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What type of revolutions are most vulnerable to counterrevolutions? I argue that violent revolutions are less likely than nonviolent ones to be reversed because they produce regimes with strong and loyal armies that are able to defeat counterrevolutionary threats. I leverage an original dataset of counterrevolutions from 1900 to 2015, which allows us for the first time to document counterrevolutionary emergence and success worldwide. These data reveal that revolutions involving more violence are less at risk of counterrevolution and that this relationship exists primarily because violence lowers the likelihood of counterrevolutionary success—but not counterrevolutionary emergence. I demonstrate mechanisms by comparing Cuba's nonviolent 1933 uprising (which succumbed to a counterrevolution) and its 1959 revolutionary insurgency (which defeated multiple counterrevolutions). Though nonviolence may be superior to violence when it comes to toppling autocrats, it is less effective in bringing about lasting change and guaranteeing that these autocrats never return. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Austrian statesman Metternich is widely recognized as a leading actor in European affairs in the first half of the nineteenth century. What has been surprisingly neglected is the long-lasting impact of his nationality policy, which he devised and partly implemented within the context of restoring order after the upheavals of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars. The devastation and dislocations caused by two decades of warfare gave rise to a critical historical juncture in which Metternich took the lead to form a counterrevolutionary regime and to pursue what can be termed his empire project. A state modernizer, he devised an intellectually elaborate conservative response to the French Revolution that rested on his distinction between supposedly natural nationalities and artificial nationalism. The resulting idiosyncratic governance of empire fostered a vertical integration of societies-in-the-making through the expansion of state infrastructures, while at the same time determining horizontal fragmentation along provincial and linguistic lines. Metternich's nationality policy helped to create the ideational and institutional foundations of modern nation-building across Central and Southeastern Europe. Its legacy outlasted the monarchy and is reflected in the distinctive culturalist tradition of nationhood in post-Habsburg Central Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article critically examines the evolution of separation of powers in the U.S., particularly focusing on the presidency. It challenges the "separation-of-powers counterrevolution" and opposes the "unitary executive theory," advocating for democratic constitutionalism. It further suggests a synthesis of normative models for a democratic presidency and emphasizing inclusive governance.

The concept of traditional knowledge has been widely used in ethnobotanical studies from the 1970s onward. The aftermath of world-scale Green Revolution projects led to the realization that disparities were not bridged between small- and large-scale agricultural producers and between developed and developing countries. It is within this context that from the 1970s, Mexican ethnobotanical researchers began to integrate ecological, social, and political perspectives to promote alternative modalities of agricultural production. Here, ethnobotanists pushed for the revalorization of traditional agricultural knowledge as the main avenue for a more just and responsible agricultural system. However, in implementing this ideological counterrevolution, ethnobotanists constructed their own signification of the traditional, which shaped how it would be accounted for in the following decades. This paper explores the ways in which early ethnobotanical research in Mexico through the 1970s and 1980s imagined, celebrated, and constructed traditional techniques in agriculture as a counter-response to modern agriculture, and with this, how women were framed as secondary actors in a male-dominated narrative. The argument then proposes that these early works were hierarchical and gendered, which complicates celebratory accounts of the countermovement in Mexican ethnobotany and other fields of knowledge. Therefore, this analysis reflects on how the traditional within ethnobotanical research has been constructed under specific contexts, on how this directly shaped gender constructions, and on the latter's implications to the present day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Serag Mounir's Diaspora Spring (Rabīʿ al-shatāt, 2019) scrutinizes the critical effects of the Arab Spring on Arab youth, offering a multilayered portrayal of the present Middle East and its revolutionaries who have disappeared from both local and international discourse. In particular, the novel depicts the purposeful marginalization of Arab Spring revolutionaries in the diaspora—a considerable sector of the Arab community. This study places Diaspora Spring within the context of the contemporary post-Arab Spring novel, finding in the work a post-postcolonial vision of the revolutionary movement and the reign of counterrevolution. The novel censures what it depicts as obsolete postcolonial paradigms that fail to account for the persistence of neocolonialism. Second, this study draws on the theoretical framework of Homi Bhabha's "third space" and "unhomeliness" in order to analyze the revolutionaries' distinguished, yet liminal position during the Arab