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African countries have recently signed an ambitious and progressive trade pact titled the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement. The agreement establishes a free trade area, which also includes a dispute settlement mechanism (DSM). African countries further agreed on the Protocol on Rules and Procedures on the Settlement of Disputes to establish and regulate the process of the DSM. The Dispute Settlement Body formally launched its business on 26 April 2021. The Agreement and the Protocol are the first of the kind in the continent and are on the verge of implementation. Given that, the article examines the AfCFTA Agreement and the Protocol on Rules and Procedures on the Settlement of Disputes. Accordingly, the article finds that the Agreement and the Protocol involve some legal challenges that will constrain the efficacy of the DSM in the continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study explores how income inequality among individuals in each country and trade costs depicting geographic distance between countries impact economic welfare and regime choice under representative democracy, comparing three trading regimes: most favored nation, customs union, and free trade agreement. We examine two cases: one in which trade costs are incurred symmetrically among all countries, and the other in which no trade costs are incurred among the potential member countries, but only between them and nonmembers. In each case, we identify the political feasibility of each regime as well as the impact on the average welfare levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research explores the interplay between innovation, economic systems, governance structures, and law, and how they interact with one another in the context of China and Ethiopia's investments in the Digital Silk Road. The way cutting-edge methods related to governance and economic systems might help lower the risks involved in major infrastructure projects, like the Digital Silk Road, particularly in light of law and 5G developments, is investigated. China–Africa connections are to be strengthened, sustainable development is to be encouraged, and healthy economic progress is the goal of the partnership between Ethiopia and the Hainan Free Trade Port. The impact of these transnational investments on fair growth and sustainable development is assessed, while exploring the evolving agendas and procedures governing investments. This research draws attention to how the law and legal cooperation between Ethiopia and China may promote mutually advantageous outcomes, promote transparency and governance mechanisms, and lessen the likelihood of disputes. This research on the factors influencing the future of the Digital Silk Road and its consequences for long-term, sustainable economic growth, and business in the area, aims to provide valuable insights for policymakers, development professionals, and academics, and for the copromotion of China and Ethiopia in terms of digital investment. This research relates to the promotion of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), in terms of construction and economic development. It also examines how the DSR raises concerns about data security and privacy, cross-border transactions, technology transfer, and cyberterrorism, as well as encourages digital investment, such as through enhancing digital governance regulations, modernizing international investment agreements (IIAs), and bolstering global health, coordination, and cooperation; the article concludes by analyzing the implications for Africa. The findings show that such cooperation would support Africa's digital transformation and sustainable development, while strengthening China–Africa cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We examine the likely effect of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) on African investment using data on announced greenfield investment. Departing from existing work on this subject, we add value by providing estimates based on a general equilibrium counterfactual analysis in a structural gravity framework. Results suggest that the stock of announced intra‐African greenfield investment in 2018 would have increased by 0.7 percent from a successful implementation of the AfCFTA in that year relative to the baseline scenario of no agreement, with considerable heterogeneity across source and destination countries. Moreover, the positive effect is found to increase with the depth of the negotiated agreement. Exploring possible transmission channels we find the trade elasticity of announced greenfield investment to be positive, especially for trade in intermediates in African host countries with strong governance indicators. This suggests that, by improving institutional quality and galvanising regional value chains, integration within Africa could also incentivise investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most signatories of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement have submitted tariff concession offers, as published on the AfCFTA Secretariat's website. Over a year since the AfCFTA came into effect, it is time to take stock of these submissions and assess the data with respect to members' stances towards fostering intra‐African trade through openness on the one hand and maintaining protection against competing imports and revenues from import tariffs on the other. Combining the offers with corresponding trade and tariff data, we find that there are both significant data gaps and inconsistencies with the AfCFTA's trade liberalisation modalities and the trade classification standard. Constructing two tariff schedules, one which repairs the offers for compliance with the modalities and another that maximises the import tariff revenue retained as a benchmark, the analysis confirms that the modalities require regions to liberalise strongly, but most opt to liberalise even more and earlier than necessary. Stances towards freer trade, however, differ markedly between regions. Deriving a measure of liberalisation stance from the schedules above and associating it with trade, economic and geographic indicators reveals patterns that suggest potential motivations for the stances of some country groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a strong relationship between regional integration and economic performance. This paper investigates the impact of regional integration on macroeconomic indicators in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) – a trade block created by the former Soviet republics in 2014. This study compares two types of regional collaboration strategies: first, unilateral trade liberalization with the one-sided opening of market access that does not imply any mutual concessions, and second, reciprocal regional liberalization evaluated as the degree of regional economic integration between the