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James Baldwin (1998) described whiteness as "the big lie" of American society where the belief in the inherent superiority of white people allowed for, emboldened, and facilitated violence against People of Color. In the post-Civil Rights era, scholars reframed whiteness as an invisible, hegemonic social norm, and a great deal of education scholarship continues to be rooted in this metaphor of invisibility. However, Leonardo (2020) theorized that in a post-45 era of "whitelash" (Embrick et al., 2020), "post-colorblindness" is more accurate to describe contemporary racial stratification whereby whiteness is both (a) more visible and (b) increasingly appealing to perceived injuries of "reverse racism." From this perspective, we offer three theoretical concepts to guide the future of whiteness in education scholarship. Specifically, we argue that scholars critically studying whiteness in education must explicitly: (1) address the historicity of whiteness, (2) analyze the public embrace of whiteness, and (3) emphasize the material consequences of whiteness on the lives of People of Color. By doing this, we argue that critical scholars of race in higher education will more clearly understand the changing nature of whiteness while avoiding the analytical trap of invisibility that is decreasingly relevant.

Family connections are critical for Native student persistence, yet families' voices are absent in research. Using an Indigenous-specific version of educational debt, land debt, we center familial perspectives by exploring the financial struggles among Native families as their students transition to a Predominately White Institution. Findings indicate that Indigenous families experienced fear and frustration surrounding college affordability and the financial aid process. Regardless, these Native families made extreme sacrifices in paying for college. These findings were contextualized within the economic conditions created by land theft from Indigenous peoples. Returning to land debt, we argue that institutions need to begin from a perspective of what is owed to Native peoples in their policy decisions. That is, such decisions should take account of the benefits historically accrued by institutions residing on forcibly taken Indigenous land, and then examine how that debt can be repaid by supporting Native students, families, and communities.

This article takes up the questions: How does Whiteness affect conceptions of Culturally Sustaining Pedagogies (CSP)? Specifically, when it comes to Whiteness, is there a culture worth sustaining? To begin this examination, we first outline what CSP and Whiteness are. Second, we review the literature within Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS) that takes up pedagogical questions. Third, we theorize the tensions and places of overlap across CSP and CWS--specifically that when it comes to Whiteness there is not a culture worth sustaining, but there is space for White people within CSP as long as they take account of Whiteness. Fourth, we propose a framework for merging CSP and CWS, W.A.A.C.K. C.S.P. (White folks Applying Anti-Racist Cultural Knowledge for Culturally Sustaining Pedagogies). We conclude with implications of this framework for future educational research and practical implications for White teachers and White students.

The underrepresentation and underperformance of men of color relative to women of color within institutions of higher education have been extensively studied the past 20 years. The purpose of this study is to understand trends in how this research has been conducted rather than understand "best practices" to support this student population. To achieve this, we reviewed 153 pieces of scholarship from 1999 to 2019 using an intersectional and critical content analysis approach. Findings revealed that the bulk of scholarship involved onetime interviews for its empirical foundations, and the overwhelming majority centered the racial experiences of Black and Latinx men. In contrast, few analyses critically explored gender, sexual orientation, or social class. Additionally, scholarship that centered Asian American, Indigenous, multiracial, and trans* men of color was scant or nonexistent. Given these large gaps in the knowledge base, we offer guidance for the next generation of men of color in higher education scholarship in terms of analytical foci, theoretical frameworks, and methodologies.

Cabrera described the development of Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS), in particular within higher education scholarship, as a complementary response to Critical Race Theory (CRT). Specifically, if CRT work in higher education offers a deep analysis of the harm of systemic racial marginalization on BIPOC communities (effect), then CWS explores the inner working of Whiteness that led to this racial harm (cause). However, there is contemporary concern that CWS is evolving into more of a space for White people to explore Whiteness without directly linking it to anti-Blackness, anti-Indigeneity, anti-Brownness, and anti-Asianness, essentially an inversion of the original problem (cause without effect). Therefore, I am proposing a CWS moving ahead that explicitly merges both lines of inquiry so that CWS offers the underlying structures and mechanisms of racial marginalization (cause) coupled with the material consequences of this on BIPOC communities (effect).

Established in 2008, the Arizona Assurance Scholars Program (AASP) channeled institutional needbased aid to in-state, low-income students. Rapidly growing costs prompted three changes to the AASP eligibility requirements in 2011. We examined how these new requirements--a 3.0 or higher high school grade point average and the submission of the Free Application of Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) and admission paperwork by March 1--would affect the gender, racial, and socioeconomic composition of the program's first three cohorts if they were in effect. Results revealed disproportionate impacts on racial and ethnic minorities and widened gender gaps. Male, Latina/o, and Native American students would be at statistically greater risk for ineligibility relative to female, Asian, and White students. These findings signal the need to model the consequences of policy change, particularly when it reduces college access and undermines the equity of institutional need-based financial aid programs.