Spring and in the current counterrevolutionary era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Historía da Sociedade e da Cultura is the property of Revista de Historia da Sociedade e da Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to the political circumstances that influenced certain decisions regarding the first two editions of the travel report of the Arab traveler Ibn Fadlān from Baghdad to the Volga Bulgars (921–922). The now-famous text of the voyage account, known as the Mashhad manuscript, was discovered in 1923 by a Turkish orientalist of Bashkir origin, Ahmed Zeki Velidi Togan (1890–1970) and formed the basis of his doctoral dissertation defended at the University of Vienna in 1935. Due to various problems, the German translation (in book form) was only published in print in 1939. The same year saw the publication of a Russian translation of the voyage description by a Soviet Arabist – Andrei P. Kovalevskiy (1895–1969). Both scholars conflicted with the USSR authorities: Togan had fought with the Soviet Army in 1920–1923, while Kovalevskiy was sentenced to five years in the gulag in 1938 on (as it later turned out) a wrongful charge of counterrevolutionary activity. These circumstances unexpectedly influenced the scholarly study of Ibn Fadlān’s medieval work, incorporating it into the USSR’s domestic and foreign policy at the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows how some androcentric representations affected Olympe de Gouges to the point that she was neither seen as the embodiment of the French Revolution, nor as one who ever embraced the revolutionary project. Through the work of Franco-Greek philosopher Cornélius Castoriadis on the imaginary institution of society, it will explore Gouges's dissidence regarding the democratic project of the Revolution. Between her explicit demand for women's autonomy and the desire to participate actively in the political institutions, the article shows how the Gouges's radical imagination made her create her own version of what a revolutionary woman is, thereby allowing her to create both a political and social fantasy deeply rooted in imagination and counter-revolution. Her radical imagination reveals how she never embodied the revolutionary praxis since she refused to accept the implicit and instituted power of society, at an important time in French history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christopher Owen's biography of Willmoore Kendall and Glenn Ellmers's study of Harry Jaffa are timely works about thinkers who sought the leadership of the intellectual Right. Owen traces Kendall's intellectual development, highlighting his emphasis on deliberative democracy in American politics. Kendall criticized rights that undercut social orthodoxies. Instead of biography, Ellmers makes an extended exegesis of Jaffa's thought, particularly his increasingly elevated assessment of the Declaration of Independence that justified a conservative substantive counterrevolution. These works show that Jaffa and Kendall thought partly in critical dialogue with one another. But where Owen adds to the scholarly record about Kendall, Ellmers provides little new about Jaffa. Jaffa and Kendall helped construct the intellectual basis of the polarized modern Right: Kendallian illiberal democratic conservatism and Jaffaite radical restorationism. Conservative in a more Burkean sense, Kendall warned of the Caesarist potentials in Jaffa's thought at the outset of their intellectual engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After almost a century of Marxist predominance, how did anarchism develop from a marginal phenomenon into a force at the centre of the anti-globalisation movement? This article explores how anarchism was reborn in a counterrevolutionary age. Part one investigates how the New Right's post-1960s counterrevolution defeated the New Left and remade US society, including by recuperating potentially liberatory elements of social movements. Part two examines how a new generation of radicals critiqued the failures of Marxism-Leninism and popularised the anarchist analysis and principles that provided the foundation for the anti-globalisation movement. The article discusses five examples of the development of anarchist theory and practice: Black/New Afrikan Anarchism, anarcha-feminism, eco-anarchism, punk anarchism, and revolutionary social anarchism. Ultimately, the article argues that anarchism was revitalised in the late twentieth century because it provided compelling answers to the new problems posed by the neoliberal counterrevolution and the crisis of state socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Most jurists and scholars today take for granted that the U.S. Constitution imposes unwritten but judicially enforceable limits on how Congress and the President may construct their interrelationships by statute. This "juristocratic" understanding of the separation of powers is often regarded as a given or inherent feature of American constitutionalism. But it is not. Instead, it emerged from a revanchist reaction to Reconstruction. As an ascendent white South violently returned to power in Washington, its intellectual supporters depicted a tragic era in which an unprincipled Congress unconstitutionally paralyzed the President in pursuit of an unwise and unjust policy of racial equality. Determined to prevent Reconstruction from reoccurring, historians, political scientists, and a future Supreme Court Justice by the name of William Howard Taft demanded judicial intervention to prevent Congress from ever again weaving obstructions around