of one celebrity and the test stimulus was a morph between the adapting identity and a different celebrity; the adapting stimulus was the same age as the test stimulus on some trials (e.g., both old) or a different age (e.g., adapter young, test stimulus old). The magnitude of priming and identity after effects were not influenced by whether the prime and adapting stimulus were the same age or different age as the test face. Collectively, our findings suggest that humans have one common mental representation for a familiar face (e.g., Paul McCartney) that incorporates visual changes across decades, rather than multiple age‐specific representations. These findings make novel predictions for state‐of‐the‐art algorithms (e.g., Deep Convolutional Neural Networks).

Recent research has emphasized the importance of using images that incorporate natural variability in appearance (i.e., ambient images) to assess face learning and recognition. Across five tasks, w...

Adults recognize hundreds of familiar faces at a glance: a neighbor both at the gym and in wedding photos; actors in numerous movies, despite dramatic variability in their appearance; a high school classmate at a twenty-fifth reunion—despite physical changes associated with aging. What makes this ability so remarkable is that faces are a homogeneous class of stimuli—increasing both the challenge of telling faces apart and of recognizing someone despite changes in appearance. Here we focus on the development of the ability to recognize facial identity, underlying mechanisms, and the role of experience. We focus on behavioral development but sample the neuroscience literature when doing so is helpful. We begin with a brief synopsis of adults’ abilities, followed by a discussion of changes in these abilities during infancy and childhood.

Sutherland and Young's perspective is a timely and rigorous examination of trait impressions based on facial cues. We propose three strtegies to further advance the field: incorporating natural language processing, including diverse facial stimuli, and re-interpreting developmental data.

Perceptions of others’ traits (e.g., trustworthiness or dominance) are influenced by the emotion displayed on their face. For instance, the same individual appears more trustworthy when they express happiness than when they express anger. This overextension of emotional expressions has been shown with facial expression but whether this phenomenon also occurs when viewing postural expressions was unknown. We sought to examine how expressive behaviour of the body would influence judgements of traits and how sensitivity to this cue develops. In the context of a storybook, adults (N = 35) and children (5 to 8 years old; N = 60) selected one of two partners to help face a challenge. The challenges required either a trustworthy or dominant partner. Participants chose between a partner with an emotional (happy/angry) face and neutral body or one with a neutral face and emotional body. As predicted, happy facial expressions were preferred over neutral ones when selecting a trustworthy partner and angry postural expressions were preferred over neutral ones when selecting a dominant partner. Children’s performance was not adult-like on most tasks. The results demonstrate that emotional postural expressions can also influence judgments of others’ traits, but that postural influence on trait judgments develops throughout childhood.

People often find it more difficult to recognize other- than own-race faces. This other-race effect is robust across numerous ethnic groups. Yet, it remains unclear how this effect changes in people who live in a multiracial environment, and in immigrants whose lifetime perceptual experience changes over time. In the present study, we developed a novel face recognition test that approximates face recognition in the real world. We tested five groups of White and East Asian adults (n = 120) living in racially homogeneous versus heterogeneous cities and East Asians who immigrated to a multiracial city between infancy and adulthood. Multiracial cities reduce the other-race effect. The magnitude of the other-race effect changes as a function of experience, mirroring the racial diversity in perceivers’ living environment. Our study highlights the challenge of forming reliable face representations across naturalistic facial variability and suggests a facilitative role of multiracial environments in eliminating the other-race effect.

Adults' first impressions of others are influenced by subtle facial expressions; happy faces are perceived as high in trustworthiness, whereas angry faces are rated as low in trustworthiness and high in threat and dominance. Little is known about the influence of emotional expressions on children's first impressions. Here we examined the influence of subtle expressions of happiness, anger, and fear on children's implicit judgments of trustworthiness and dominance with the aim of providing novel insights about both the development of first impressions and whether children are able to utilize emotional expressions when making implicit, rather than explicit, judgments of traits. In the context of a computerized storybook, children (4- to 11-year-olds) and adults selected one of two twins (two images of the same identity displaying different emotional expressions) to help them face a challenge; some challenges required a trustworthy partner, and others required a dominant partner. One twin posed a neutral expression, and the other posed a subtle emotional expression of happiness, fear, or anger. Whereas adults were more likely to select a happy partner on trust trials than on dominance trials and were more likely to select an angry partner on dominance trials than on trust trials, we found no evidence that children's choices reflected a combined influence of desirable trait and emotion. Follow-up experiments involving explicit trait judgments, explicit emotion recognition, and implicit first impression judgments in the context of intense emotional expressions provide valuable insights into the slow development of implicit trait judgments based on first impressions.

