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Elite schisms are known to destabilize autocracies, but there is little scholarship that examines how such splits affect regime support or perceptions of regime stability. We utilize a unique survey that was in the field during a June 2023 coup attempt in Russia to examine this question. By comparing the responses of respondents interviewed before the coup with those interviewed after the coup, we estimate the effect of the coup on a number of attitudes. We find that the coup had no effect on regime support and only a limited (negative) effect on perceptions of regime stability. By contrast, we find that the coup caused a precipitous drop in support for the coup's leader and that this effect is larger among those who watch state television. The findings suggest that the regime used its control of the information space to swiftly demonize the coup leader and avoid public fallout. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much research stresses the impact of armed conflict on refugee flows. This article focuses on another form of political instability that has yet to be systematically examined: coups. It presents a typology of coups by considering (a) whether coup plotters succeed or not in seizing power, and (b) the type of regime after the coup. It identifies four types of coup attempts: (1) failed coups in autocracy, (2) failed coups in democracy, (3) autocratic coups, and (4) democratic coups. We argue that failed coups in autocracies and autocratic coups increase government repression and hinder economic performance, creating societal environments that trigger refugee flows. This contrasts with more stable environments following failed coups in democracies and democratic coups that are expected not to affect refugee flows. Quantitative analysis of all countries between 1980 and 2016 supports the theory, and qualitative analysis of varieties of coup attempts in Egypt, Spain, and Turkey illustrates the postulated theoretical mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the varieties of civilian praetorianism or the different ways in which civilians enable and support military coups. It specifically argues that by shaping their access to different sets of resources, civilians' proximity to the political establishment and their level of social capital influence their method of support. Civilians linked to the political establishment wield resources better suited for enabling praetorianism through tactics like initiating or plotting coup conspiracies with military officers. Conversely, civilians with high levels of social capital hold resources valuable for consolidating praetorianism through tactics like providing post-coup support and neutralizing anti-coup opposition. Qualitative evidence from three coup episodes in Sudan demonstrates the argument's plausibility. By explaining the important variation in civilian capabilities and resources, this study advances research on civilian coup involvement, which—although understudied—is critical to understanding coup politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reflects on the Chilean literary scene in exile between 1973 and 1982 and the presence of women writers in that context. During this period, women seem to disappear or dilute their presence, but by examining the material produced at the time, a significant number of women can be found as marginal notes. There is a void that makes it difficult to establish links and continuities between the literature prior to the coup and the proliferation of texts authored by women that emerged from 1983 onwards. The objective of the article is to contribute to filling this void and giving them a place in the historical narrative. [Extracted from the article]

The article investigates the Suharto rule regime's use of necropolitics to construct Indonesia's memory of the 1965–66 mass murders. These memory politics were based on the anti-communist myth, which was the basis of the memory formation and creation of positive and negative heroes closely related to political changes. The regime used the bodies of generals who were killed during the attempted coup for political purposes, thus permanently anchoring this image in Indonesian society's space and memory. Herein, the image of the generals' bodies is juxtaposed with that of the victims' bodies, which are still cursed and excluded from official Indonesian history. These necropolitics served the Suharto regime's various interests of power, knowledge, and the clash between sacred and cursed bodies. Thus, the generals' and victims' bodies enhanced Suharto's credibility. In this context, the generals' bodies are treated as sacred, while the victims' bodies are considered to be cursed, but both are causative agents of the development of the regime's historical narrative, collective memory, and national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the communist regime in Romania (1945 - 1989), the Romanian Army was at the centre of the attention of the governmental political factor in order to transform it into an armed and secure arm of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) for the defence of the political, economic and social regime, as well as the independence and sovereignty of the socialist state against foreign intervention, especially by the member states of the Warsaw Treaty. The military institution was "democratised' after 6 March 1945 and, later on, pushed down the slope of a nationalism with clear anti-Sovietism and anti-Russian accents. This study aims at analysing this process of de-Sovietisation and re-nationalisation of the Romanian Army after 1965, the relations between Nicolae Ce ausescu and