countries. We apply a random effect panel data analysis with the dataset over 25 years since 1995 covering five countries (Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia). We find that, under the current stage, the EAEU positively affects trade flows, negatively affects the level of employment, and has no impact on other economic performance indicators. We also conclude that despite the declared level of economic integration – customs union – Eurasian block functions mainly as a free trade area facilitating mutual trade, which is different from the broader objectives that regional integration aims to achieve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter examines the enigma of Sub-regional economic integration in the Communauté Economique et Monétaire de l’Afrique Central (CEMAC) zone. The sub-regional integration idea was born out of the need for a united Africa during the immediate independence period, to be achieved through a gradual, but steady process. Although instituted in 1994, CEMAC was a re-make of the Economic and Customs Union of Central Africa (UDEAC) created in 1964. CEMAC was established, to promote sub-regional integration among central African states that shared a common legal tender, the CFA franc, through the promotion of trade, a genuine common market and greater solidarity. Albeit recording some inroads, CEMAC lagged behind its objectives, due to tardiness and overall poor implementation of policies, limited technical capacity, divergent attitudes of member states towards integration and absence of sanctions against states that disrespect community norms. The chapter sustains that such diverse political, economic, and socio-cultural impediments could only be halted through a joint approach, for remedial renewal by all stakeholders for a truly integrated economic CEMAC sub-region. This investigation shall be based on secondary and primary data, interpreted qualitatively and presented thematically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose. To develop recommendations on the effectiveness of economic cooperation between Ukraine and China in the context of the implementation of the One Belt One Road initiative (BRI), using the gravity model of trade to analyze the factors influencing such cooperation. Methodology. Analysis of scientific literature and Internet sources – to determine the purpose and objectives of the research; formalization methods – to describe the characteristics, dynamics and states of the gravity model of trade; methods of the theory of the gravity model of trade – to analyze factors affecting bilateral trade and the construction of a model of economic cooperation between China and Ukraine. Findings. A gravity model of trade between China and Ukraine was developed in the context of the implementation of the “One Belt One Road” initiative, which illustrates the influence on bilateral trade of such factors as the size of the economy, the level of demand, port infrastructure, the logistics efficiency index, participation in international organizations and bilateral mutual recognition agreements. It has been proven that the geographical distance and time of trade registration have a negative effect on the efficiency of bilateral trade. Institutional factors also play a key role in bilateral trade. Originality. For the first time, the use of the gravity model of trade has been proposed to assess factors influencing bilateral economic cooperation between China and Ukraine, which contributes to the identification of key factors influencing such cooperation. It has been proven that the dynamics of bilateral trade relations are significantly influenced by the factor of institutional stability and infrastructure development. Practical value. The proposed approach makes it possible to formulate proposals regarding the formation of economic policy aimed at strengthening trade cooperation along the BRI path. They include strengthening infrastructure construction, promoting multilateral cooperation, creating effective mechanisms for economic and trade cooperation, accelerating the development of the free trade area within the framework of the BRI, removing trade barriers, strengthening environmental trade management, and unlocking the trade potential of the BRI countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• South Asia is geographically connected, but highly dis-integrated, with more than 90 % outward-oriented trade. • The cumbersome procedures, ruthless application of Non-Tariff Measures (NTM's), and restrictions are the biggest challenges for trade in this region. • Against this backdrop, this research measures the economic impact of Mutual recognition of Standards in South Asia. • Simulation results suggest that if standards are mutually recognized then all countries will be better off, and intra-regional trade and welfare are forecasted to increase. • SAFTA should proceed to establish such a mechanism that enables member countries to recognize the certificates and tests approved by the exporting countries. SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Area) is not a success story. Geographically connected, but highly dis-integrated, with more than 90 % outward-oriented trade, this is the case of South Asia. Of course, military, and political tensions are the major obstacles. However, recent data and studies show that cumbersome procedures, ruthless application of NTMs (Non-Tariff Measures) and restrictions are the biggest challenges for trade in the region. NTMs are important for public health and the environment but if such standards are mutually recognized through bilateral or multilateral agreements then the hectic and lengthy procedures can be avoided. This is the basic hypothesis investigated and checked in this research. Taking four economies, (Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, and SriLanka) two-step process is adopted; firstly, AVEs (Ad Valorem Equivalents) of NTMs are calculated and then incorporated in an extended GTAP (Global Trade Analysis Project) based CGE model. Simulation results suggest that if standards are mutually recognized then all countries will be better off, intra-regional trade and welfare will increase. The study recommends that SAFTA should proceed to establish such a mechanism that enables member countries to recognize the certificates and tests approved by the exporting countries. Further, Port restrictions and the issue of para-tariffs should be discussed in future negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The potential benefits of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) have taken center stage in recent policy and scholarly debates. We contribute to this discussion by drawing insights from our assessment of the current levels of export survival across the following agreements: the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), the East African Community (EAC), and the overall economic integration