Adults' ability to recognize individual faces is shaped by experience. Young adults recognize own-age and own-race faces more accurately than other-age and other-race faces. The own-age and own-race biases have been attributed to differential perceptual experience and to differences in how in-group vs. out-group faces are processed, with in-group faces being processed at the individual level and out-group faces being processed at the categorical level. To examine this social categorization hypothesis, young adults studied young and older faces in Experiment 1 and own- and other-race faces in Experiment 2. During the learning phase the identity-matching group viewed faces in pairs and completed a same/different task designed to enhance attention to individuating cues; the passive-viewing group memorized faces presented individually. After the learning phase, all participants completed an identical old/new recognition task. Both passive-viewing groups showed the expected recognition bias, but divergent patterns were observed in the identity-matching groups. Whereas the identity-matching task eliminated the own-age bias, it neither eliminated nor reduced the own-race bias. Collectively, these results suggest that categorization-individuation processes do not play the same role in explaining the two recognition biases.

First impressions of traits are formed rapidly and nonconsciously, suggesting an automatic process. We examined whether first impressions of trustworthiness are mandatory, another component of automaticity in face processing. In Experiment 1a, participants rated faces displaying subtle happy, subtle angry, and neutral expressions on trustworthiness. Happy faces were rated as more trustworthy than neutral faces; angry faces were rated as less trustworthy. In Experiment 1b, participants learned eight identities, half showing subtle happy and half showing subtle angry expressions. They then rated neutral images of these same identities (plus four novel neutral faces) on trustworthiness. Multilevel modeling analyses showed that identities previously shown with subtle expressions of happiness were rated as more trustworthy than novel identities. There was no effect of previously seen subtle angry expressions on ratings of trustworthiness. Mandatory first impressions based on subtle facial expressions were also reflected in two ratings designed to assess real-world outcomes. Participants indicated that they were more likely to vote for identities that had posed happy expressions and more likely to loan them money. These findings demonstrate that first impressions of trustworthiness based on previously seen subtle happy, but not angry, expressions are mandatory and are likely to have behavioral consequences.

Children under 6 years of age have difficulty recognizing a familiar face across changes in appearance and telling the face apart from similar-looking people. Understanding the process by which newly encountered faces become familiar can provide insights into these difficulties. Exposure to the ways in which a person varies in appearance is one mechanism by which adults and older children (≥6 years) learn new faces. We provide the first investigation of whether this mechanism for face learning functions in younger children. Children aged 4 and 5 years were read two storybooks featuring an unfamiliar character. Participants viewed six images of the character in one story and one image of the character in the other story. After each story, children were asked to identify novel images of the character that were intermixed with images of a similar-looking distractor. Like older children, 4- and 5-year-olds were more sensitive to identity in the 6-image condition, but they also adapted a less conservative criterion. Young children identified more images of the character after viewing six images versus one image. However, many also incorrectly identified more images of the distractor after viewing six images versus one image, an effect not previously found for older children and adults. These results suggest that this mechanism for face learning is not fully refined before 6 years of age.

We examined the utility of a gaze cueing paradigm to examine sensitivity to differences among negatively valenced expressions. Participants judged target stimuli (dangerous or safe), the location of which was cued by the gaze direction of a central face. Dawel et al. reported that gaze cueing effects (faster response times on valid vs. invalid trials) were larger when the central face displayed fear than when it displayed happiness. Our aim was to determine whether this effect was specific to fear, to all threat-related expressions (fear, anger), or to all negatively valenced expressions (fear, anger, sadness, disgust) with the aim of using this protocol to study the development of implicit discrimination of negatively valenced expressions. Across five experiments in which we varied the number of models (1 vs. 4), the number of expressions (2 vs. 5), and the country of residence of participants (Canada vs. Australia) we found no evidence that the magnitude of gaze cueing effects is modulated by expression. We discuss our failure to replicate in the context of the broader literature.