the President. This Lost Cause dogma became Supreme Court doctrine in Myers v. United States. Authored by Chief Justice Taft, the opinion was the first to condemn legislation for violating an implied legal limit on Congress's power to structure the executive branch. It is today at the heart of an ongoing separation-of-powers counterrevolution. That counterrevolution has obscured, and eclipsed, a more normatively compelling conception of the separation of powers-one that locates in representative institutions the authority to constitute the separation of powers by statute. This "republican" conception accepts as authoritative the decision of the political branches as to whether a bill validly exercises the Necessary and Proper Clause to carry into execution the powers and interrelationships of Congress, the President, and the executive branch. Where the juristocratic separation of powers undermines both the legal legitimacy of the Court and the democratic legitimacy of the political branches, the republican separation of powers sustains an inherently provisional constitutional order-one grounded in deliberation, political compromise, and statecraft. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on a report on the accusations made by the Czechoslovakian radio regarding Austrian central authorities supporting the Hungarian "counterrevolution." It mentions that these accusations have stopped since a protest was handed over to the Deputy Foreign Minister, suggesting its success. It also discusses the presence of reactionary emigrants and Arrow Cross members in Nickelsdorf, Austria and complains about journalists being denied access to hangars at the Schwechat airfield.

This contribution serves as an invitation to a renewed exploration of Herbert Marcuse's critical theory. It discloses his continued relevance for critical social theory and politics in the contemporary moment and why Marcuse should not be condemned to the dustbin of history but should be appropriated and developed in our contemporary conditions in which crises are multiplying. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Herbert Marcuse's political-philosophical vision, cultural critique, and social activism continue to offer an intelligent strategic perspective on current concerns – especially issues of ecological destruction, neofascist white supremacy, hate speech, hate crimes, and racist police violence. These can be countered through a recognition of the intersectionality of radical needs of diverse constituencies and radical collaboration, giving rise to system negation as a new general interest, and an ecosocialist strategy of revolutionary activism within a global alliance of transformational forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario del Instituto de Historia Argentina is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on changes and resistances in Europe and Latin America and significance and projection of the Spanish revolution of 1820 in the change qualitative of the relations between the past and the future. It mentions transformation process opened by the Spanish revolution retaking and revolutionary liberalism was subjected to the relentless harassment of counterrevolution. It also mentions restoration of the absolutist monarchies.

Mexico's independence took place in the revolutionary context of the Liberal Triennium. That time was a laboratory of political ideas and projects that defined the transformation of the viceroyalty of New Spain into an imperial nation-state. The political route of this path was shaped by the application of the Cadiz liberal legislation that, without being the only one, acted as a trigger for a process that will transform the structures of the old colony facing the resistance that the revolution itself generated. From the formation of the Junta Provisional Gubernativa and until the end of the empire, different political proposals follow one another that propose the formation of an independent and liberal State, and that must be related to the anti-liberal projects that fought to resist those changes. The work we propose raises a hitherto little-explored approach to the process of Mexican independence based on the revolution-counterrevolution dialectic. In this sense, not only the political debates and discourses of change will be analyzed, but also those alternatives that confronted it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the nineteenth century, anti-Masonry, or the virulent denunciation of Freemasonry and its supposed grip on society, gradually turned into a veritable doctrine within counter-revolutionary thought and action. The International Anti-Masonic Congress that took place in Trento in 1896, under the high patronage of Pope Leo XIII and the Emperor Francis-Joseph, was an important step in the rise of a transnational anti-Masonic movement. It brought together 1,500 people, including delegates of the existing anti-Masonic associations, nearly 300 newspapers and a consistent group of Catholic prelates. The thousands of telegrams in support of the Congress also testify to its international impact. This "first and grandiose international demonstration against Freemasonry" gave rise to a permanent international organization, the Universal Anti-Masonic Union, which was to become the "single center of all anti-Masonic groups" existing or to come, and whose aim was to fight by any means available a global war against the "Freemason sect". Despite its practical failure, this project is indicative of the transnational and adaptive nature of the counter-revolutionary response to modernity. By