agreement (EIA). Using monthly firm-product-destination customs transaction data from Kenya for the period January 2006 to December 2017, we find that the average duration of trading is longer under an agreement than when there is no agreement in place by 1.12 months. The mean duration of exporting under EAC exceeds that of COMESA by 1.47 months. The probit regression results with random effects reveal that trade agreements reduce the hazard rate for exports. However, the effect differs depending on the agreement's depth and extent: The effect is negative for the EAC and positive for the COMESA. We also find that the 'timing' effect differs depending on the nature of the agreement. Overall, while the AfCFTA may expand market access, it might not guarantee low failure rates for exporters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the effect of free trade on intra-African bilateral trade balances for Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda, and Tanzania to assess the potential implications of the African Continental Free Trade area. The four countries have experienced persistent trade deficits. Whether free trade within Africa can improve the national trade balances, and the drivers of bilateral trade balances are important questions for policy and strategic programmes for the countries to make the most gains from free trade area. The econometric model estimated for each country is an extension of the standard Keynesian model of trade balance to include determinants of bilateral trade flows from the gravity model. Quantitative analysis using panel regression was augmented with qualitative data from interviews with trade policy experts and trade officials from various African countries and focus group discussions with small-scale cross-border traders at the Busia and Namanga border posts in East Africa. Findings show that complete tariff elimination on intra–African trade may not impact the bilateral trade balances of Kenya, Rwanda, and Tanzania but could improve bilateral trade balances for Uganda by 6 percent. Within the free trade areas, Uganda's bilateral trade balances were higher within the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa but lower within the East African Community, than outside these areas. Kenya's trade balances were lower in the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, than otherwise. On the contrary, no significant difference in trade balances is established for the membership of Kenya, Rwanda, and Tanzania in the East African Community; Rwanda in the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa; and Tanzania in the Southern African Development Community, when compared to trade balances with non-members. The importance of macroeconomic factors is demonstrated by the increase in bilateral trade balances with higher relative price levels of trade partners; the reduction with increase in relative production and expenditure capacities of trade partners; and improvements following a depreciation of home currency for Tanzania and Uganda, yet a worsening of trade balances in Kenya. A lack of harmony in documents required for cross-border movements within the free trade areas is reported as counterproductive. All African countries should therefore fully implement protocols and cooperate in the harmonization of trade procedures for the free movement of people and goods across borders. Country policies and trade programmes should pursue increased productivity in the leading intra-African export sectors and diversify exports via foreign direct investment in strategic sectors to substitute imports from outside Africa; reduce costs of production; increase the quality of products; and improve transport infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent spree of coups (failed and successful) in West Africa between 2020 to 2023 is a serious cause for concern in terms of the democratic trajectory of the continent. This, coupled with the incessant political instability across Africa (in countries like Mozambique, the DRC, the Tigray region civil war in Ethiopia, Islamic terrorism in many parts of the Sahel, and the Libyan crisis) that has continued unabated since the fall of Muammar Gaddafi, suggests nothing close to the aim of 'silencing of the guns' in Africa. If anything, the insecurity situation in Africa seems to be worsening. Following the official launch of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) in January 2021, what do these untenable political, and peace and security issues mean for the implementation and domestication of AfCFTA in the midst of the wars raging in Africa? This paper attempts to assess and critique the first ten-year plan of the AU's Agenda 2063, specifically in terms of the aim of ensuring peace and security (silencing the guns), and then determining whether this ideal has created a conducive environment for successful implementation of the AfCFTA, or will do so in future. Some of the key drivers behind the recent spate of coups in Africa (mostly in West Africa) and the general political instability across the continent are explored and unravelled in this paper using Sankarist tools of analysis, and the Sankarist theory and praxis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the geostrategic importance of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), discusses its potential trade impacts on African states, and considers whether it could support regional peace. Regional integration is crucial for achieving industrialisation, promoting trade across African borders, and preserving regional peace and security. Inextricably linked to regional integration is a security community comprising a distinct group of individuals for whom the likelihood of large-scale conflict or violence has diminished. A comparative analysis was conducted using Africa's trade patterns, milestones, and achievements during 2015–2017 and 2022–2023. Subsequently, the key causes of insecurity on the African continent were explored, focusing on the Regional Economic Communities and states embroiled in coups during 2020–2023. The findings suggest that African authorities view the AfCFTA positively and believe economic integration may bring about peace. However, African authorities would require a strong continental strategy – supported by robust regional and national programmes – to promote investor confidence and trade, considering Africa's high levels of intercommunal violence, civil unrest, violent extremism, terrorism, and transnational crime. The AfCFTA delayed trade liberalisation to protect Africa's less developed economies, resulting in poor working conditions, intellectual capital loss, and decreased tax collection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese Government has promulgated the "Belt and Road Initiative" (BRI) to increase trade flows and integrate goods markets between China and BRI countries. The validity of purchasing power parity (PPP) implies well‐integrated goods markets, a precondition for further economic convergence, and the next stage of economic integration in factor, service, and financial markets. Our study aims to examine the validity of the PPP and the extent of goods market integration between China and selected BRI countries in Africa. Since the functional form of the cointegrating relationship may not be exact or linear, we adopt the nonparametric rank tests for analysis without prior knowledge and specification of the functional form. We also address the rank problems that occur in multivariate rank tests. Our empirical results provide strong evidence of an unrestricted PPP relationship with reasonably strong evidence of nonlinearity in the data. We also find that some African BRI countries have experienced goods market integration with China during the second‐half period only. This indicates that the introduction of the BRI in 2013 and China's active involvement in African economic development through BRI projects are leading to enhanced goods market integration between China and Africa. The results indicate favorable prospects of closer economic cooperation in the factor, service, and financial markets to build a free trade area or common markets with BRI countries in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deploys neo-Gramscian international relations theory to discuss how the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of our America (ALBA) can be understood as an attempted transnationalisation of the counter-hegemonic historical bloc of social forces that originated with Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution. The Bolivarian Revolution inaugurated a protagonistic National Constitution which sought to give a central role to civil society and social movements in political life, enfranchising unrepresented people, like indigenous communities. ALBA consists of an attempt to transnationalise this movement by providing a model of regionalization for Latin America that constitutes an alternative to the neoliberal approach embodied in other regionalisation initiatives, such as the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). However, the article argues that ALBA's success as a vehicle for the transnationalisation of counter-hegemony in Latin America has been severely compromised by emerging tensions and contradictions within the Bolivarian Revolution historical bloc, namely between the social movements and the central governments of ALBA's member countries. These contradictions become particularly evident when analysing social movements' struggles about the environmental impacts of massive infrastructure projects promoted by these governments as part of their overall national and regional strategy of economic development and poverty alleviation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift fur Wirtschaftspolitik is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Economic integration ranks as one of the leading development strategies in Africa. The newly created African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the proposed Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA) linking three major regional blocks offer a new impetus to studying trade policy effects. Using a structural gravity model of bilateral manufacturing trade between the African Union member states and all countries in the world, the trade effects of African economic integration agreements (EIAs) are assessed. The findings suggest that economic integration, in aggregate, enhances total African exports. Disaggregating the effects by type of agreement and by subgroups of countries, free trade agreements (FTAs) and partial scope agreements (PSAs) are found to increase extra African exports, but have no effects on intraAfrican exports. A positive and significant effect on intra African exports is introduced when the FTA dummy is combined with AfCFTA in contrast to a neutral effect stemming from the joint FTA-TFTA dummy. The findings suggest that a continentwide FTA yields greater benefits when compared with integrating the subregions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional trade agreements (RTAs) are playing an increasingly crucial role in the current international trade pattern of ebbing globalization, making it increasingly important to comprehensively analyse RTAs' impacts. Trade creation and trade diversion have been hot-button topics on RTAs since Jacob Viner raised, many scholars had conducted extensive research on their economic impacts, but little is known about their environmental impacts. In this paper, we take the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area (CAFTA) as an example, comprehensively consider the tariff, geographic and temporal dimensions of trade to characterize the proxy variables that identify the two effects. Based on data of Chinese enterprises from 2002 to 2007, we empirically tests the impact of the trade effects on energy-related carbon emissions of enterprises from a fixed-effects panel model. Research finds the trade creation effect increases enterprises' $${\rm{C}}{{\rm{O}}_2}$$ C O 2 emissions intensity, whereas the trade diversion effect reduces and is more influential. Further mechanism analyses show coal use status of enterprises, especially coal consumption, utilization intensity, and share in primary energy consumption are important influence channels. Additionally, the scale and factors composition of production and technical efficiency are also important mechanisms. Furthermore, enterprises in different regions and of different ownership types show heterogeneity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a dynamic preferential trade agreement (PTA) formation model, we show that political biases in exporting and import‐competing sectors substantially impact the extent of PTA formation. While both exclusion and free riding incentives constrain the expansion to global free trade in a free trade agreement (FTA) game, only the former incentive arises in a customs union (CU) game. When we endogenize the choice between FTAs and CUs, the tension between the flexibility benefit of FTAs and the coordination benefit of CUs reveals that FTAs always serve as PTA building blocks while CUs may serve as PTA building or stumbling blocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transformative research agenda encourages the pursuit of questions emphasizing societal welfare and well‐being outcomes rather than (just) focusing on narrow, incremental business‐related outcomes. This paper addresses that premise by examining those households at the social and economic bottom of the pyramid (BOP) that are intended to benefit most from the removal of trade barriers. The removal of these barriers should enable supply chains to yield commercial and welfare efficiency in terms of economic surpluses. The Goods and Services Tax legislation implemented in India in 2017 