Humans are error-prone at matching identity in photos of unfamiliar faces, especially in ambient images that incorporate natural variability in appearance. Nonetheless, matching faces to photographs is heavily relied upon in applied settings (e.g., when crossing the border). Whereas past training protocols emphasized discriminating highly similar identities, we incorporated within-person variability in appearance during training and in our identity-matching task. On each of five training days, participants learned six images per each of six identities. Accuracy improved on an identity-matching task for new images of trained identities, with no generalization to different identities. Experiment 1b suggests that learning multiple images of each identity was key; we found no significant improvement when training involved learning a single image of 12 identities. Collectively, our results have implications for understanding the process of face learning and improving recognition in applied settings.

Nearly every study investigating the development of face recognition has focused on the ability to tell people apart using one or two tightly controlled images to represent each identity. Such research ignores the challenge of recognizing the same person despite variability in appearance. Whereas natural variation in appearance makes unfamiliar faces difficult to recognize, by 6 years of age people easily recognize multiple images of familiar faces. Two mechanisms are proposed to underlie the process by which adults become familiar with newly encountered faces. We provide the first examination of the development of these mechanisms during childhood (6–11 years). In Experiment 1, we examined children’s (6- to 10-year-olds’) and adults’ ability to engage in ensemble coding—the ability to rapidly extract an average representation of an identity from several instances. In Experiment 2, we examined children’s ability to use within-person variability in appearance to recognize novel instances of a newly encountered identity. We created a child-friendly perceptual matching task, and the number of images to which participants were exposed varied across targets. Although children were less accurate than adults overall in Experiment 2, we found no age-related improvement in either ensemble coding or the ability to benefit from exposure to within-person variability in appearance when learning a new face, suggesting that both abilities are developed by 6 years of age. We discuss the implications of these findings for understanding the nature of mechanisms underlying face learning and other developmental processes such as language and music.

Despite the profound behavioral consequences that first impressions of trustworthiness have on adult populations, few studies have examined how adults’ first impressions of trustworthiness influence behavioral outcomes for children. Using a novel task design, we examined adults’ perceptions of children’s behavior in ambiguous situations. After a brief presentation of a child’s face (high trust or low trust), participants viewed the child’s face embedded within an ambiguous scene involving two children (Scene Task) or read a vignette about a misbehavior done by that child (Misbehavior Task). In the Scene Task, participants described what they believed to be happening in each scene; in the Misbehavior Task, participants indicated whether the behavior was done on purpose or by accident. In both tasks, participants also rated the behavior of the target child and indicated whether that child would be a good friend. In Experiment 1, young adults (n = 61) and older adults (n = 57) viewed unaltered face images. In Experiment 2, young adults (N = 59) completed the same tasks while viewing images of child faces morphed toward high-trust and low-trust averages. In both experiments, ambiguous scenes and misbehaviors were interpreted more positively when the target child had a high-trust face versus a low-trust face, with comparable patterns of results for the two age groups. Collectively, our results demonstrate that a child’s facial trustworthiness biases how adults interpret children’s behavior—a heuristic that may have lasting behavioral consequences for children through a self-fulfilling prophecy.

A growing literature shows that body postures influence recognition of static facial expressions; a fearful face, for example, is perceived as angry when presented on an angry body posture. In daily life, however, people conveying emotions are moving. Here we provide the first examination of such congruency effects for stimuli with naturalistic movement. Adults and children were asked to label the facial expression in static or dynamic whole-person displays comprising congruent (e.g., sad face on sad body) and incongruent (e.g., sad face on fearful body) expressions. Recognition was impaired on incongruent trials, especially for dynamic stimuli and despite eye-tracking data confirming that both age groups attended to the face, as instructed. Our findings highlight the importance of integrating whole-person and dynamic stimuli into research and theories of emotion perception.