focusing on what the Congress itself represented both in terms of organization and communication, we argue that the heralds of the Counter-Revolution were fully aware of the need to adapt their methods of communication and mobilization to a time of rapid cultural change. The discussions that took place during the Congress of Trento regarding the means of action to fight Freemasonry attest to this desire for tactical renewal, but also to the very limits that led to its failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the end of 1873, the Carlists, who were leading a civil war against the Spanish liberal government since 1872, decided to acquire cannons in England and send them off to Spain. It was one of the main smuggling operations the counter-revolutionaries organized during that war. Aware of this clandestine manoeuvre, the ambassador managed to regain the cannons. Despite its finale failure, this vast smuggling operation reveals the modernity of the transnational structuration of counter-revolution in modern times. This article aims to use this case as an observatory of the counter-revolutionary international in the 19th century. The Carlists and their supports were able to build a complex transnational political solidarity that connected together different places and spaces. The cannons of Newport were part of a huge circuit of arms and goods for the Carlists at a transnational scale. Such a transnational organization was made possible by the contacts and the circulations between counter-revolutionaries from all Europe. It supposed the participation of another world of actors: arms dealers, smugglers, ship-owners, sailors who put their skills at the service of the royalists. On the other side, the governments also had to work together in order to make the repression possible. This repression determined the dynamics of counter-revolutionary transnational politics, and supposed the development of secrecy skills. In the end, this case underlines how much this international solidarity relied on serious and well-prepared projects and on a real capacity of innovation of the counter-revolutionaries. The transnational solidarity in 1872-1876 was essential to the Spanish royalists as it provided to them money, weapons, men and supplies. The counter-revolutionaries were perfectly able to deal with this situation. This contrasts greatly with the traditional image of counter-revolution in 19th century Europe. In spite of the finale failure for the Carlists, the case of the cannons of Newport offers therefore an incredible immersion in the multiple worlds of the counter-revolutionary internationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our understanding of the international and transnational history of Chile during the Unidad Popular (UP) government has expanded considerably since the early 2010s. But what has new research contributed to our understanding of events in Chile and Chile's significance in a global context? Examining the historiographical advances and questions that have driven scholarship in recent years, this article argues that international and transnational studies that focus attention on Chile and Chileans can offer new perspectives on the rise and fall of the UP. Rather than reducing international histories to an account of a select group of foreigners acting on an empty Chilean stage, these approaches foreground local actors and processes, exploring the extent to which Chileans were shaped by a multiplicity of interactions, invitations and inspirations across borders. Localising the global in this way can help us understand the reasons many within Chile conceptualised their goals, projects and actions as they did. It challenges the idea of Chilean exceptionalism. It also undermines right-wing actors' claims to be acting solely within national frameworks by revealing their own entanglements in translational networks and intellectual imports. Suggesting that we have much still to learn, the article also highlights possible avenues for further research and reflects on the contemporary relevance of the global in Chilean political discourse today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the cultural theorist Stuart Hall's work to examine how one group of white leftists, the Young Patriot Organization (YPO) and their splinter organization the Patriot Party, attempted in the late 1960s and early 1970s to rearticulate the Confederate battle flag as a non-racist symbol of working-class empowerment, Appalachian regional pride, and cross-racial solidarity and egalitarianism. The Patriots' failure to bestow the flag with a lasting anti-racist meaning despite their public alliances with the Black Power movement suggests that the flag has such an ingrained racist connotation that is almost entirely irreconcilable with progressive, anti-capitalist, and anti-racist politics. Nonetheless, among people who do claim the flag as their own, the flag is often embedded in a meaningful subcultural context. I make the case that attempts to discourage people from embracing the flag should speak directly to their cultural situation and politics of class in addition to criticizing the flag's racist and violent history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the history of one of the investigations of the Red Terror period into the "Reserve Rightwing Trotskyite Center of the Counterrevolutionary Nationalist Organization" (1938-56) in Azerbaijan. More than 300 people were convicted in this case, including members of the senior leadership of the Azerbaijan SSR and deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. Therefore, this