the Army's leaders, as well as the ability of the Army to position itself in relation to the political and economic failures of Ceausescu regime, through different formulas of opposition and dissidence. Did some of the generals of the Romanian Army plan a military coup against Nicolae Ceausescu, with the support of the USSR, or was it just an unjustified fear of Ceausescu regime? The answer to this question, as new documents and testimonies have entered the historiographical circuit after December 1989, confirms that the representatives of Ceausescu regime amplified their fear of the power of the Army and tried to control and rein it in. According to some military decision-makers at the time, the leadership of the Socialist Romanian Army did not dare to think of a military coup against Nicolae Ceaușescu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the complex political and economic dynamics surrounding Bolivia's cooperative miners, challenging stereotypes and misconceptions about their livelihoods and motivations. Through a material history approach, the author, Andrea Marston, sheds light on the diverse experiences and subjectivities of cooperative miners, highlighting the nuanced social and political positions they occupy. Marston's research not only contributes to a deeper understanding of Bolivian politics but also offers insights into the connections between resource nationalism and Indigenous politics in Bolivia. The article recommends Marston's book, "Subterranean Matters," as essential reading for scholars interested in themes of nationalism, nature-society relations, and the co-production of the material world and social identities. [Extracted from the article]

Egyptian revolution, which started with great optimism regarding country's future, after toppling 30 years long Mubarak regime and experiencing disappointments with first civil administration under Muslim brotherhood government, ended up with the restoration of authoritarianism as a result of a military coup. In this article when delving into the reasons of revolution's failures, orientalist and elitist theories argued that main issues of failure revolved around the immutable power of the army and political elites over resurrecting masses and lack of general faith in the country regarding the creation of a liberal democratic order. What was missing is, from a Gramscian background, important role that neoliberalism and its destructiveness over social and political life in the last four decades of Egypt, played. In here my basic idea is that after 2011 uprising, revolutionary groups could not settle accounts with neoliberal past and its institutions. Then, on that misconstrued basis, they tried to build a new order. While the Muslim brotherhood government criticized the establishment in terms of religion and cultural values, secular opposition missed the determining role of the army within the economic affairs of the country. Due to these reasons, El-Sisi, seems like an ordinary officer, was able to ensure the restoration of authoritarian rule in Egypt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Early warning systems purport to help decision makers act more effectively. But what does it take to develop, deliver and use warnings or predictions for rare and uncertain events in data-poor and rapidly changing environments? What key lessons can be learned from teams who have confronted these challenges over the last 10 years? The paper answers these questions using in-depth analysis of the experiences of teams developing and applying early warning systems (EWS) for coups, organised violence, mass atrocities, and child soldier recruitment. The purpose of this paper is to improve understanding of the development and use of conflict-related EWS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time of authoritarian drift in many parts of the world characterizing a post-liberal order, this paper aims to contribute emerging literature on how domestic and international factors interact in shaping the foreign policy preferences of middle powers in this new epoch. Hinging on a synthesis of linkage and regime survival theories, the article argues that as the 'inner-directed linkage' of the West to those authoritarian regimes weakens, those regimes' 'outer-directed linkage' with emerging Asian authoritarian centres strengthens. Having been ruled for more than 20 years by authoritarian leader Erdoğan of the JDP (Justice and Development Party), Turkey is an interesting case as an authoritarian middle power with its incrementally intensifying ties with Russia and China. Drawing on the Erdoğan regime's statements and acts departing from the liberal order, especially after the Gezi Park protests in 2013 and the failed coup attempt in 2016, the article concludes that Turkey has recalibrated its domestic and foreign policy, replacing its Europhilism with Eurasianism as a part of his regime survival strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Minorities are particularly vulnerable during times of emergency, particularly those that challenge the state. However, it is not understood how minorities can be targeted through emergency decrees despite the government agreeing they had nothing to do with the reasons for declaring the state of emergency. The Turkish emergency in 2016 highlights this little-understood tendency where the government constructed an emergency around a threat from coup plotters, but then much of the subsequent extraordinary legislation targeted the Kurdish minority. We argue that this was possible because the Turkish government engaged in modular emergency rule. Modular emergency rule combines modes of ordinary rule with emergency powers, thus blurring