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The objective of this article is to elucidate the fundamental components of the mechanism for formulating criminological policy in the context of combating transnational organised crime. In addition, it aims to analyse the subjective composition of the counteraction to such criminal offences and to identify the measures that are necessary to neutralise threats and risks to national security. The article presents a scientific discussion of the mechanism of formation and implementation of criminological policy. It is determined that the nationwide system of combating transnational organised crime can counteract the systemic threats reflected in the Strategy for Combating Organised Crime. This necessitates the establishment of a singular entity: a state body endowed with distinctive status, entrusted with the requisite authority over other entities, including competence related to the budget allocation process and control over its implementation in terms of combating such crime. This entity must possess a sufficient information and analytical component, the result of which should be both the assurance of the agency's ongoing activities and the preparation of strategic programme documents on combating transnational organised crime in general and in its individual areas. These documents must then be approved by the President of Ukraine, who serves as the guarantor of national security. Results. The author develops a scientific concept of the criminological policy of combating transnational organised crime based on the system of coordinated measures to ensure criminological security. This concept has been tested by domestic and foreign practice, with the development and implementation of a set of strategic legal, economic and social measures in the activities of entities involved in combating transnational organised crime (decisions, recommendations, and methodologies) at the legislative and governmental levels. These measures are aimed at identifying criminogenic factors and making effective legal and regulatory, organisational and managerial decisions, including departmental (and interdepartmental) decisions, by authorised entities on this basis.

Despite being frequently invoked in everyday police work and immigration enforcement to justify coercive measures, public order and security remains an ambiguous legal concept. For EU citizens, the Citizens' Rights Directive stipulates public order and security grounds to provide a higher threshold against removals than criminal convictions alone. However, the removal grounds for EU citizens were founded on even less than criminal convictions in analysis of 100 removal orders for mobile Estonian and Romanian citizens in Finland. Ultimately, the removal orders relied on the assumption of future crimes and invoked a conception of 'dangerous individuals' with criminal tendencies, even based on single minor offences and administrative penal orders without criminal convictions. Notwithstanding various legal meanings, I argue that the required public order and security grounds for the removal of EU citizens corresponded to police conceptions of mobile populations as a potential source of criminality and a threat to social order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Notwithstanding punitive implications, immigration detention as an administrative deprivation of liberty represents a characteristic police measure, targeting deportable noncitizens with limited rights and protections. Drawing on an analysis of the detention system in Finland, I discuss different functions of immigration detention, focusing on police powers in the governance of mobile populations. In Finland, immigration detention is separated from the criminal justice system and delegated to the police, who possess broad powers to impose coercive measures for the enforcement of immigration decisions and social control in the absence of effective judicial supervision. Despite being affiliated with the removal of rejected asylum seekers, immigration detention also is intertwined with crime prevention and control of irregular migration. In addition to deprivation of liberty in the first place, police measures support removal procedures that continue during detention, as well as other administrative strategies to control deportable people and deter unauthorized residency, involving varying degrees of coercion. Though connected with criminal justice and manifestations of penal power in border criminology discussions, immigration detention can arguably be better understood as a coercive police measure, which can be employed alongside other administrative means for immigration enforcement outside of the criminal justice system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In criminology, social and legal eras are often referred to as dominated by either due process or crime control narratives. In general, crime control narratives focus on the need for tough-on-crime policies and on the terror of criminals wreaking havoc in society. By contrast, due process narratives focus on the need to move slowly and methodically through our justice process to avoid mistakes and violations of human rights. These eras swing back and forth, neither wholly related nor unrelated to the conservative/liberal pendulum of broader politics. Arguably, despite a conservative and nationalist moment in US politics, our criminal justice policy pendulum is again swinging in the due-process direction. This is evidenced in policy reforms and popular calls for policy reform such as monitoring the police, ending cash bail, legalizing marijuana, and so on. Contrary to prevailing trends, best-selling true crime books remain crime control oriented regardless of the historical/cultural era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arab Journal for Scientific Publishing is the property of Research & Development of Human Recourses Center (REMAH) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article critically examines reasons for the persistent use of states of emergency (SOEs) as a tool of