Adults and children aged 6 years and older easily recognize multiple images of a familiar face, but often perceive two images of an unfamiliar face as belonging to different identities. Here we examined the process by which a newly encountered face becomes familiar, defined as accurate recognition of multiple images that capture natural within-person variability in appearance. In Experiment 1 we examined whether exposure to within-person variability in appearance helps children learn a new face. Children aged 6–13 years watched a 10-min video of a woman reading a story; she was filmed on a single day (low variability) or over three days, across which her appearance and filming conditions (e.g., camera, lighting) varied (high variability). After familiarization, participants sorted a set of images comprising novel images of the target identity intermixed with distractors. Compared to participants who received no familiarization, children showed evidence of learning only in the high-variability condition, in contrast to adults who showed evidence of learning in both the low- and high-variability conditions. Experiment 2 highlighted the efficiency with which adults learn a new face; their accuracy was comparable across training conditions despite variability in duration (1 vs. 10 min) and type (video vs. static images) of training. Collectively, our findings show that exposure to variability leads to the formation of a robust representation of facial identity, consistent with perceptual learning in other domains (e.g., language), and that the development of face learning is protracted throughout childhood. We discuss possible underlying mechanisms.

Research examining children's emotion judgments has generally used nonsocial tasks that do not resemble children's daily experiences in judging others' emotions. Here, younger children (4- to 6-year-olds) and older children (7- to 9-year-olds) participated in a socially interactive task where an experimenter opened boxes and made an expression (happy, sad, scared, or disgust) based on the object inside. Children guessed which of four objects (a sticker, a broken toy car, a spider, or toy poop) was in the box. Subsequently, children opened a set of boxes and generated facial expressions for the experimenter. Children also labeled the emotion elicited by the objects and static facial expressions. Children's ability to guess which object caused the experimenter's expression increased with age but did not predict their ability to generate a recognizable expression. Children's demonstration of emotion knowledge also varied across tasks, suggesting that when emotion judgment tasks more closely mimic their daily experiences, children demonstrate broader emotion knowledge.

The ability to recognize identity despite within-person variability in appearance is likely a face-specific skill and shaped by experience. Ensemble coding - the automatic extraction of the average of a stimulus array - has been proposed as a mechanism underlying face learning (allowing one to recognize novel instances of a newly learned face). We investigated whether ensemble encoding, like face learning and recognition, is refined by experience by testing participants with upright own-race faces and two categories of faces with which they lacked experience: other-race faces (Experiment 1) and inverted faces (Experiment 2). Participants viewed four images of an unfamiliar identity and then were asked whether a test image of that same identity had been in the study array. Each test image was a matching exemplar (from the array), matching average (the average of the images in the array), non-matching exemplar (a novel image of the same identity), or non-matching average (an average of four different images of the same identity). Adults showed comparable ensemble coding for all three categories (i.e., reported that matching averages had been present more than non-matching averages), providing evidence that this early stage of face learning is not shaped by face-specific experience.

Although the other-race effect (ORE; superior recognition of own- relative to other-race faces) is well established, the mechanisms underlying it are not well understood. We examined whether the ORE is attributable to differential use of shape and texture cues for own- vs. other-race faces. Shape cues are particularly important for detecting that an own-race face is unfamiliar, whereas texture cues are more important for recognizing familiar and newly learned own-race faces. We compared the influence of shape and texture cues on Caucasian participants' recognition of Caucasian and East Asian faces using two complementary approaches. In Experiment 1, participants studied veridical, shape-caricatured, or texture-caricatured faces and then were asked to recognize them in an old/new recognition task. In Experiment 2, all study faces were veridical and we independently removed the diagnosticity of shape (or texture) cues in the test phase by replacing original shape (or texture) with average shape (or texture). Despite an overall own-race advantage, participants' use of shape and texture cues was comparable for own- and other-race faces. These results suggest that the other-race effect is not attributable to qualitative differences in the use of shape and texture cues.

Two photos of an unfamiliar face are often perceived as belonging to different people—an error that disappears when a face is familiar. Face learning has been characterized as increased tolerance of within-person variability in appearance and is facilitated by exposure to such variability (e.g., differences in expression, lighting, and aesthetics). We hypothesized that increased tolerance of variability in appearance might lead to reduced discrimination and that misidentifications would be reduced if a face was learned in the context of a similar-looking identity. After validating our stimuli (Experiments 1a and 1b), we conducted three experiments investigating face learning. In two of these, participants learned three faces (Experiment 2: 15 images/identity and Experiment 3: 5 images/identity), two of which were similar. In a recognition task, misidentifications did not change as a function of similarity, although participants recognized more images of the target in Experiment 2 (i.e., after learning 15 images). In Experiment 4, participants learned one identity and the number of images studied varied across groups. Recognition of new images increased with the number of images studied, with no changes in false alarms; sensitivity (A′) marginally increased. The results suggest that recognition and discrimination reflect separable processes with minimal influence of between-person similarity on discrimination.