the boundaries between the two. Emergency measures were laid on top of already existing policies that sought to restrict Kurdish politics in public life. In this way, modular emergency rule became more than just a transient form of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study explores the strategic deployment of religion by the Egyptian military regime as a legitimizing tool for the 2013 military coup and ensuing rule. Central to the analysis is the role of the Egyptian Dar al-Ifta, a pivotal state religious institution, in securitizing the Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliates. While multiple frameworks exist to dissect regime preservation tactics, the research harnesses securitization theory to illuminate these strategies. Grounding the arguments in the foundational works of Juha Vuori in nondemocratic contexts, it contends that the Egyptian military regime tactically utilized religious institutions to securitize its adversaries and enriches the extant literature by integrating securitization principles within the Egyptian context and emphasizes underexplored narratives from the Global South. Moreover, it seeks to bridge a research gap on the nexus between religious institutions and individual actors and delves into the intricate interplay between religious and political discourses by examining speeches and statements infused with religious rhetoric for legitimization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractInternational aid actors and their role in supporting civil society, particularly non-government organisations (NGOs), in Asia has attracted extensive debate. Some view donors’ New Policy Agenda to have de-politicised and “NGOised” civil society, undermining broader emancipatory movements. Such analyses, however, often take limited account of historical and political factors that are deeply influential. Cambodia and Myanmar offer unique insights into these debates; following decades of international isolation, both countries experienced vast influxes of aid, from the early 1990s and late 2000s respectively. Yet in 2024, civil society activism is eviscerated in Cambodia, while a broad alliance is pursing revolution in Myanmar against the 2021 military coup. Through a comparative analysis, this article examines how aid and civil society interact over an extended time, and what the radically different trajectories mean regarding the dynamics between international aid and civil society actors. The article concludes that although international aid had a distortionary impact, historical and political factors were far more consequential in shaping civil society in both countries, particularly the scale of informal, non-NGO activism, which has ultimately proven far more resilient and transformative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diverse challenges plague the public health space in Africa. Although some of these issues have been explored, the disruptive effects of recurring coup d'etats on the fragile healthcare sector have received little attention. This review investigates the historical prevalence and public health implications of military coups in Africa. The study reviews the period after World War II and highlights the prevalence of coup attempts in Latin America, Asia, and Africa. Since 1950, Africa has witnessed 109 successful coups. Despite a decline in coup success rates following the Cold War, attempts continue, fueled by a complex interaction of socioeconomic and political factors. The effects stem from the aftermath of these events and how they interrupt healthcare systems causing economic downturns and political instability. This review highlights the negative consequences of coups for maternal and child health, medical supply chain disruptions, and public health policy changes. Coups have also been demonstrated to aggravate poverty, unemployment, and healthcare professionals' emigration rates, worsening health disparities. Recent coups in Gabon, Niger, Guinea, and Burkina Faso have had implications on the long-term viability of democratic institutions and they have consequently impacted public health programs. This necessitates investigations into coups' role in forestalling the development and implementation of long-term public health plans. The reported outcomes include socio-economic issues, disruptions in healthcare infrastructure, and the negative consequences on healthcare human resources management. Despite noteworthy advances in public health across Africa, the review argues that military coups constitute a substantial threat to the sustainability of these gains. It urges additional research, particularly longitudinal studies, to better understand the long-term impact on economic development and establish effective ways to prevent future coup attempts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the play "The Double Marriage" by John Fletcher and Philip Massinger, focusing on the characters Desdemona, Martia, and Sesse. It draws comparisons between these characters and Shakespearean figures like Miranda, Jessica, Cordelia, and Cleopatra. The play concludes with Sesse opting for self-imposed exile and assuming the role of a banished duke with a loyal daughter. The article also highlights the presence of references and allusions to Shakespeare's works throughout the play. [Extracted from the article]