sought to do just that, serving as the experimental testbed for our investigation. Yet, as our analysis of more than 50,000 unique households in the Consumer Pyramids Household Survey data indicates, those at the social and geographic BOP see less benefit than others from the same policy intervention. This runs counter to the intended consequences of such policies. We employ a middle‐range theorizing approach grounded in the Theory of Customs Unions to inform and substantiate our hypotheses, which are tested using a stochastic frontier analysis and truncated regression. The results hold implications for policymakers and organizations seeking to elevate the efficacy of supply chains orchestrated by and serving BOP populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) has been hailed as a key pillar and catalyst for economic growth, industrialization, and sustainable development in Africa. One of the anticipated benefits is the promise to increase intra‐African trade through the elimination of import duties and other tariffs among countries. However, due to the heterogeneity between the African countries, questions remain as to whether each country will benefit from tariff elimination. This paper aims to evaluate the macroeconomic, fiscal, and welfare consequences of import tax removal in Senegal with the rest of Africa. We link an extended version of the partnership for economic policy (PEP) static computable general equilibrium (CGE) model with a non‐parametric microsimulation approach. We calibrate the model with Senegal's most recent Social Accounting Matrix. The microeconomic model is calibrated using the latest Senegalese household consumption survey. The findings indicate that tariff removal from the rest of Africa has favorable economic, fiscal, and welfare impacts for Senegal. The paper suggests that it will lead to an increase in economic growth and investment. The removal of tariffs is expected to favor urban households over rural ones and leads to a modest decrease in income inequality, accompanied by a 3.36% reduction in the number of poor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Southern African Customs Union (SACU) countries are under pressure to commit themselves to sustainable environmental activities. This study employed data from 2007 to 2021 using quantile regression to determine the heterogenous effects of industrialisation on environmental degradation in SACU countries. Prior to the main results, this study investigated and confirmed the existence of a long-run relationship between industrialisation and environmental degradation. This study confirms the heterogeneous effect of industrialisation on environmental degradation. The results through quantile process estimates demonstrated an inverted U-shaped curve. The inverted U-shape suggests that industrialisation at lower and higher quantiles has a minor effect on the environment compared to medium quantiles, where it has a higher effect. This study found that industrialisation increases environmental degradation in the 4th to 6th quantiles, whereas in the 7th to 8th quantiles, industrialisation reduces environmental degradation. Therefore, it is recommended by this study that to mitigate environmental degradation, firms in SACU countries are encouraged to adopt environment-friendly technologies in their production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australian Federation in 1901 entailed the formation of a customs union among its formerly tariff‐autonomous colonies. Although the elimination of tariff barriers to intercolonial/interstate trade would have been welfare‐enhancing, Australia's common external tariff was set considerably higher than the tariffs on external goods imported by the pre‐Federation colonies, implying a welfare reduction. Using a dataset of 3,584 commodity‐ and colony‐disaggregated imports, this paper estimates trade restrictiveness indices and welfare losses for the Australian colonies and Commonwealth. Despite the high external tariff post Federation, the customs union produced a net static welfare gain conservatively estimated to have been 0.17 per cent of GDP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: With a rapidly growing young population, the African continent provides a high but barely exploited economic potential. Creating an African free trade zone is one of the African Union's major initiatives to increase prosperity. Even though the AfCFTA has already come into force, its potential has not yet been fully exploited. This study investigates the logistics challenges associated with the AfCFTA and potential solutions and development paths for future value chains. Methods: The study builds upon a two-stage research process. First, applying the Nominal Group Technique with a group of 19 industry experts, current challenges and strategies to deal with them are conducted, and statements about potential development paths emerging from the AfCFTA are synthesized. Second, a questionnaire among additional industry experts is done to assess the results of the first stage. Results: The article sheds light on the barely untapped field of logistics challenges hindering the AfCFTA to leverage its potential. Strategy fields to address current challenges are explained, and the first indications of how the AfCFTA will shape supply chains in the mid-term are outlined. Conclusions: The article underlines the importance of logistics in the development of pan-African value chains and highlights potential development paths that may arise in the medium term. It also emphasizes the growing need for cooperation between politics, business, and research to overcome current logistics challenges and leverage the potential of the AfCFTA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African countries are currently negotiating the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Competition Protocol (CP) to regulate competition in the created continental market. However, the most daunting task for the negotiators and African countries is which institutional design to adopt at the continental level, pitying against a supranational or cooperative institutional model. Drawing from a dearth of literature on institutional designs, I propose two factors that African countries should consider when deciding on the most appropriate institutional design for the AfCFTA CP. First are the benefits and costs of each institution design building on the experiences of existing regional competition regimes. Second is the institutional context in which the AfCFTA Continental Competition Regime (CCR) will be established, which constitutes African countries' attitudes towards supranational institutions, preference heterogeneity, and power distributions. The findings of this article show that African countries should establish a less ambitious institution design that will attract business and political acceptance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is