crime control in Jamaica and risks associated with normalising these measures in small, low-capacity, competitive democracies in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). We attend to the question of permanent SOEs as an issue of law and certain policing methods becoming normalised. This differs from scholars who think about the use of permanent SOEs as suspension of law or executive rule and make a clear distinction between law and violence and normalcy and emergency. Our findings show that persistent usage of SOEs in Jamaica reflects the incapacity of the state to control violent crime as well as its effort to strengthen its coercive capabilities and compensate for the ineffectiveness of the police. It is also a response to public demand for SOE policing. State strengthening is a necessary condition for a more peaceful and law-abiding society but is also a carrier of risks of democratic degeneration via rights-disregarding policing. Nonetheless, we have seen authoritarian management of crime without descent into authoritarianism, in general, and strong boundary-marking and patrolling by some state-oversight institutions that enjoy the support of civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geographical profiling is a form of crime analysis that can be used to help predict the area within which the home or base of a serial offender resides. Police services globally have incorporated it into their crime analysis capabilities but there remains limited research on how this has been achieved. In this article, we interview 10 geographical profilers working in the field to gather their experiences of the operational use of geographical profiling. Implementation theory is used as the theoretical framework to analyze the interviews. As a result, we identify a field with the potential to add value to criminal investigations, but a lack of knowledge and awareness of frontline officers and staff about the novel capability is affecting its use. In addition, issues relating to technology, tasking acceptance criteria, and methods of data collection create compounding factors serving to potentially reduce its contribution. We provide recommendations to address them including greater levels of training, a loosening of theoretical constraints, academic collaboration, and embracing free-to-access technology and heuristic methods as potential ways to improve the application. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses preventive action of the criminal police aimed at controlling and preventing terrorism. The preventive role of the criminal police in terms of preventing terrorism is realized through the following three types of activities: building positive relations between the police and citizens, police work focused on local community issues, and the application of crime control. The aim of this paper is to highlight both the contribution of implementing these activities to the prevention of terrorism and the extent to which the activities of uniformed police affect the quality of work of the criminal police. This paper presents the research conducted on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the aim to determine whether, in addition to the special police units tasked with fight against terrorism, the community police should also deal with the prevention, control, and suppression of terrorism, i.e. the identification of terrorist threats, as well as whether the police agencies in Bosnia and Herzegovina are adequately equipped and have all the necessary resources to combat radicalization and control terrorist threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on empirical data from Finnish enforcement agencies, we reflect on the challenges of the administrative approach to crime prevention. At the operational level, we identify explicit legal and implicit extra-legal limitations for using the administrative approach, that we call (1) 'tunnel view', (2) 'structural siloes', (3) 'double role', and (4) 'blurred lines'. At the conceptual level, we consider the challenges of using the administrative approach in the context of labour trafficking. We argue that the initial set-up of the administrative approach that stresses the serious and organised crime paradigm limits understanding of the habitual and pervasive nature of labour trafficking. Nevertheless, administrative cooperation has the potential to contribute to full 'labour justice' as a governance framework that coordinates the efforts of public authorities and their multidimensional strategies to account for the entire labour exploitation spectrum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the turn to the 21st century, new theoretical perspectives on plural policing have conceptualized crime control activities beyond the police. Although this pluralism is also a Brazilian reality, policing studies in the country have not yet had their scope broadened and those perspectives remain virtually unknown. This article reviews the most influential and illustrative theoretical perspectives on plural policing. The aim is to present their conceptual frameworks, systematize their research questions and, based on this, propose an agenda on plural policing in Brazil. As results, the review identifies nine perspectives, distinguished in four dimensions, and lists their main issues in an analytical frame. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brunilda Pali reviews Macrocriminology and Freedom by John Braithwaite