The article analyzes the song "Aquarela do Brasil" and its role in the formation of myths about racial democracy in Brazil. The author, João Paulo Pimenta, examines the historical accuracy of these myths and other aspects of the formation of the Brazilian nation in his book "Formação da nação brasileira". Pimenta challenges the myths about the peacefulness and lack of civic consciousness of Brazilians, highlights the presence of episodes of political and social violence in the country's history, and reflects on the importance of violence and exclusion in the national formation of Brazil. The history of coups d'état in Brazil is also mentioned, as well as the difficulty of establishing an organic political elite. The author concludes that it is necessary to delve into history to better understand the Brazilian nation and promote a critical Latin American and Caribbean historiography. [Extracted from the article]

In February 2021, the Myanmar military seized power in a coup, bringing to an end a decade of quasi-civilian electoral rule, during which workers in Myanmar had organised themselves into close to 3000 workplace unions. The coup and post-coup imposition of martial law thus upended what had been a vigorous domestic labour movement. Yet post-coup restrictions on worker mobilising have not extinguished workers' collective struggles. We therefore investigate, in this article, the challenges and opportunities for workers' self-organisation under post-coup conditions. We argue that despite heightened restrictions since the coup, industrial workers have exploited contradictions in the post-coup factory labour regime to press demands and make tangible, if limited, gains. To substantiate our argument, we present two cases of worker organising at garment factories on Yangon's industrial outskirts. Empirically, we draw on interviews we conducted with workers involved in the two cases in question, and on our ongoing research into Myanmar's post-coup labour conditions more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After Ahmed Ben Bella, in his last coup, managed to seize control of the reins of government from the Prime Minister of Algeria, Youssef Ben Khadda, in a military manner in cooperation with the states allied with him, which worked to make his coup successful in controlling power through a military coup that left hundreds dead, and this coup did not end, the furthest handing over of power from Youssef Ben Khadda was accepted into the political office headed by Ben Bella, but the latter wanted to formalize his military coup by entering into the elections for the Constituent Assembly and taking away the political nature of his military coup. However, President Ahmed Ben Bella faced a military coup led by the historical leader Hussein Ait Ahmed in 1963. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Myanmar transitioned from direct military rule in 2011, successive governments have attempted to decentralize the primary and higher education systems through top-down "federalizing" initiatives. However, these efforts have largely failed. However, following the February 2021 military coup, the absence of a credible central education authority has led ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and non-state actors, including local communities, to provide education to up to one million of the most vulnerable and conflict-affected children. This represents a new "federating" moment for education in Myanmar, where capacity and alliances are built from the bottom up and which could potentially endure after the ongoing conflict ends. This article explores Myanmar's complex and contested education system since the coup, analysing the difference between "federalizing" and "federating" approaches. It compares the pre- and post.-coup approaches to illustrate the importance of an adaptive, bottom-up approach based on local ownership and resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Challenges of the Future / Izzivi Prihodnosti is the property of Fakulteta za Organizacijske Studije v Novem mestu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Some African countries have in recent times been experiencing military coups, with not less than seven occurrences between 2020 and 2023, an act considered not to be unconnected to the failure and fragility of democratic regimes. This study examined the factors responsible for the resurgence of military coups in Africa and the possible end to undemocratic regimes by applying secondary sources of data, including textbooks, journals, newspapers, and magazines. The findings of the study revealed that the failure of democratic regimes is a result of the sit-tight syndrome/mentality of African political elites, unmanageable security challenges, extractive political/economic institutions, the influence of external powers, corruption, and socio-economic disparity, and weak political institutions of African countries. The study concluded that although the only alternative to unseat or displace undemocratic civil rule, military regimes had never fared better, while some have performed even worse compared with the democratic regimes they successfully plotted against. As such, military rule should not be encouraged under any guise, and people should become more active in their democratic participation to ensure solid democratic institutions that can compel whoever is at the helm of governmental affairs to comply with the tenets of constitutional democracy dutifully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July and August of 2023, on the eve of the 50th anniversary of the military coup in Chile (September 11, 1973), the Santiago City Council chose to honor the civil-military dictatorship victims by renaming 12 streets in the district. Unexpectedly, the Namur neighborhood, which had a one-block street set to be renamed “Ida Amelia Vera Almarza”—a dictatorship victim—mobilized and vehemently protested the decision. Utilizing a critical approach based on grounded theory and thematic analysis—in which the analysis arises “bottom-up” from