This paper critically analyzes the narratives of 62 White male undergraduates and their consistent use of the n-word during their college years. Almost all heard and/or used the n-word, but rarely did they believe using the n-word was racist. Despite these beliefs, the participants almost never used any form of the n-word in the presence of People of Color, Black people in particular. There were some who felt uncomfortable with their friends' casual use of the n-word, but they rarely challenged their peers fearing social discomfort. The analyses highlight different levels of responsibility for the racism embedded in "both" speaking and hearing this word as well as the White campus-based segregation that allowed the use of the term to flourish.

In 2011, the state of Arizona banned the highly successful Tucson Unified School District Mexican American Studies program through the law ARS § 15-112. This article is a Critical Race Theory "counternarrative" regarding the role of statistics in the constitutional challenge to this state law. Through firsthand accounts of this process, we demonstrate how multivariate empirical analyses served as an important component for the overturning of the law ARS § 15-112 in the highest-profile Ethnic Studies legal case in the country's history ("Arce v. Douglas," 2015). We also use this article to explore the limitations of "interest convergence" (Bell, 1980) using this litigation as a case study.

This article is a response to Amanda Lewis, Margaret Hagerman, and Tyrone Forman's the Sociology of Race & Racism: Key Concepts, Contributions & Debates. Sociology and education, like any scholarly areas, have veins that reinforce racism and some that astutely assess, theorize, and challenge White supremacy. In this article, I explore the history of racial analysis in sociology and education, especially the 1990s and early 2000s, where theorists moved the larger discourse around racism from an issue of individual prejudice to one of structured racial oppression. In particular, I discuss the development and applications of concepts such as color-blind ideology, Critical Race Theory, racial formation, and systemic racism. The argument centers on how critical sociology and education scholars of race/racism are not regularly speaking to each other, despite their fields' similar developments. The article points to how a deeper engagement with the developments of each, in particular the rebirth of ethnic studies in education, would contribute to the future development of both.

U.S. higher education was built on slavery and land theft. It has historically and contemporarily excluded communities of color from full participation systematically. Therefore, an educational debt is owed and needs to be repaid by Predominantly White Institutions of higher education.

The emergence of social media has greatly influenced 21st-century student activism. It has also given rise to the birth of "slacktivism," an online form of self-aggrandizing, politically ineffective activism. This theoretical article delves into the conceptualizations of what constitutes student activism versus slacktivism in a digital age. While there are distinctions between the 2, we highlight how most discussions of activism describe how activism is done as opposed to what it is. Within this context, we offer 10 theoretical underpinnings of activism and slacktivism to serve as conceptual points of self-reflection that student activists can use in order to explore whether or not they are truly engaging in activism. This examination, we argue, is critically important as the distinction between slacktivism and activism becomes increasingly muddied. For student activism to realize its democratic and developmental potential, students need to be clear about whether they are engaging in activism or slacktivism.

This study examines the relationship between Arizona's anti-Latina/o policies and changing patterns of racial self-identification for students at the University of Arizona. Using institutional data and the university's Entering Student Survey, we explored trends in racial/ethnic self-identification between two cohorts of students: one before and one after the summer of 2010 (passage of SB1070, HB2281, and Proposition 107). Descriptive analyses revealed that both White and Latina/o students declined to state a racial/ethnic background at substantially higher rates after the passages of the bills. After the passage of the legislation, Latina/os used "Mexican" identifiers at substantially lower rates and "White" identifiers at substantially higher rates. Implications are discussed for racial/ethnic self-identification and higher education practice.

HR-4437 passed the Congress in December of 2005, and among its provisions would make felons out of undocumented immigrants. Subsequently, there has been a flurry of federal and local attempts to increase immigration enforcement under the guise that they are leeching resources from more “deserving” Americans. The following is a conversation with UCLA Professors Patricia Gándara and Gary Orfield regarding how the Civil Rights Project (CRP) is looking to focus immigration and education as pressing, contemporary civil rights issues. Professors Gándara and Orfield highlight how researchers can address social inequities by first performing sound, empirical analyses, and then making the academic findings accessible for non-academic audiences to inform public policy.

This article critically analyzes the narratives of 62 White male undergraduates at a single institution about their views on race and experiences with racism. It is framed by Mills' (1997) conception of Whiteness that is founded upon an inverted epistemology or an "epistemology of ignorance." Therefore, this analysis centers the ways in which White male undergraduates concurrently downplay the contemporary significance of White privilege while examining the role college experiences have at reinforcing this structured ignorance. The themes from their interviews included: (1) White ignorance and White identity as meaningless; (2) Evasive White racial ignorance; and (3) Racial arrested development and racial regression. These findings emphasize the need to creatively challenge White males to develop their racial selves, especially because their ignorance fuels the linguistic and physical violence Students of Color regularly experience.