case was one of the largest cases of that period. However, it was subsequently proved that the case was fabricated, and all convicts were rehabilitated. In connection with the sequential presentation of events, a narrative method of investigation was used in the article. The scientific novelty of the work is that this research is conducted for the first time. The main conclusion is that this political case was fabricated from the very beginning, and the investigation was conducted by illegal methods. In the work on the article, archival materials, as well as studies by other authors on the theme of the Red Terror in Azerbaijan were studied. Bu makalede, Azerbaycan Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyeti'ndeki (SSC) "Sağ-Troçki Karşıdevrimci Milliyetçi Örgütün Yedek Merkezi" (1938-1956) olarak adlandırılan Sovyet Kızıl Terörü dönemi soruşturma dosyalarından birinin tarihi incelenmiştir. Burada, aralarında Azerbaycan SSC'nin üst düzey yönetiminin üyeleri ve Sovyetler Birliğinin Yüksek Sovyeti'nin (parlamentosunun) milletvekilleri de dahil olmak üzere 300'den fazla kişi mahkum edilmiştir. Bu nedenle, bu dosya o dönemin en büyüklerinden biriydi. Aynı zamanda not edilmelidir ki, bu ceza davası uydurulmuş ve gelecekte tüm hükümlüler rehabilite edilmiştir. Olayların sıralı sunumuyla bağlantılı olarak, makalede anlatısal bir araştırma yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Eserin bilimsel yeniliği, bu araştırmanın ilk defa yapılmasıdır. Araştırmanın sonucuna göre, bu siyasi dava Azerbaycan SSC'nin ulusal ekonomisinin liderlerine ve SSCB Yüksek Sovyeti milletvekillerine yönelik yıpratmaya dayalı önceden tasarlanmış bir olaydır. Bagirov başta olmak üzere bu planda yer alanlar ve işkenceleri uygulayanlar mahkum edilmişlerdir. Bu süreçte özellikle İsgandar Aliyev'in rolü fazladır ve makalede de öne çıkmasının nedeni budur. Hazırlanan makalede arşiv materyalleri ve yanı sıra diğer yazarların Azerbaycan'da Kızıl Terör konulu çalışmaları da kullanılmıştır. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Self-care, self-improvement and biopower, as they relate to the commodification of adolescence and the grooming of young people as neoliberal citizens, are the central concerns of this article. Foregrounding new perspectives on the effects such trends have on the body [Cusset, F. (2018). How the world swung to the right: Fifty years of counterrevolutions. MIT Press], it analyzes two texts, the film Eighth Grade and the Atlanta episode entitled 'Fubu' (season 2, episode 10), to consider how neoliberal capitalist values manifest in the lives of protagonists, Kayla and Earn, whose young bodies have been colonized by the self-care, self-improvement ethos of our current cultural spirit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the political trajectory of the Chilean middle class under the Popular Unity government (1970–1973) through its representative social organizations, especially small merchant, trucker owner, and professional associations. In the context of increased political polarization, the middle class—after a brief "honeymoon" with the government—radicalized for counterrevolution. Along with political, media, and business opposition, these middle-class groups formed a powerful counterrevolutionary social bloc that challenged the Popular Unity through massive strikes and protests, including a major one in October 1972. I argue that this process was a result of the breakdown of the channels of participation and negotiation that had existed between these groups and the state since the 1930s. These channels broke down with the Left's implementation of a revolutionary, socialist project, which led both to the state's unprecedented attention to the working class and to a major economic crisis. At the same time, the very idea of the middle class was redefined in counterrevolutionary terms. While the internal contradiction of the Left prevented it from engaging with the middle class, the opposition succeeded in defining that social identity as inherently anti-Marxist. Consequently, the organizations studied here assumed a leading role in the increasingly insurrectional opposition to the Popular Unity, which culminated in enthusiastic middle-class support for the September 11, 1973, coup d'état. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes a popular Mubarak era film series (al-Limby) and a post-uprising satirical television programme (al-Bernameg) to show how humour has a powerful capacity to create nonsense out of the 'sense' that authoritarian regimes attempt to impose on society. In the Mubarak years, such films presented criticism of rising economic inequalities and state oppression. Post-2011 uprising satire similarly became a primary site for criticism of state oppression and regime politics. They were examples of a redistribution of the nonsensical (drawing on Rancière) and gradual creative insurgency (drawing on Kraidy). Yet at the same time, even seemingly revolutionary humour can reproduce hegemonic 'common sense' that upholds broader social hierarchies, particularly those related to gender, class, and religion. Thus, this article argues that humour can be critical to both revolutionary and counter-revolutionary sense-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article offers information on the challenges occurred after the 1919 peace conference, along with mentions about the military conflicts and diplomatic negotiations. It mentions the territorial connection challenges between Soviet Russia and revolutionary Hungary which includes counter-revolutions and civil wars.