an inductive triangulation of various sources—this article examines the reasons for opposing this renaming. The results reveal two primary reasons for opposition: the community’s need to preserve their historical identity embodied in the street’s name (Namur) and their feeling of exclusion and mistreatment. Contrary to some perceptions, this opposition was not driven by denialist or far-right ideologies. Thus, this article offers a novel viewpoint that extends beyond the traditional scholarly understanding of memory politics and suggests that memory battles are not solely about clashes between those for and against victim memorialization. Hence, it urges scholars and practitioners to delve deeper into the motivations behind the opposition to memory and human rights policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 26 July 2023, Mohamed Bazoum, President of Niger, was deposed by a military coup masterminded by members of his presidential guard. The military junta dissolved the government and on 28 July General Abdourahmane Tchiani, head of the presidential guard, was pronounced Niger’s military leader. Since the coup, there have been widespread responses and reactions (local and international) to the political developments in the Niger Republic. This article uses secondary sources of data to argue that the coup was not an expression of displeasure against democracy, neither did it show solidarity for an authoritarian system. It was a symptom of the failure of democracy, including the operations of its proponents (the West, and France in particular) in the Sahel. The widespread jubilation emanated from the hope that the military leadership would put in place measures to ameliorate the security and economic woes of the country. The study concludes that the security and socioeconomic improvement of the Niger Republic is not tied to either a democratic or autocratic system of government, as proclaimed in international politics by the West, especially the US and France, and Russia and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the cascading influence of revolutionary moments on democracy and inequality, not at home, but across borders. We use data on revolutions and other social upheavals over the past 120 years and examine their cross‐national impact on a range of variables in neighboring countries. Engaging with debates on whether substantial democracy and equality increases require extraordinary circumstances, our research investigates whether revolutionary activities induce consequential spillovers, such as policy concessions from elites in neighboring contexts. In exploring spillover effects, the paper examines how significant events in one nation influence social life in adjacent ones. It encompasses an analysis of 171 countries over two centuries, connecting data on revolution with democracy and equality metrics, and hypothesizing that elite fear of revolutionary contagion may necessitate democracy and equality concessions to mitigate potential uprisings. Findings suggest neighboring revolutions positively impact domestic democracy and equality levels. We observe significant increases in an index of democracy and two indices of economic egalitarianism, although one of the egalitarianism measures is robust to all model specifications. Additionally, we find that isolated “protest‐led ousters” can moderately increase suffrage and one of our indices of egalitarianism, while coups do not seem to impact democracy or inequality variables. By examining various upheaval types and outcomes across time and space, the study illuminates the causal relationship between global mobilizations and local changes, providing insights into how global events inform domestic outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The document "Assault on power. Organized political violence and social sciences" analyzes the typologies of political violence through internal and external factors of the conflicting groups, structural and conjunctural elements, and strategies of organizations in dispute for power. Eduardo González Calleja, a specialist in political violence, bases his study on reflections of classical and contemporary thinkers, such as Hobbes, Marx, and Che Guevara, to understand political violence as the conscious use of physical force in search of political control. The author categorizes political violence in different historical contexts and analyzes phenomena such as coups d'état, terrorism, guerrillas, and state repression, contributing with an analytical and detailed vision to the study of organized political violence. [Extracted from the article]

The establishment and maintenance of an effective democracy, characterized by its popularity, representativeness, and accountability, are fundamental elements in the process of consolidating a republic. Despite inherent challenges, such as antidemocratic coups that have left their mark on the country, perpetuating the use of force, it is imperative to chart a course toward democratic stability. The evolving definition of democracy over the years has given rise to diverse perspectives in the 21st century, emanating from individuals, institutions, and nations. Ecuador, as a republic, has experienced fluctuations in democratic stability throughout its history. This study focuses on analyzing the levels of democratic stability in Ecuadorian society, employing neutrosophic statistics to address the variability of the variable in question. The research results underscore that the deterioration of civil rights, evaluated from a neutrosophic perspective, emerges as a critical factor in the stability of democracy in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note presents the