expected to provide trade gains for Africa, especially from reducing non‐tariff measures (NTM). Unfortunately, data on NTMs is scarce, both by country and sector. Using three underlying NTM data sets and other data sources, we provide a range of estimates to fill the missing gaps in the existing estimates. Focusing on agriculture, we then use a computable general equilibrium model to estimate the effects of the AfCFTA. Results from all three data sets indicate that NTM reduction leads to much greater intra‐Africa trade gains than tariff reduction alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional integration in Africa is deepening, and the existing regional groupings are making frantic efforts to remove barriers to trade. One way in which trade among countries can be promoted is through the establishment of free trade areas with member-states. However, regulatory quality that supports international trade in most African countries is exceptionally low. This study investigates the effect of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) free trade area (FTA) on the bilateral export efficiency of member-states over the period 1997–2021. The results obtained using a stochastic frontier specification of the gravity model and panel data of 16 exporting COMESA member-states show a positive effect of the COMESA free trade area on export efficiency. In addition, the study finds regulatory quality to have a positive impact on export efficiency. Controlling for regulatory quality, the results also show that the FTA stimulates export efficiency. Hence, non-FTA COMESA members ought to contemplate joining the FTA in order to expand their respective exports with other member-states to their maximum potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integration of e‐commerce into supply chain management (SCM) and logistics operations has greatly impacted the way these processes are executed. The Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) has disrupted traditional SCM and logistics business processes, making digitalization a crucial element for differentiation and competitiveness. The objective of this article was to investigate how the adoption of appropriate digital technologies could accelerate intra‐African trade in goods and services through the AfCFTA Agreement. The author employed a content analysis of the primary source documents, specifically the Protocol on Trade in Goods, available on the AfCFTA's website. The nine Annexes of the Protocol on Trade in Goods were evaluated against a digital supply chain (DSC) model adopted in this article. The results of the analysis showed that the supply chain and logistics processes of the AfCFTA's Protocol on Trade in Goods could be effectively identified and mapped to potential digital technologies through the adopted DSC framework. The practical implications of this study suggest that the AfCFTA could adopt a DSC framework as a guide in concluding negotiations on the Protocol on Digital Trade to harness the benefits of digital technologies. As the main contribution, this article provides a DSC framework that could be utilized to accelerate intra‐African trade through optimization of supply chain and logistics processes of the AfCFTA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study the impact of unilateral economic disintegration, such as Brexit, on national and international policies. We introduce firm mobility and business‐tax policies into a general‐equilibrium trade model and analyze the effects of disintegration on tax policies of asymmetric countries. Although the disintegrating country taxes less, business taxes converge in the remaining economic area. We highlight important differences with existing two‐country models. Moreover, we predict a realignment of trade policies with a deeper integration inside the union and lower tariffs worldwide. The leaving country's endogenous integration response with other countries may fully compensate for the disintegration‐induced welfare losses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As African countries work towards establishing a continental market created under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), emphasis needs to be placed on improving connectivity and regional accessibility. One-Stop Border Posts (OSBPs) are central to enhancing interconnectivity among African countries to facilitate traffic flows along Africa's transport corridors. Under the OSBP concept, all traffic stops once to undertake both exit and entry formalities when crossing into another jurisdiction. Such a framework would help alleviate border congestion and delays that adversely impact transport costs, trade flows, and trade competitiveness. However, OSBPs present their own challenges. Using the Chirundu OSBP between Zambia and Zimbabwe (which was the first of its kind in Sub-Saharan Africa) as a case study, this article examines the challenges, highlights the issues, and suggests ways to address the problems. It reviews the border management and infrastructure challenges affecting operations and success of the Chirundu OSBP and points to implementation lessons that can be drawn to inform other African countries that intend to implement, or are in the process of developing, OSBPs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the emergence of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) in March 2018, which promises to become the largest economic integration area in the world with 54 member countries, exaggerated optimism has been generated, especially by different international organizations formerly critics like the World Bank, who now highly praise the benefits of the regional integration process. This article contributes to the understanding of the complexity in the implementation of this area, which delves into the analysis of the background, potential, scope and challenges of the AfCFTA. It is argued that this new attempt at regional integration is not very different or distant from neoliberal ideology and seems to be part of open regionalism that tends to favor outward integration, which is why it does not contribute to the solution of the enormous problems of underdevelopment, poverty and social injustice on the continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Southern African Customs Union (SACU) is a prominent economic association of the African continent. SACU comprises five southern African countries: South Africa, Botswana, Namibia, Lesotho, and Eswatini. The overall value of India's trade with SACU increased from $1,477.52 million in 2001 to $1,0941.24 million in 2020, an almost sixfold increase. The export increased almost tenfold between 2001 and 2020, from US$ 343.49 million to US$ 3,760.94 million. In order to increase India's trade with SACU, the Indian-SACU PTA negotiations are now ongoing. This article examines India's export potential to SACU nations using the revealed comparative