Being born at extremely low birth weight (ELBW; ≤1,000 g) is associated with enduring visual impairments. We tested for long-term, higher order visual processing problems in the oldest known prospectively followed cohort of ELBW survivors. Configural processing (spacing among features of an object) was examined in 62 adults born at ELBW (Mage = 31.9 years) and 82 adults born at normal birth weight (NBW; ≥2,500 g: Mage = 32.5 years). Pairs of human faces, monkey faces, or houses were presented in a delayed match-to-sample task, where non-matching stimuli differed only in the spacing of their features. Discrimination accuracy for each stimulus type was compared between birth weight groups, adjusting for neurosensory impairment, visual acuity, binocular fusion ability, IQ, and sex. Both groups were better able to discriminate human faces than monkey faces (p

Selecting which graduate school to attend is an important decision that can have a major impact on a student's professional trajectory. There are many factors to consider when choosing a graduate school, such as the availability of specific programs, location, potential advisor's research interests, and reputation of the school. Although there are some resources available to help individuals make their decision (e.g., faculty and program websites, Maclean's magazine rankings), these resources have limitations. For example, Maclean's magazine has provided global rankings of Canadian universities since 1991, including faculty qualifications, student characteristics, and library resources (Cramer & Page, 2007), but the validity of the rankings is often criticised (e.g., an overall university rank does not necessarily reflect specific programs; see Page, Cramer, & Page, 2010). Moreover, Maclean's rankings do not provide any information on scholarly activity such as faculty research productivity and impact (Carleton, Peluso, & Asmundson, 2010; Cramer & Page, 2007), nor do they include information on departments or specific programs within departments, which may be more useful than assessments of the university as a whole for a student selecting a career in a specific discipline.The lack of information on overall research activity about specific graduate programs is surprising considering that research training is a key component of many graduate programs, including psychology (Carleton et al., 2010). Beyond the essential task of gathering information about the research productivity and impact of potential advisors, prospective students also need to assess the breadth of research activity across faculty in the program. Although faculty and program websites, as well as software programs such as Google Scholar, provide access to a listing of the research activity of individual faculty members, they do not offer any assessment of the research activity of graduate programs across Canada (Carleton et al., 2010). However, knowledge about the program as whole has several implications for graduate students, including allowing for an assessment of the potential for gaining publications and research experience during graduate school, as well as gauging the likelihood of obtaining postdoctoral and research positions (Matson et al., 2005).Recently, a few studies have attempted to address the gap in information about research activity for psychology graduate programs, with Carleton and colleagues (2010) examining research activity across Canadian psychology departments as a whole, as well as specifically within Canadian clinical programs (Carleton, Parkerson, & Horswill, 2012), while Nosek and colleagues (2010) compared research activity in social-personality programs in both the United States and Canada. To the best of our knowledge, however, there have been no studies that provide this information on developmental psychology programs across Canada. It is important to have studies on separate streams within a department, including developmental psychology, as the strength of different streams may vary within a department. Additionally, students admitted into graduate psychology programs are often admitted into a specific stream. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to provide a summary of recent research activity of faculty in Canadian developmental psychology programs.One common way to measure research activity in many disciplines, including developmental psychology, is through metrics associated with publications in peer-reviewed journals (Carleton et al., 2010, 2012; Nosek et al., 2010). These metrics include publication count, citation count, and impact factor assessed through the Hirsch index (h-index; Hirsch, 2005). These metrics reflect both research productivity (i.e., how "much" research faculty members produce), and impact (i.e., how "useful" the research is to others in the field; Feist, 1997; Krampen, Becker, Wahner, & Montada, 2007; Matson et al. …