findings of a project aimed at understanding the life and livelihood experiences of displaced Myanmar women in Thailand. Since the 2021 Myanmar military coup, thousands of people, including women of diverse socio-economic backgrounds, have fled Myanmar to neighbouring Thailand, where they are living as undocumented refugees with restricted livelihood opportunities. The results show that, in displacement, the lived experiences of these women vary according to their status and backgrounds. What is common, however, is that the displacement experiences of these women begin from a position of loss. Thereafter, their trajectories differ in terms of the way they seek to overcome the challenges of displacement and the associated traumatic experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Magazine of Historical Studies & Archaeology is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Magazine of Historical Studies & Archaeology is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On June 30, 1960, the independence of the Belgian Congo, once personal possession for 23 years of the Belgian King Leopold II, was proclaimed as the “Republic of the Congo”. Emery-Patrice Lumumba (1925-1961) played a capital role in this emancipation which resulted in the consecration of Joseph Kasavubu as first President of the Republic of Congo and himself, Emery Patrice Lumumba, as Prime Minister. Congo has proclaimed its independence, but the new country remains plagued by violence and infighting. Belgian troops and peacekeepers from the United Nations intervene in the territory as a standoff begins between Kasavubu and Lumumba. On September 14, 1960, Colonel Joseph Désiré Mobutu led a first coup d’état which was followed by the arrest and assassination of Lumumba. The following years would be punctuated by rebellions and fighting interspersed with ceasefires in protest against the dictatorship established by the Mobutu regime after its second coup d’état, five years later, during a new political crisis. After thirty-two years of unchallenged reign, Mobutu was ousted from power by Mzee Laurent Désiré Kabila in May 1997 and since then, it has been difficult to speak of the real independence of the country, which became the Democratic Republic of Congo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The coup in Myanmar in February 2021 marked a significant escalation in the country's domestic issues. It presented a considerable challenge for the ASEAN Political and Security Community (APSC), which aims to foster political and security cooperation to achieve stability and peace among ASEAN member states. Members of the ASEAN Community are committed to upholding democratic principles and human rights. Additionally, ASEAN countries have agreed to prioritise ASEAN centrality in decision-making processes to address regional challenges. This study discusses how the 2021 military coup in Myanmar has challenged the ASEAN Political and Security Community. The inability to resolve this coup highlights the limitations of ASEAN centrality. The coup exposes ASEAN's lack of a coercive mechanism to address violations of democracy and human rights by the Myanmar military regime. Furthermore, the absence of unity among ASEAN members in responding to the situation in Myanmar and actions that deviate from ASEAN agreements have undermined the organisation's credibility and cohesion, raising increasing concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rouya Turkiyyah is the property of Insight Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Transitions between "military" and "democratic" rule significantly impact the political stability of African states and challenge the legitimacy of "global governance" mechanisms promoted by regional and international organizations. Development and growth theories have long explored the durable implications of military coups d'état for social, political, and economic outcomes in Africa. An emerging body of critical scholarship has examined the resurgent coups d'état in Africa and their implications for the continent's geopolitics. Concerned with the historical shortcomings of the imposition of global governance mechanisms onto African states, this article raises several questions about the tenets of global governance; the extent to which systems conceptually and empirically limited to particular temporal, spatial, and historical junctures "become global"; and how the strains and stresses that the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States continue to grapple with constitute a drive toward a new governance system that is reconfiguring geopolitical alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use doubly robust difference‐in‐differences models to estimate the causal effect of successful coups on national incomes. We find that real per capita gross domestic product (GDP) decreases by 10%–12% 5 years after a coup and the effect has not begun to diminish at that point. When we investigate the economic and political mechanisms behind this outcome, we find that our result is mostly driven by a fall in investment and in the rule of law, along with an increase in repression. Given the size of the effect, preventing coups can be seen as a significant development issue, and though the international community has taken steps to discourage coups, further consideration of anticoup policies seems well‐warranted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several countries recruit foreign nationals into their armed forces. This is despite the norm of citizen armies and the strong idea that individuals join the military to defend their home country while military service socializes them into good citizens. We argue