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Even though religion-based politics dated back to the inception of the Republic, particularly in recent three decades, Turkish politics witnessed a gradual rise of religious activism and politics. Interestingly, one may discern that the military coup d'état of 1980 and the policy espoused by the military regime between 1980-1983 was the very heart of these movements. The world context on the eve of the military coup and its timing gives important traces the reasons laying behind the coup. Among many, one of the important reasons was neoliberal turn which the regime wanted to keep up with and entrenched in the country. Then, religious politics gradually gained strength, by means of internal and external factors, thus a more religious politics became visible in the 1990s and culminated in 2000s in Türkiye. In this study, increasing religious activism and politics in the Turkish case was researched and was tried to set forth basic factors caused this visible phenomenon. Results clearly showed that, in line with democratization wave after the collapse of the Soviet Union, neoliberal economic system played a determiner role for increasing religious politics in Türkiye. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the autobiographical narratives of the far-right Ülkücü militants in Turkey, based on memoirs written in the aftermath of the 1980 coup. The Ülkücüs, who had fought on the streets against the leftist during the 1970s in the name of the state and nation, experienced a great rupture in their lives following their torturous treatment at the hands of the junta. This article examines the ways in which narratives functioned in their attempts to make sense of their situation and in their attempt to regain coherence and meaning in terms of identity. We find that while their autobiographical narratives formulated in religious terms helped to instigate a sense of meaning, worth, and coherence in the lives of the Ülkücüs, these same narratives also ensured that they could escape any conscientious attempt to come to terms with the past. With this work, we hope to open new avenues of research, particularly focusing on the role of autobiographical narratives both in terms of the construction and negotiation of political identities and in relation to the prospects of coming to terms with the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although there is a considerable amount of study which examines the effect of democracy on national income, a limited number of papers analyses the effect of democracy on per capita income. The main objective of this research is to show the effect of democracy level on per capita income among new sample 21 countries which share a similar coup d'état experience in their political history, to fulfil the gap in the literature. The countries selected are from different continents and are those most affected by coups. The impact of two different democracy indicators (Freedom House and Polity IV) on the per capita income of the countries in the period 2000-2014 is analysed. The results of the panel data estimation show that, an increase in democracy level has a positive effect on per capita income for both democracy indicators. As expected, the effect of the investment, secularism and education variables on income is positive, whereas the effect of population growth rate is negative. And trade has no definite effect on per capita income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author traces how nationalist poet Necip Fazil Kisakürek shaped the beliefs of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Topics discussed include Kisakürek's views on Turkey's role in history, Erdogan's ascent to power and his persona as the wronged man of Turkish politics, and the September 1980 military coup that changed both Turkish politics and Erdogan's life.

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This article surveys the political economy of coups in Turkey, examining both their economic causes and the economic consequences they seem to generate. It reminds that whether coups had a negative causal effect on Turkish economic growth remains to be compellingly shown. It highlights that military intervention attempts tend to follow already troublesome economic times: Before the 1960 and 1980 coups, 1971 and 2007 memoranda, as well as the failed coup attempts in 1962 and 2016, economic growth slowed down compared to a previous five-year period. This is in line with global trends about coups becoming likely following slower economic growth. Furthermore, students of Turkish politics have noticed a more specific economic policymaking pattern centering on currency devaluation during episodes preceding coups. This article discusses whether such a pattern may be taken as a 'local theory' of Turkish coups while discussing its limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sociology of literature which is based on Marxist criticism acts according to the assumption that there is a strong link or interaction between life and art or society and literature. This interaction has two directions: Either society can affect literature or vice versa. Therefore, it is the duty of sociology of literature to trace these relations between society and literature. This article, through the method of sociology of literature aims to reveal the political, social and economic reflections of 1980 military coup in three plays of Memet Baydur: Cumhuriyet Kızı (The Republican Girl), Yalnızlığın Oyuncakları (The Toys of Loneliness), Kamyon (The Lorry), thus trying to emphasize the interaction between literature and society once more by three examples from theatre. Since Memet Baydur stepped into the world of theatre and started his career as a playwright during a turbulent period in Turkey, namely the 1980s, it is important to analyse his plays in order to reach the traces of that period. Therefore, also regarding the limits of this study, only three plays of the writer, Cumhuriyet Kızı revealing political reflections, Yalnızlığın Oyuncakları especially focusing on social reflections and Kamyon basically carrying the economic reflections of the period, have been selected to be analysed in this study. Thus, the notion that there is a strong bond between life and art, or between society and literature and either of them can influence the other, which lies at the basis of the sociology of literature, is justified once more through the examples from three plays. The result reached at the end of the article is that Memet Baydur's three plays give a political, social and economic portrayal of Turkey in 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is observed that there is a radical increase in the publication of news about the busts and statues of Ataturk, after the 12 September 1980 military coup in Turkish press. Having no expected news value under normal conditions, even opening ceremonies for busts of Ataturk in village schools are published in main pages of national newspapers during the coup administration. This study is focused on the news stories covering the busts and statues of Ataturk, which were published in Cumhuriyet, Milliyet and Tercüman newspapers, from 12 September 1980 (the date of the military coup), to the end of 1981 (where many events were held to celebrate the 100th anniversary of Ataturk's birthday- also truckloads of Atatürk monuments were distributed across the country in 1981. This study aims to investigate the relationship between news of Ataturk busts and politic atmosphere of 12 September 1980 coup. The study argues that the frequency and the news narratives of print media related to Ataturk busts, reproduces the ideologies of the coup administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Why did Turkey and Iran fail to become close partners in the 1970s even though they had compelling