The fallible nature of the criminal justice system continues to see judicial errors—that is, wrongful convictions and erroneous acquittals—undermine its integrity, efficacy, and legitimacy. Public perceptions of judicial errors are important contributors to criminal justice policy and reforms. The current study utilizes the 2016 Australian Survey of Social Attitudes (AuSSA) dataset to examine public attitudes toward judicial errors. It applies Herbert Packer's crime control and due process models to understand how concerns around procedural safeguards and public safety are associated with public perceptions toward judicial errors. Packer's model has been challenged by studies, which theorize that the models are not mutually exclusive. Yet, they have not been empirically tested in this context, which is a gap this study seeks to fill. Findings show that due process and crime control concerns shape public attitudes toward wrongful convictions and challenge the notion that Packer's models be applied on a continuum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this research is to define information crime in the relevant systems, including the Saudi antiinformatics crime system, as well as the definition of information crime tools and their characteristics. The national and international level. The study followed the analytical approach, then relied on secondary and primary information collection sources represented in books, references, and magazines. The most important findings of the researcher were the importance of knowing the nature and characteristics of information crime, clarifying the criteria, means and methods of committing it, indicating its difficulties, and encouraging researchers to research information crimes. And in the interpretation and application of laws to combat information crimes developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A key question of research on crime control is whether the level of police strength in cities primarily represents citizens' collective interest in cutting crime, or whites' interest in exerting control over minority populations in a racially divided society. Minority threat theories maintain that whites and police authorities seek to protect their interests by mobilizing their political power to enhance police strength in cities with relatively large minority populations. Research testing this hypothesis examines the relationships of percent black and percent Hispanic to the strength of police departments. Studies of blacks support minority threat theories, but the limited research on Hispanics does not. We extend research on Hispanics by incorporating nativity and region into an analysis of cities of 100,000 or more population in 2010. Noteworthy findings include complex interactions involving those predictors. Percent native-born Hispanic has a stronger negative relationship with police strength at higher levels of Hispanic-white residential segregation, but only in southwestern cities. Percent black is associated with increased police strength at higher levels of black-white segregation, but only in non-southwestern cities. These findings indicate that nativity, segregation, and regional context may jointly shape the mobilization of coercive crime control, sometimes in unexpected ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By approaching border security as a form of social interaction, the aim of this research is to provide a more thorough consideration of the how in the everyday communicative practices of police officers and civilians who participate in crime control at borders. Employing a corpus of 272 videos of police checks carried out by the Spanish Guardia Civil at La Jonquera–Le Perthus (the Spain–France border area), conversation analysis (CA) is introduced and applied as a novel perspective in the field of border security studies. From this approach, this article scrutinizes how meaningful actions emerge, and their relevance to the development of the encounter. The analysis highlights how certain actions can be consequential for police checks, such as initiating and modifying turns in conversation to overcome problematic situations that arise, for example, from the (non) ownership of the stopped vehicle, or the (lack of) reason for stopping it, which interfere with the police agenda in the management of border security (i.e., the resolution of suspicion). Consequently, this article sheds light on the role of CA in promoting analyses of micro-level border practices, allowing for the detailed examination of how border encounters are locally managed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The repeat use of fatal force against unarmed people of color has driven global protests against police violence and fueled criticism of policing as a mechanism for public safety. In the US, calls to abolish, transform, or reform policing have reemerged with a primary focus on the elimination of structural racism. In this essay, we contend that a two-tier policing problem exists. The first is the continued use of policing to enforce racial dominance through policing practices labeled as "proactive". The second is contemporary "warrior-style" police training that normalizes the expectation of unquestioned compliance with police directives and authorizes police to use physical force in its absence. This dangerous combination results in over-policing the public generally and Black members of the public specifically. Select incidents are provided to support these claims. We conclude by expressing support for the call to reallocate portions of policing budgets toward other government and community-based structures that function to enhance the ability of people to survive and thrive rather than operate as mechanisms of pre-adjudication punishment and state-sanctioned coercion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wildlife traffickindg of endangered species is an international crime that is increasing in in terms of its significance and position in the global crime hierarchy. This phenomenon is a significant subject of research for both traditional and green criminology. The representatives of green criminology, when discussing the criminal policy in matters related to green crimes, refer to its broad meaning. From this perspective, “green criminal policy” includes: a) the legal and social approach, b) a regulatory system that emphasizes social arrangements, norms and reforms in the production and consumption system; and c) a system of social interactions. Each of these models is presented in the article. In this context, the results of qualitative research on the state of the social control of illegal trade in wild fauna and flora in Poland will also be cited.