advantage index, the revealed import dependency index, and the Potential bilateral trade equation. The study shows India has trade potential with all SACU member states. Still, it has only utilised this potential with South Africa. India has not taken advantage of the vast potential of exporting its goods to SACU countries except South Africa. The trade intensity index indicates that India's export and import intensities with SACU have increased over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Free trade zones are one of the common practices in all open economies in terms of increasing exports, contributing positively to the country's economy with effective import processes, creating employment, providing the flow of foreign direct investments and serving the rapid transfer of high technology to the country. The resent study was arried out to evaluate the performance of 17 free trade zones operating in Turkey in the period of 2019-2021 using panel DEA. In addition to annual efficiency scores of free trade zones, technical efficiency, technological change, scale efficiency and total factor productivity were comparatively evaluated. Finding showed, it was determined that 6 out of 17 free zones reached the efficiency limit for the relevant years, while 14 of these zones increased their total factor productivity. One of the most striking findings of the research was the large number of free trade zones that have been successful in technological change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper analyses the effect of trade policy uncertainty in a customs union on export‐platform foreign direct investment (FDI). First, I develop a partial equilibrium framework with heterogeneous firms based on the proximity–concentration trade‐off that involves trade policy uncertainty about trade costs inside a customs union. Second, I derive an empirical equation that I test by exploiting the 2016 Brexit referendum as a natural experiment and using data on manufacturing greenfield FDI projects. The results show that trade policy uncertainty impacted negatively the decisions of firms to invest in export‐platform activities in the UK following the Brexit referendum. Moreover, I find that extra‐EU manufacturing firms preferred EU countries as opposed to the UK for new investments after the 2016 referendum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decades, economic globalisation and the progress of ICT have promoted the international division of labour and optimisation of the global value chain. Moreover, improvements in incentives such as lower tariffs and more efficient border crossings have boosted international trade. Under this background, regional and sub-regional economic cooperation organizations, such as free trade area (FTA), have been developing rapidly and attracting many academic attentions. As the fastest growing FTA in the world, CAFTA is now the largest FTA in developing countries. This study focuses on the value-added network of various industries in the trade process inside CAFTA, and tries to explore the impact of trade facilitation on the DVA trade network of CAFTA. The results show that in the trade network of CAFTA, the proportion of added value of domestic trade in total exports keeps increasing, and the returned added value (RDV) increases significantly. Singapore, Vietnam, and Thailand hold relatively high positions in the production network, while China has a relatively low position. On the other hand, China and Thailand become the main beneficiaries after the establishment of CAFTA, while Singapore and Malaysia play a lesser role in trading networks. The results also show that trade facilitation has a significant positive effect on the DVA-INTrex and RDV trade networks, indicating that trade facilitation can significantly increase the domestic indirect value added and returned value added in the trade process. Moreover, the business environment (bus) is the most important factor, with efficiency and transparency of border administration (cus), availability, and use of ICTs (ict) contributing to the improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Customs unions enable countries to freely access each other's markets, which is thought to increase intra-regional trade and economic growth. However, accession to a customs union also comes with the condition that all members need to consent to a common external trade policy. Especially if countries feature different economic structures, this may act as a force against the creation of large customs unions. In this paper, we propose a new mathematical approach to model the optimal size and composition of customs unions in the form of a bi-objective combinatorial non-linear problem. We also use a multi-objective evolutionary algorithm (NSGA-II) to search for the best (non-dominated) configurations using data on the trade flows and economic characteristics of 200 countries. Our algorithm identifies 445 different configurations that are strictly preferable, from a global perspective, to the real-world landscape of customs unions. However, many of these non-dominated configurations have the feature that they improve outcomes for the world as a whole, on average, but not for all individual countries. The best configurations tend to favour the creation of a few large customs unions and several smaller ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an introduction to the special issue on the "Economic Impacts of Tariff Change in Asia." It discusses the history of regional trade agreements (RTAs) in East Asia, including the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) and the recent establishment of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) Agreement. The article also highlights various studies conducted on the economic impacts of trade liberalization, such as the effects on household behavior, production, employment, wages, foreign direct investment (FDI), and nontariff measures (NTMs). The special issue contains selected articles that analyze the impacts of tariff changes in China, Korea, Taiwan, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam. These articles use econometric approaches and official statistics to examine the effects of tariff reductions on import prices, FDI flows, trade patterns, import values, employment, wages, and NTMs. The findings of these studies provide valuable insights for researchers and policymakers interested in trade and industrial policy in Asia. [Extracted from the article]