reasons to do so? This article argues that mutual distrust between Turkish and Iranian leaders, domestic turmoil in the two countries, and diverging geostrategic priorities undermined Ankara and Tehran's efforts to deepen their relations. While the shah of Iran saw his country as the policeman of the Persian Gulf and the Middle East, successive governments in Turkey continued to look west for their security. As economic and political turmoil engulfed the two countries, leading to a revolution in Iran in 1979 and a coup in Turkey in 1980, Iranian and Turkish leaders could not forge a lasting partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Anti-communism was the chief pillar of propaganda particularly in the Western Bloc during The Cold War Era. In Turkey, "ideological productivity" of Turkish Armed Forces, based on Turkish nationalism, was articulated with anti-communism in the process of participating in NATO. There are two major aspects of Turkish military's anti-communism mission intertwined at very basic level. The fi rst one is to be the supporter and sometimes directly the implementer of the general anti-communist project in all around the country; second one is to make anti-communist propaganda within the institution by determining and discharging leftist offi cers and junta initiatives. This study will deal with two basic questions: "how the Turkish Armed Forces, notably the command echelon, positioned itself against communism?" and "what arguments and tools of the anti-communist propaganda were used by the army during the Cold War period especially between 1950 and 1980?" We claim that the formulations of the military propaganda refl ect both the mentality of general staff and the established pattern of Turkish Armed Forces' interventions into Turkish political life. Another argument of this paper is that the view of Turkish Army towards communist was very similar to that of the Turkish right wing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Monograf is the property of Monograf and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on 'the Kurdish problem,' which refers to the treatment of Turkish Kurds as outsiders within the country. Topics include the Turkish government's forced assimilation of Kurds living in the northern region of the country, the bans on Kurds speaking their own languages, and the impact of the infrastructure project Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi (the Southeast Anatolian Project) on the Kurdish population within Turkey. Information is provided on the circumstances that led to the Kurdish problem after a coup d'etat that occurred in 1980.

This article argues that the conventional talking witness documentary, by relying on memory of experience as evidence, employs an inherently conservative politics of truth. Using a recent Kurdish video,5 No.lu Cezaevi/Prison No. 5(Çayan Demirel, 2009), as a case study, it considers the opportunities and limitations of the talking witness form, as well as its appeals. The essay pays special attention to the documentary's use of ‘mimetic’ affective engagement to break into the moral and conceptual space of trauma, and the harrowing experiences of men and women who were incarcerated in the notorious Diyarbakır prison in eastern Turkey in the aftermath of the 1980 Turkishcoup d'état, thus endeavoring to, at once, fix and disseminate memories of a violent past that run counter to state-authored versions of that history. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper attempts to analyze Turkish politics in the post-1980 period with a special reference to the relationship among the state elites, political elites and societal actors, and its impact on the constitution of civil society in Turkey. After the 1980 military intervention, the political and economic realms of Turkey witnessed a relative degree of liberalization through Özal's neo-liberal policies. The January 24 economic decisions paved the way for economic liberalization as well as letting new economic and societal actors emerge. These new economic actors were different from the prevailing economic actors which used to enjoy a considerable amount of opportunity spaces in the economic sphere. Together with the Özal governments, Islamic segments started to become powerful in both political and economic realms. This paper analyses the chief traits of Turkish politics and economics and their impact upon civil society aftermath the 1980 coup in general, and the relationship and/or interaction among the state elites, political elites and societal actors in particular. The engagements of newly-emerging societal and economic actors into Turkish political scene and the challenge of these actors against the so-called "Kemalist-Republican" elites are also illustrated in the paper. Moreover, state-Islam interaction, politics-Islam interaction as well as Kemalism-newly-emerging societal and economic actors interaction will be studied with a special emphasis to the post-1980 period. The major argument of the paper is that, in Turkey, both civil society issues and political issues reveal outcomes which are primarily shaped by the nature of the relationship between state elites and political elites in general and by Turkish political culture in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the late 1970s, Turkey experienced a major campaign of political terrorism that was waged by a multiplicity of leftist, ultranationalist, and separatist groups. Between 1976 and 1980, more than 5000 people lost their lives in hundreds of terrorist incidents. The steady escalation of violence amidst a major political and economic crisis undermined the country's fragile democratic system and paved the way for a military coup in September 1980. This study examines the origins and growth of the terrorist movement in Turkey, the main characteristics of political violence, and the causes of the dramatic escalation of terrorism in the late 1970s. The study suggests that although state-sponsored terrorism against Turkey facilitated the rapid proliferation of leftist, rightist, and separatist armed extremist groups, the drift into total terrorism was largely the product of domestic political and social developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to explain the divergent domestic roles of the Greek and Turkish militaries after the early 1980s by focusing on the last overt military interventions. The 1967 intervention in Greece and the 1980 coup in Turkey differed from each other in terms of the amount and nature of political autonomy that each military maintained immediately following each country 's transition to democracy. Indeed, in each country, the transition process had a significant impact on civil—military relations in the succeeding years. The Greek junta faced civilian and military resistance, and, therefore, the colonels were pressured to completely withdraw from politics. The Turkish coup, on the other hand, was carried out by a cohesive military and was at least implicitly endorsed by a number of influential civilians. This allowed the military to withdraw voluntarily, guide the transition, and maintain political autonomy after 1983. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the military's decision to take over the government in Turkey on September 12, 1980. The article discusses the political events that led to the coup, the decision-making process within the military and how the military assessed the reactions of civilians. The article relies heavily on documentary analysis and interviews with leader of the 1980 military coup General Kenan Evren. The impending crisis in the democratic regime in the mid-seventies due to rapid social change, import substitution industrialization strategy, the new ineffective institutional regulations and other factors led to the military's decision to intervene in the governance process.