that foreign recruits can have very specific benefits for some authoritarian governments. Because they lack strong links to society, their loyalties lie with whoever recruited and pays them, not the nation, country, or its citizens. As such, we argue, first, that their recruitment is especially attractive for personalistic rulers. Second, we propose that foreigners' presence in the armed forces stymies these forces' ability to carry out coup attempts and deters the occurrence of mass uprisings by signalling the security forces' willingness to respond with violent repression. Empirical tests for the period 1946–2010 support these arguments. This research expands our understanding of legionnaire recruitment, civil–military relations, and comparative authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Generals Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha's coup speeches from a lexico-semantic ambit. The study reveals that the language of coup speeches is deliberately different from that of everyday usage. It exposes us to the forms and characteristics of political language as contained in coup speeches which include; newspeak, doublespeak, diplomacy, vagueness, persuasiveness and euphemism. The major sources of data are the Babangida and Abacha's coup speeches of August 27, 1985 and November 17, 1993, respectively. The study adopts Hallidayan's theory which helps in the analysis of the texts. The findings reveal that language is an important tool in coup speeches and that the choices of words used by the speakers are highly dependent on their idiosyncrasies. The study also reveals that both speakers use the same lexico-semantic features such as, lexical choices which include the diction and choice of words used by the speakers; referring expression which include pronominal references; lexical reiteration which include repetition of dictions and phrases and also the use of lexical relation which include synonyms, antonyms, etc. to arrive at meaning. It therefore concludes that both speeches have some similarities since they were both delivered at similar circumstance and situation. Lastly, the study concludes that military coup speeches have some elements of political orientations as reflected in their choice of words which is geared toward persuading, appealing and convincing the audience through the use of language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some winning rebel groups build loyal postwar militaries, while others do not? Surprisingly, though victorious rebel political and military elites cooperate successfully to seize sovereign power, they often struggle to share it. In roughly one-third of rebel regimes, military elites attempt to depose their leaders through military coups. I contend that postwar coup risk is primarily shaped by the wartime roles of rebel leaders. Rebel leaders that occupy a frontline role—exposing themselves to the hazards of the conflict theater—establish regimes less likely to suffer postwar coups. Frontline leaders win greater prestige and stronger legitimacy among military audiences. Further, frontline leaders' greater proximity to their military commanders allows them to develop institutional structures that more effectively reduce military autonomy. However, remote leaders, who are absent from the conflict theater, exercise weaker postwar control over the armed forces, resulting in greater coup risk. I find support for this theory using original cross-national data on all rebel regimes and the wartime roles of victorious rebel leaders between 1945 and 2010. A controlled case comparison of civil–military relations in two rebel regimes—Guinea-Bissau and Uganda—further illustrates the mechanisms tying wartime roles to postwar coups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines revolutionary episodes, particularly the events of January 1946 in Haiti, which stage the exclusion/inclusion of women's bodies in post-revolutionary politics. These were tensions with which Haiti's first revolutionary generation had already grappled following national independence in 1804. Here, we will consider how the revolution was gendered, how it was experienced through the female body, and how the women of the revolution were represented in Haiti's cultural and journalistic sphere of the mid-1940s. We will then examine how revolutionary women and the events of January 1946 have been portrayed in Haitian literature, including the writings of former revolutionaries like Gérald Bloncourt and novels by women such as Marie Vieux Chauvet and Yanick Lahens. Through the tradition of a female revolutionary spirit, its revival in 1946, and its subsequent literary reincarnations, this article examine how Haiti's revolutionary women have historically played a role in shaping national identity and how fictional landscapes continue to be shaped by the collective memory of previous generations of female revolutionaries. It concludes that taking gendered, embodied, and intergenerational perspectives into account can be a useful way of diversifying our understanding of Haiti's multiple historic legacies of revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Resonances of a Coup: Chile 50 years" analyzes the international repercussion of the coup d'état in Chile that took place between 1973 and 1990. The book examines the influence of the coup on politics and diplomatic relations, as well as on the Socialist International and the Communist Party of Spain. It also analyzes the political and cultural influence of the coup in Europe in the 70s, highlighting the solidarity and support received by Chileans abroad. The book addresses the role of the United States in the establishment of the dictatorship and the subsequent institutionalization of human rights in its foreign policy. [Extracted from the article]