Research examining children’s understanding of emotional expressions has generally used static, isolated facial expressions presented in a non-interactive context. However, these tasks do not resemble children’s experiences with expressions in daily life, where they must attend to a range of information, including others’ facial expressions, movements, and the situation surrounding the expression. In this research, we examine the development of visual attention to another’s emotional expressions during a live interaction. Via an eye-tracker, children (4–11 years old) and adults viewed an experimenter open a series of opaque boxes and make an expression (happiness, sadness, fear, or disgust) based on the object inside. Participants determined which of four possible objects (stickers, a broken toy, a spider, or dog poop) was in the box. We examined the proportion of the trial in which participants looked to three areas of the face (the eyes, mouth, and nose area), and the available contextual information (the box held by the experimenter, the four objects). Although children spent less time looking to the face than adults did, their pattern of visual attention within the face and to object AOIs did not differ from that of adults. Finally, for adults, increased accuracy was linked to spending less time looking to the objects whereas increased accuracy for children was not strongly linked to any emotion cue. These data indicate that although children spend less time looking to the face during live interactions than adults do, the proportion of time spent looking to areas of the face and context are generally adult-like.

Adults’ ability to match identity in images of unfamiliar faces is impaired for other- compared with own-race faces; their ability to match identity in images of familiar faces is independent of face race. Exposure to within-person variability in appearance plays a key role in face learning. Past research suggests that children need exposure to higher levels of variability than adults to learn a new face—a difference that has been attributed to experience. We predicted that adults’ limited experience with other-race faces would result in their needing exposure to higher levels of variability when learning other- compared with own-race faces. We introduced adults to four new identities (two own-race; two other-race) in one of the three conditions: a single image, a low-variability video (filmed on 1 day), or a high-variability video (filmed across 3 days). Adults’ ability to recognize new instances of learned identities improved in the low-variability condition for own-race faces but only in the high-variability condition for other-race faces. We discuss learning mechanisms that might drive this difference—a difference we attribute to experience.

Adults' face processing may be specialized for the dimensions of young adult faces. For example, young and older adults exhibit increased accuracy in normality judgments and greater agreement in attractiveness ratings for young versus older adult faces. The present study was designed to examine whether there is a similar young adult face bias in facial age estimates. In Experiment 1, we created a face age continuum by morphing an averaged young adult face with an averaged older adult face in 5% increments, for a total of 21 faces ranging from 0 to 100% old. Young and older adults estimated facial age for three stimulus age categories [young (morphs 0-30%), middle-aged (morphs 35-65%), and older adult (morphs 70-100%)]. Both age groups showed the least differentiation in age estimates for young adult faces, despite showing greater consensus across participants in estimates for young faces. In Experiment 2, young and older adults made age estimates for individual young and older adult identities. Both age groups were more accurate and showed greater consensus in age estimates for young faces. Collectively, these results provide evidence for a bias in processing young adult faces beyond that which is often observed in recognition and normality/attractiveness judgment tasks.

Other-race faces are discriminated and recognized less accurately than own-race faces. Despite a wealth of research characterizing this other-race effect (ORE), little is known about the nature of the representations of own-race versus other-race faces. This is because traditional measures of this ORE provide a binary measure of discrimination or recognition (correct/incorrect), failing to capture potential variation in the quality of face representations. We applied a novel continuous-response paradigm to independently measure the number of own-race and other-race face representations stored in visual working memory (VWM) and the precision with which they are stored. Participants reported target own-race or other-race faces on a circular face space that smoothly varied along the dimension of identity. Using probabilistic mixture modeling, we found that following ample encoding time, the ORE is attributable to differences in the probability of a face being maintained in VWM. Reducing encoding time, a manipulation that is more sensitive to encoding limitations, caused a loss of precision or an increase in variability of VWM for other-race but not own-race faces. These results suggest that the ORE is driven by the inefficiency with which other-race faces are rapidly encoded in VWM and provide novel insights about how perceptual experience influences the representation of own-race and other-race faces in VWM.

When viewing unfamiliar faces, photographs of the same person often are perceived as belonging to different people and photographs of different people as belonging to the same person. Identity matching of unfamiliar faces is especially challenging when the photographs are of a person whose ethnicity differs from that of the observer. In contrast, matching is trivial when viewing familiar faces, regardless of race. Viewing multiple images of an own-race target identity improves accuracy on a line-up task when the target is known to be present (Dowsett et al., 2016, Q J Exp Psychol, 69, 1), suggesting that exposure to within-person variability in appearance is key to face learning. Across three experiments, we show that viewing multiple images of a target identity also improves accuracy for other-race faces on target-present trials. However, viewing multiple images decreases accuracy (i.e., increases false alarms) on target-absent trials for both own- and other-race faces. We discuss the implications of our findings for models of face recognition and for forensic settings.