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This article makes two main claims: A state's legal tradition is embedded into its domestic institution in each issue area and a state that has a common/civil law-type domestic institution in a certain issue area (not necessarily a state that has common/civil law tradition) prefers common/civil law-type international agreements in the same issue area. The consequence of these two claims is that states' legal tradition is often one of the primary sources of international cooperation, especially issue-specific cooperation. This in turn means that the difference in legal traditions is often a potential factor that would induce economic disintegration. By conducting theoretical and empirical investigations of three issue areas covered by free trade agreements (i.e., trade in goods, trade in services, and investment), this article demonstrates that different modes of governance are preferred by civil and common law states domestically and internationally, and that the difference in domestic systems partially explains participation and non-participation in international agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information on the regulations governing fiscal representation for foreign entrepreneurs in Germany. Following amendments introduced by the law promoting electromobility and changing other tax provisions, effective January 1, 2020, it outlines the rights and obligations of fiscal representatives. Notably, fiscal representatives are now required to submit quarterly VAT pre-registration, in addition to the annual VAT declaration.

We propose a theoretical framework to illustrate the impact of trade policy uncertainty on pollution emissions of export enterprises and the underlying mechanism. The magnitudes of the effect and the proposed channels are empirically estimated using the case of the formal establishment of China‐ASEAN free trade area and sulfur dioxide (SO2) emission intensity as a measure of pollution emission intensity. Our analysis relies on high‐precision micro enterprise‐level data and the difference‐in‐difference methodology. The results show that China‐ASEAN free trade area effectively reduced the trade policy uncertainty and the SO2 emission intensity of Chinese enterprises exporting to ASEAN. The study also shows that the export enterprises of different trade modes, ownership types, regions, factor intensity, and pollution intensity industries show significant heterogeneity in the extent of the reduction in the SO2 emission intensity. The mechanism test reveals that the trade policy uncertainty decline mainly reduces the emission intensity of SO2 by raising the competitive and learning effects. The contribution of the learning effect is higher and accounts for 32.54% of the total effect. In addition, through dynamic decomposition at the industry level, we found that the contribution rate of resource allocation effect among enterprises in reducing the total emission intensity of SO2 of enterprises exporting to ASEAN at the industry level is 52.22%. This effect is perhaps the most significant way trade policy uncertainty impacts the SO2 pollution emission intensity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses Ukraine's potential accession to the European Union (EU). It highlights that Ukraine's desire to join the EU was a driving force behind the conflict in the country. Ukraine applied for EU membership in 2022 and was granted candidate status. However, the article acknowledges that Ukraine's accession would be challenging due to the size and economic status of the country. It also explores different frameworks and solutions that have been suggested for Ukraine's integration into the EU. The article references the EU-Poland Europe Agreement as an example of a successful integration process. Overall, the article presents a balanced perspective on the complexities and possibilities of Ukraine's accession to the EU. [Extracted from the article]

The European Union (EU) has over time developed close relations, typically taking the form of acquis‐based association agreements, with the countries in its Western and Eastern neighbourhood. This article examines when, where and how these non‐Member States can influence the terms of their association with the EU's law and policies via institutional venues. It expands on the literature of external Europeanization and governance, which has mainly focused on the downloading of EU rules by these countries. Yet, the associated neighbours have the opportunity to exert influence at different stages of the law or policy‐making process: first, before the downloading of relevant new rules by uploading or cross‐loading, that is, by attempting to initiate or shape these rules during the agenda‐setting and the formulation phases; and second, during or after the downloading by tweaking or rebuffing relevant new rules in the adoption and implementation phases. These mechanisms of influence at different points in time and in different bodies are illustrated by examples from the countries of the European Free Trade Association, of the Eastern Partnership and in the EU's customs union. The findings indicate that more uploading opportunities can generally be expected, the more downloading is required, and the better the associated countries' access to EU bodies in the early stage of the formulation of new rules. Weak uploading opportunities make joint bodies more important for tweaking and rebuffing. The proposed conceptual framework contributes to the study of external differentiated integration and opens new research avenues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The establishment of the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area has prompted closer cooperation in aquatic products trade between China and Vietnam. Studying the aquatic trade situation and export trade growth dynamics of China and Vietnam can help clarify the aquatic trade relationship between China and Vietnam and promote the sustainable development of bilateral aquatic trade cooperation. This paper analyzes the trade growth dynamics of aquatic products exported from China and Vietnam from 2002 to 2020 using the ternary marginal method. The trade growth pattern of aquatic products exported from China to Vietnam is "both quantity and price growth," and the trade growth pattern of aquatic products exported from Vietnam to China is "quantity growth mainly, extensive growth supplemented." The two countries have apparent differences in the growth dynamics of aquatic products export trade. Moreover, there is a higher complementarity when exporting Vietnam's aquatic products to China than China's aquatic products to Vietnam. Based on these, analyze the factors affecting the growth dynamics of Vietnam's aquatic products export to China: Vietnam's economic development level negatively affects the price index and quantity index of Vietnam's aquatic products exported to China, and Vietnam's aquatic product output affects the price index. China's trade freedom positively affects the price index and negatively affects the quantity index. Finally, this paper put forward suggestions to promote the sustainable development of bilateral aquatic products trade between China and Vietnam to facilitate the formulation of relevant policies between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]