The present text starts off by discussing the conditions of psychoanalytic approach to culture and society. It explores how a transfer of the method to nonclinical fields can take place and the role theory plays in this process. Engaging with Freud's "The dissolution of the Oedipus complex" three elements are emphasized: dealing with sexual difference, the après coup in the threat of castration and the undiscovered nature of the female genitals. This is used to underscore the significance of recognizing that which is not familiar when dealing with ideas of decline and existential crises. In an "Oedipus complex of apocalypse" it is crucial to consider how difference and negativity can be dealt with. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trust in Australian political institutions has declined markedly since 2007. Trust scholars and social capital theorists argue that institutional trust affects social trust, which implies that declining trust in political institutions should also reduce social trust. However, using data from the Australian Election Study, World Values Survey and HILDA panel study, I find no evidence of any aggregate-level decline in Australian social trust since 2007. While this could be a result of the 'coup era' in Australian politics from 2010 to 2018, a better explanation is that social trust remained high because permanent changes in trust occur primarily among younger people. A long-term decline through generational replacement therefore remains possible. This challenges both social capital theory and institutional theories of social trust, but would explain the experiences of other advanced democracies during episodes of political crisis, including New Zealand, Greece, Finland, Japan, Sweden, Spain and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2013 French military operation in Mali presented daunting challenges in West Africa. Critical among these are the resurgence of coup d'états and the growing intervention of Russia, which is eclipsing France's credibility in the Sahelian region. In light of the unfolding scenario, this study makes three arguments: First, the failure of the African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA) to combat the jihadi insurgency in the country reignited France's military intervention in Mali in disregard for the Africanised security initiative, which Paris had previously vowed to preserve. Secondly, the study contends that the failure of the French military operations in Mali created a conducive environment for a military coup, a trend that has continued to gain traction in the Sahel. Finally, the paper argues that the growing Russian-linked Wagner forces in Mali, ostensibly to stabilise Mali, fight insurgents in the Sahel, and end 'French neo-colonialism' in West Africa, pose a graver risk to the region. Drawing on qualitative methods sourced through contextual-descriptive reviews, the findings showed that the resurgence of military coups was partly caused by the failure of the African Union/ECOWAS and France to uphold their defence policies in Mali. It concludes that the resurgence of military coups, the failure of AU/ECOWAS and France, as well as the growing influence of Russia, have had devastating effects on democracy, security, and good governance in Mali. It recommends that lines of communication be opened to the Malian junta for the transition to democratic governance and that the AU, ECOWAS, and Western allies deepen their diplomatic ties with allies who are fighting for democracy and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research employs a theoretical framework to investigate the interplay between factors that lead from predatory governance and predatory rule to military coups, utilising the frustration-aggression theory as its guiding lens. It adopts a case-oriented approach and employs thematic analysis to examine the socio-economic, governance, and political environment that precipitated the August 2020 Malian military coup. Presenting seven key themes, it reveals how predatory rule and its manifestation in the Malian context, was a critical factor in paving the way for the military coup. The study provides critical reflections into the historical, regional, and political dynamics reshaping Africa's changing political landscape. It presents a conceptual model to comprehend how predatory governance fosters conditions favourable for military coups. Insights from the Malian case study offers valuable perspectives for analysing events in comparable contexts. This understanding is crucial for grasping the precursors and impact of predatory rule and popular frustrations in contexts where military coups emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We survey recent theoretical and empirical literature on political economics of non-democracies. Nondemocratic regimes face multiple challenges to their rule, both internal, such as palace coups or breakdown of their support coalition, and external, such as mass protests or revolutions. We analyze strategic decisions made by dictators from the standpoint of maximizing the chances of regime survival in the light of these challenges, and show how it explains multiple common patterns, from hiring political loyalists to positions that require competence, to restricting media freedom at the cost of sacrificing bureaucratic efficiency, to running propaganda campaigns, organizing election fraud, purging opponents and associates, and repressing citizens. (JEL D72, D73, D82, D83, L82, O17) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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