The rise in crime wave in Nigerian urban centres in the wake of the 2015 general elections and 2016 economic recession, undoubtedly accentuated the need for improved security. This study examines the role of the police in controlling crime in urban Jigawa State, Nigeria, from 2014 to 2016. Most previous studies that appraised the role of the police in crime control in Nigeria relied on data from public respondents/participants. However, this study used primary data collected from public and police samples drawn from three purposively selected urban areas of the state. Results indicate that residents are not in the habit of reporting crime to the police. It also reveals that the perception of the effectiveness of the police in crime control in the study area is relatively high as majority of the respondents rated the effectiveness as either good or average. It also found that the crime control capabilities of the police were hampered by inadequate manpower and modern equipment. The study underscores the need for the police as well as the National Orientation Agency to educate the public more on the need to regularly and promptly report criminal activities to the police. It also recommends the prompt charging of cases not resolved in-house at the police level to court, improved police intelligence gathering mechanism and more periodic meetings with different segments of the public to help improve public perception of the police in the study area.

Drawing on video recordings of police checks in the Spain-France border area, conversation analysis is applied to circumstances in which police officers decide to expand the encounter in search of grounds for suspicion. Police construct a "funnel of suspicion" that gradually intrudes further into the civilians' personal spheres. This is used to gather information on which to base choices regarding subsequent actions, such as seeking further details or ending the encounter. The results show that police pressure when assessing what constitutes suspicion and attempts by civilians to be released from the encounter shape the interaction of these police border checks. • Parties deal with the resolution of police suspicion. • Police officers exercise choice of suspicion moment-by-moment. • Suspicion is the resource that makes the actions of officers and civilians coherent. • The police pressure to resolve suspicion shapes the progressivity of the encounter. • Parties co-construct the overall structural organization of police border checks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the impact of new technologies on ostensive policing, with a focus on racial issues. The São Paulo military police is studied using a varied methodology, that made it possible to analyze the results of policing on the groups of color/race and police officers' perceptions of institutional racism. Police brutality, new technologies and racism are associated with the maintenance of racialized practices for identifying suspects, projecting meaning onto some black corporalities and identity marks. New technologies have reinforced this kind of profiling and have failed to contribute to the control of police action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the theoretical literature on crime control and offender therapy, little has been written about the importance of virtue ethics in the experience of human justice and in the evolution of the common good. As a theory of being, the aretaic tradition extols eudemonic existence (i.e., excellence, flourishing) as a relational habit of developing character that is both practiced and embodied over time. What this implies is that virtue justice depends on a set of assumptions and predispositions-both moral and jurisprudential-whose meanings are essential to comprehending its psychological structure. This article sets out to explore several themes that our integral to our thesis on the virtues (i.e., the being) of justice. We reclaim justice's aretaic significance, critique the common conflation of justice and law, discuss how the dominant legalistic conception of justice is rooted in a particular view of human nature, suggest how justice might be more properly grounded in natural moral sensibilities, and provide a tentative explication of the psychological character of justice as a twofold moral disposition. Given this exploratory commentary, we conclude by reflecting on how individual well-being, system-wide progress, and transformative social change are both possible and practical, in the interest of promoting the virtues of justice within the practice of crime control and offender therapy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the currently little-studied topic which is the influence of the political and socio-economic processes of the final stage of the World War II on the activities of the Khabarovsk Krai NKVD organs. The study was based on the archival documents related to the work of the NKVD organs of the Far East in the second half of 1945. The collections of documents stored in the departmental archive and information center of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Khabarovsk Krai constituted the source base of the research. Most of the archival sources used by the author are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. The techniques of historical criminological analysis were applied in the process of research. The author considered the peculiarities of the transition of law