In this response to the article by Tanner and Corrie, the authors provide three critiques of the methodology and theoretical framing of the study with the hopes of informing future scholarship and practice. Specifically, the three critiques addressed in this paper include the integration of CWS frameworks and YPAR methodology, the application and description of CWS and YPAR frameworks, and the role of power in the relationship between educator and student that served as the central medium for the study. [For "Sam and Cristina: A Critical Dialogue between a Teacher and Student about the Commoditization of People of Color by Schools," see EJ1120096.]

This paper considers the positionality of a Man of Colour studying Whiteness among male undergraduates, and the methodological challenges this poses. While some have explored the politics of representation when a researcher comes from the socially dominant group or from the same racial group there are almost no explorations of the researcher/participant dynamic when the scholar comes from the socially marginalised background. This article chronicles one researcher's methodological approach to this issue. In particular, it explores the way that interviews can become sites of racial microaggressions against a Scholar of Colour, and how a researcher insufficient taking account of his unconscious masculinity almost derailed the critical interrogation of Whiteness.

While there is little empirical research regarding how the college choice process unfolds for students with disabilities, Webb (2000) developed a five-stage transition model for this population. In this study, we sought to identify the overlap as well as the specific points of departure that Webb's model has with traditional college choice models. Using survey results of two entering cohorts at the University of Arizona, we found similarities and differences between students with and without disabilities in the way they accessed higher education. The results demonstrate that while there was some overlap, students with disabilities had distinct paths to higher education relative to students without disabilities. This study highlights the need for systematic support for students with disabilities in the college-going process while reconceptualizing choice and transition as overlapping--rather than separate--theories.

This study examines the experiences of 18 Latina/o students attending the University of Arizona in the wake of SB 1070 (anti-immigrant) and HB 2281 (anti-Mexican American Studies). Students experienced a hostile campus climate; however, many channeled their frustrations into political engagement. Findings indicate that despite anti-Latina/o legislation and a hostile campus racial climate, students do not necessarily become racial victims. Practitioners should create opportunities for students to engage in dialogue, which critically analyzes racial policies.

The Arizona legislature passed HB 2281, which eliminated Tucson Unified School District's (TUSD's) Mexican American Studies (MAS) program, arguing the curriculum was too political. This program has been at the center of contentious debates, but a central question has not been thoroughly examined: Do the classes raise student achievement? The current analyses use administrative data from TUSD (2008-2011), running logistic regression models to assess the relationship between taking MAS classes and passing AIMS (Arizona state standardized tests) and high school graduation. Results indicate that MAS participation was significantly related to an increased likelihood of both outcomes occurring. The authors discuss these results in terms of educational policy and critical pedagogy as well as the role academics can play in policy formation.

This research is a cross-site analysis of how white, male, college students see their Asian American peers. Semi-structured interviews with 43 white males were conducted at two universities that differed substantially in their representation of Asian American students. The interviews were theoretically framed by Critical Whiteness Studies and Bobo and Tuan's conception of prejudice as group positioning. At the institution where Asian American population was higher (almost 1/3 of the undergraduate population), the participants described Asian Americans as not true minorities and blamed them for campus segregation, while also subscribing to many racial stereotypes about Asian Americans (e.g., being bad drivers). At both universities, the participants subscribed to the myth of the model minority. The high concentration of Asian Americans at one of the universities corresponded to an increased prevalence of stereotypical/racist beliefs regarding this population, which was predicted by the theoretical framework. The findings also counter the mistaken notion that Asian Americans are "almost white" because these white males framed Asian Americans as a racialized group.

Most analyses of racism focus on what people think about issues of race and how this relates to racial stratification. This research applies Feagin's "white racial frame" to analyze how White male college students at two universities "feel" about racism. Students at the academically non-selective and less diverse university tended to be apathetic while those attending the academically selective and more racially diverse campus tended to be angry. This study highlights the interconnectedness of affective and cognitive responses to race: two areas integral to both the maintenance and dismantling of systemic racism. It also highlights how men frequently frame emotions as facts, which can also support racial stratification.

This research critically examines racial views and experiences of 12 white men in a single higher education institution via semi-structured interviews. Participants tended to utilize individualized definitions of racism and experience high levels of racial segregation in both their pre-college and college environments. This corresponded to participants seeing little evidence of racism, minimizing the power of contemporary racism, and framing whites as the true victims of multiculturalism (i.e. "reverse racism"). This sense of racial victimization corresponded to the participants blaming racial minorities for racial antagonism (both on campus and society as a whole), which cyclically served to rationalize the persistence of segregated, white campus subenvironments. Within these ethnic enclaves, the participants reported minimal changes in their racial views since entering college with the exception of an enhanced sense of "reverse racism," and this cycle of racial privilege begetting racial privilege was especially pronounced within the fraternity system.