The majority of studies of emotion perception have relied on static isolated facial expressions. These expressions differ markedly from real-world expressions that include movement and multiple cues (e.g., bodies), leaving our understanding of how expression perception develops incomplete. We examined the looking patterns of younger children (4- and 5-year-olds), older children (8- and 9-year-olds), and adults while watching dynamic video clips or static images of four different emotional expressions: happiness, sadness, anger, and fear. Expressions were presented in three conditions: face only, body only, and whole person (face and body). Children's and adults' looking patterns were affected by whether stimuli were static or dynamic and by which cues were available. Children looked to the head less for static stimuli than for dynamic stimuli, but this difference did not emerge for adults. Children and adults attended to different expression cues when presented with static images. These results demonstrate the need for increased use of dynamic stimuli in developmental studies of expression.

Studies examining own-age recognition biases report inconsistent results and often utilize paradigms that present faces individually and in isolation. We investigated young and older adults' attention towards young and older faces during learning and whether differential attention influences recognition. Participants viewed complex scenes while their eye movements were recorded; each scene contained two young and two older faces. Half of the participants formed scene impressions and half prepared for a memory test. Participants then completed an old/new face recognition task. Both age groups looked longer at young than older faces; however, only young adults showed an own-age recognition advantage. Participants in the memory condition looked longer at faces but did not show enhanced recognition relative to the impressions condition. Overall, attention during learning did not influence recognition. Our results provide evidence for a young adult face bias in attentional allocation but suggest that longer lo...

Adults’ expertise in face recognition has been attributed to norm-based coding. Moreover, adults possess separable norms for a variety of face categories (e.g., race, sex, age) that appear to enhance recognition by reducing redundancy in the information shared by faces and ensuring that only relevant dimensions are used to encode faces from a given category. Although 5-year-old children process own-race faces using norm-based coding, little is known about the organization and refinement of their face space. The current study investigated whether 5-year-olds rely on category-specific norms and whether experience facilitates the development of dissociable face prototypes. In Experiment 1, we examined whether Chinese 5-year-olds show race-contingent opposing aftereffects and the extent to which aftereffects transfer across face race among Caucasian and Chinese 5-year-olds. Both participant races showed partial transfer of aftereffects across face race; however, there was no evidence for race-contingent opposing aftereffects. To examine whether experience facilitates the development of category-specific prototypes, we investigated whether race-contingent aftereffects are present among Caucasian 5-year-olds with abundant exposure to Chinese faces (Experiment 2) and then tested separate groups of 5-year-olds with two other categories with which they have considerable experience: sex (male/female faces) and age (adult/child faces) (Experiment 3). Across all three categories, 5-year-olds showed no category-contingent opposing aftereffects. These results demonstrate that 5 years of age is a stage characterized by minimal separation in the norms and associated coding dimensions used for faces from different categories and suggest that refinement of the mechanisms that underlie expert face processing occurs throughout childhood.

The expertise of adults in face perception is facilitated by their ability to rapidly detect that a stimulus is a face. In two experiments, we examined the role of early visual input in the development of face detection by testing patients who had been treated as infants for bilateral congenital cataract. Experiment 1 indicated that, at age 9 to 20, patients' accuracy and response times on a Mooney face detection task were normal. Experiment 2 revealed that the neural mechanisms underlying face detection in a similar group of adult patients are abnormal: the amplitude of both the P100 and N170 event-related potential were larger in patients than in visually normal controls, and the extent of augmentation was related to the duration of deprivation. Thus, early visual experience is necessary for the establishment of normal neural networks for face detection; abnormalities at these early processing stages may contribute to the deficits we previously reported in configural face processing for this patient cohort.

Early visual deprivation impairs some, but not all, aspects of face perception. We investigated the possible developmental roots of later abnormalities by using a face detection task to test infants treated for bilateral congenital cataract within 1 hour of their first focused visual input. The seven patients were between 5 and 12 weeks old ( n = 3) or older than 12 weeks ( n = 4). Like newborns, but unlike visually normal age-matched controls, the patients looked preferentially toward config (three squares arranged as facial features) over its inverted version and none of the older patients preferred a positive-contrast face over the negative-contrast version. We conclude that postnatal changes in face perception are experience-dependent, and that interference with their typical development may contribute to later deficits in face processing.