enforcement agencies of Khabarovsk Krai to work under martial law connected with the events of the Soviet-Japanese war; structural transformations of the first post-war period, including the formation of new territorial bodies in South Sakhalin; activities in combating crime and protecting public order. It is concluded that the geopolitical events in the region and the internal social processes of the period under study demanded that the NKVD of Khabarovsk Krai not only strengthen the traditional activities to combat crime and protect law and order but also organize work in a number of new areas. The study of archival documents showed that the internal affairs bodies paid considerable attention to the organization of civil defense and the protection of population from possible attacks by Japanese aircraft during that period. Assessing the effectiveness of the activities of the territorial bodies of the Khabarovsk Krai NKVD in the period between June and December of 1945, the author concludes that despite a number of difficulties which were largely caused by the problems connected with personnel and logistics, the internal affairs bodies managed to ensure public safety and law and order in the front-line region and to prevent criminal excesses (outbreaks of banditry, group escapes or prisoner riots, etc.) and sabotage at strategically important facilities.

This project combines the conversation on the national crime rate with emerging discussions on the violence that the state perpetrates against civilians. To measure US lethal violence holistically, we reconceptualize the traditional definitional boundaries of violence to erase arbitrary distinctions between state- and civilian-caused crime and violence. Discussions of the "crime decline" focus specifically on civilian crime, positioning civilians as the sole danger to the health, wealth, and safety of individuals. Violence committed by the state—from police homicide to deaths in custody to in-prison sexual assault—is not found in the traditionally reported crime rate. These absences belie real dangers posed to individuals which are historical and contemporary, nonnegligible, and possibly rising. We present Uniform Crime Report data side-by-side with data on police killings, deaths in custody, and executions from sources such as Fatal Encounters, the Washington Post, the Guardian, and the Center for Disease Control to produce a robust discussion of deaths produced through the criminal legal system. We ground this empirical analysis in a broader conceptual framework that situates state violence squarely within the realm of US crime, and explore the implications of this more holistic view of crime for future analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article constitutes the first comprehensive review of the EU's export of crime control policies and 'aid to internal security' across regions over the last 15 years. Drawing on both International Relations and criminology, it develops an analytical framework to identify the political rationalities and technologies of crime control that the EU attempts to transfer across the Eastern and Southern (extended) neighbourhoods. By scrutinising 216 projects aimed at combating transnational crime beyond Europe's borders, spanning law enforcement, border security, criminal justice, and the penitentiary sector, the empirical analysis is geared towards detecting and systematising the ways of thinking and doing crime control that the EU seeks to promote and export. Moreover, it investigates the 'action at a distance' whereby it does so. It is argued that in shaping third countries' ability to criminalise, police, indict, convict, and punish, the EU is simultaneously defining its own security actorness, specifically consolidating its role as a 'global crime fighter'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The San Diego Family Justice Center (FJC) model seeks to lessen the burden on domestic violence victims by co-locating social service agencies, law enforcement, and prosecution at one site. Shortly following the inception of the model in 2002, it gained widespread acclaim (and federal funding), spreading the model across the country. Using visual and textual discourse analysis, this paper examines the promotional and procedural material produced by proponents of the San Diego FJC model. FJC materials construct victimhood using discourses of crime control and therapeutic intervention. The resulting discursive formation is that of the passive, dependent battered woman, curable only through robustly punitive state intervention. In this way, FJC materials not only advance a distinct construction of victimhood but also a particular agenda for punishment policy. Extending Jonathan Simon's contentions regarding the resonance of victim discourse within American society, I argue that therapeutic discourse can bolster the effectiveness of punitive campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research for the first time uses Moral Foundations Theory (MFT) as an analytical framework for evaluating the moral foundations of prescriptive presidential party platform statements on crime control from 1968 through 2016. We use summative content analysis to consider the politics of crime control at a broad, foundational level. Our analysis brings data to bear on previously observed trends in the politics of crime control (e.g., Democrats became increasingly conservative on crime in the 1990s) and deepens our understanding by illuminating and contextualizing the latent ideologies and implicit moral orientations to crime of both parties over time. Our findings speak to the prominence of certain moral foundations, authority and care in particular, in partisan frameworks on crime control and indicate trends in reliance on individualizing foundations (fairness and care) and binding foundations (authority, loyalty, purity). We consider the implications of these findings for future research on the politics of crime control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of technology and information gave rise to new media in communication. This new media, called social media, has different characters from well-known characters. The emergence of this new media also has the potential to be used in spreading hate speech online. Unlimited hate speech content can lead to various negative impacts in the community; it can even cause social conflict, physical violence, harassment, and demonstrations. This paper aims to explain the implementation of formal social control over hate speeches in Indonesia by using a qualitative approach through literature studies as a data collection technique. As a result, formal social control over hate speeches in Indonesia is carried out by law enforcement officers by enforcing existing legal rules. In addition, the use of formal social controls that are not balanced in tackling hate speech in Indonesia can cause bias and discrimination and ultimately lead to public distrust of law enforcers and the criminal justice system. A need for alternative social control in controlling hate speech that occurs in the community is to be discussed further.

The rise in crime wave in Nigerian urban centres in the wake of the 2015 general elections and 2016 economic recession, undoubtedly accentuated the need for improved security. This study examines the role of the police in controlling crime in urban Jigawa State, Nigeria, from 2014 to 2016. Most previous studies that appraised the role of the police in crime control in Nigeria relied on data from public respondents/participants. However, this study used primary data collected from public and police samples drawn from three purposively selected urban areas of the state. Results indicate that residents are not in the habit of reporting crime to the police. It also reveals that the perception of the effectiveness of the police in crime control in the study area is relatively high as majority of the respondents rated the effectiveness as either good or average. It also found that the crime control capabilities of the police were hampered by inadequate manpower and modern equipment. The study underscores the need for the police as well as the National Orientation Agency to educate the public more on the need to regularly and promptly report criminal activities to the police. It also recommends the prompt charging of cases not resolved in-house at the police level to court, improved police intelligence gathering mechanism and more periodic meetings with different segments of the public to help improve public perception of the police in the study area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New cross-border regimes of biometrics and databasing in the EU are contributing to a conflation of the treatment of irregularity, asylum seeking, and criminality. States provide migrants' biometric data to transnational databases that are increasingly interoperable in the area of migration and crime control, to be accessible for state-based law enforcement actors. This article uses the case of Eurodac - a biometric database initially developed for migration control purposes - to explore the ongoing expansion of law enforcement access to the collected information for the purpose of crime control. The article studies how borders are selectively made permeable for biometric data flows in the light of "crimmigration" discourses. It combines insights from critical migration, border, and security studies that address the increasing overlapping of migration and crime control in policy discourse, law, and surveillance technologies. The study addresses the reconfiguration of crimmigration - and the normalisation and diversification of the figure of the "crimmigrant other" - through the expansion of cross-border flows of biometric data by law enforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Colombian National Police inaugurated a comprehensive operational model in 2010. Informed by evidence-based law enforcement models from the Global North, the MNVCC, or the National Quadrant Policing Model, integrates core features of procedural justice, hotspots, problem-oriented and community policing strategies. Just under a decade old, empirical assessments of the model’s impact vary in quality and availability. While the Colombian National Police presents the model as a successful intervention, there is little consensus on the degree to which the MNVCC has affected crime rates or perceptions of insecurity. The core purpose of this paper is to offer insight into the political factors that enable this contradictory narrative. Relying on privileged access to high-level administrators inside the Colombian National Police and other institutions, this study explains how structural features of official crime data—with political incentives specific to the Colombian context—provide the basis for contradicting claims surrounding the MNVCC’s impact.