Adults' and 8-year-old children's perception of emotional faces is disrupted when faces are presented in the context of incongruent body postures (e.g., when a sad face is displayed on a fearful body) if the two emotions are highly similar (e.g., sad/fear) but not if they are highly dissimilar (e.g., sad/happy). The current research investigated the emergence of this adult-like pattern. Using a sorting task, we identified the youngest age at which children could accurately sort isolated facial expressions and body postures and then measured whether their accuracy was impaired in the incongruent condition. Among the child participants, 6-year-olds showed congruency effects for sad/fear, but even 4-year-olds did not do so for sad/happy. Early emergence of this adult-like pattern is consistent with the dimensional and emotional seed models of emotion perception, although future research is needed to test the relative validity of these two models. Testing children with emotional faces presented in the context of body postures and background scenes is an important step toward understanding how they perceive emotions on a daily basis.

We investigated recognition of familiar and unfamiliar own- and other-race faces across natural variability in appearance. Participants sorted 20 photographs of each of two identities into piles such that each pile contained all photographs of a single identity. The other-race effect was limited to unfamiliar faces. When faces were unfamiliar, participants perceived more identities when sorting other-race faces; when faces were familiar, participants made two piles for both own- and other-race faces. Our work calls for rethinking the concept of the other-race effect.

Young and older adults are more sensitive to deviations from normality in young than older adult faces, suggesting that the dimensions of face space are optimized for young adult faces. Here, we extend these findings to own-race faces and provide converging evidence using an attractiveness rating task. In Experiment 1, Caucasian and Chinese adults were shown own- and other-race face pairs; one member was undistorted and the other had compressed or expanded features. Participants indicated which member of each pair was more normal (a task that requires referencing a norm) and which was more expanded (a task that simply requires discrimination). Participants showed an own-race advantage in the normality task but not the discrimination task. In Experiment 2, participants rated the facial attractiveness of own- and other-race faces (Experiment 2a) or young and older adult faces (Experiment 2b). Between-rater variability in ratings of individual faces was higher for other-race and older adult faces; reduced consensus in attractiveness judgments reflects a less refined face space. Collectively, these results provide direct evidence that the dimensions of face space are optimized for own-race and young adult faces, which may underlie face race- and age-based deficits in recognition.

Most previous research on the development of face recognition has focused on recognition of highly controlled images. One of the biggest challenges of face recognition is to identify an individual across images that capture natural variability in appearance. We created a child-friendly version of Jenkins, White, Van Montford, and Burton’s sorting task (Cognition, 2011, Vol. 121, pp. 313–323) to investigate children’s recognition of personally familiar and unfamiliar faces. Children between 4 and 12 years of age were presented with a familiar/unfamiliar teacher’s house and a pile of face photographs (nine pictures each of the teacher and another identity). Each child was asked to put all the pictures of the teacher inside the house while keeping the other identity out. Children over 6 years of age showed adult-like familiar face recognition. Unfamiliar face recognition improved across the entire age range, with considerable variability in children’s performance. These findings suggest that children’s ability to tolerate within-person variability improves with age and support a face-space framework in which faces are represented as regions, the size of which increases with age.

Previous neural research on face perception has mainly focused on the distinction between faces and non-face stimuli. However, the brain mechanisms for differentiating one face from another are not well understood. In the present study, using scalp-recorded event-related potentials (ERPs), we investigated the brain responses to faces that varied in identity strength as a result of morphing individual faces to an “average” face in steps of 10%. Participants performed a face identification task. Behavioral results showed categorical boundaries of face identification at 30% and 70%. Face identity strength related to initial brain responses occurring shortly after 200 ms in the ventral P2 and the N250 components: stronger identity strength was associated with a smaller P2 and a larger N250. In contrast, the brain responses within 200 ms, as reflected by the P1, the N170, and the dorsal P2 component, were not affected by face identity strength. Consistent with recent imaging studies and animal research, our results provide the ERP evidence for brain responses to variations in face identity strength relative to an “average” face. Furthermore, with the high temporal resolution of ERPs, our results help to clarify the timing of neural events that are associated with the different stages involved in recognizing individual faces, thus providing a timeline for the classical face recognition model in the brain.