The article focuses on arguments about the New Right's self-understanding as a "dissident" counterculture, challenging the dominance of dogmatic leftism as the New Left once challenged the "repressive" society of its day. It mentions New Right's institutional and ideological development since 1968, and the rise of fascism and the cultural revolt preceded the political. It also mentions Social Darwinist fears of degeneration and demanded counterrevolutionary change in the present.

The Russian Revolution is analysed in this paper in the context of a conjuncture dominated by counterrevolution. Beginning with the repression of the 1850s, a process of permanent counterrevolution has become the over-determining trend of social-political history. The Russian Revolution was subject to several distinct aspects of this process. First was external counterrevolution, the attack on it from the outside. Whilst Anglo-America was the main bulwark organising it, the Nazi/fascist counterrevolution and invasion of the USSR was an example of counterrevolution that ran out of control and ended in a defeat in Europe that was only overcome through a long and risky Cold War. Internal counterrevolution affected the Russian Revolution as part of a longer process of adjusting socialist theory to successive defeats. In the Soviet case, Socialism in One Country was the decisive mutation in this respect and must be viewed as the decisive component of the triumph of counterrevolution. After the war, Anglo-America adjusted the counterrevolutionary strategy to surgical excisions of socialist tendencies until the USSR, isolated and ideologically exhausted, collapsed. Even so, several of its legacies continue to be relevant, notably the nationality policy and internationalism. Also, today's information revolution casts a new light on the Soviet planning experience that must be studied now that capitalism is slipping into a systemic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Histórica (02528894) is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this essay I use Surabaya as a case study to argue that today's data‐based urbanism excludes people from the city. Data‐based urbanism differs from the revolutionary and counterrevolutionary urbanisms of the past in Surabaya that included people: the revolutionary form enabled the low‐income majority of the kampung neighbourhoods to capture the 'city as a whole' through infrastructure, while the counterrevolutionary form enabled that majority to capture the city in parts through their kampungs. To make the aforementioned points I give the concept of heterotopia a Southern context that brings the low‐income majority to the foreground of urban studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a historical-materialist approach to key issues of revolution and counter-revolution and uses it to analyse what happened in Russia between 1917 and the late 1920s. What took place in 1917 was indeed a socialist revolution. However, by the end of 1918 working-class rule had been replaced with the rule of a working-class leadership layer that was improvising a fragile surplus-extracting state of proletarian origin. The eventual transformation of that layer into a new ruling class represented the triumph of a modernising counter-revolution. The decisive determinants of these developments were material pressures acting, first, on a working class plunged into catastrophic social crisis and war and then, after the Civil War, on the party-state leadership layer that sought to maintain its state against both European capitalist societies and the classes from which it had to extract surpluses. However, aspects of Bolshevik ideology also played a role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author explores historical details of the counter-revolution in the Vendée region of France during the French Revolution in the late 1700s. Topics discussed include the participation of women and children in the conflict, the evidence of genocide against Vendée civilians according to Reynald Secher's book "Le génocide franco-français," and the political factors that need to be considered before acknowledging the possibility of genocide during the French Revolution.

This article examines the impact of La Ciudad Católica, an organization formed in 1959 by French and Argentine lay activists who coined and proposed a counterrevolutionary interpretation of Catholic social doctrine. Prompted by the rise of progressive Catholicism, Argentina's internal crises, and the global Cold War, Ciudad Católica advocated the formation of a counterrevolutionary vanguard and the grassroots mobilization of an "Army of God" to counter the threat of "revolutionary war" and build a new Christian state. While partaking in a transnational network of counterrevolutionary Catholicism, these activists provided theological justifications for "anti-subversive war" and the dismantling of the liberal state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni is the property of Editrice Morcelliana S.p.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on Great Terror of Soviet Union and history of Stalinist wartime criminal justice. Topics discussed include the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) Criminal Code on counterrevolutionary crimes, the case of the commander in chief of the Western Front, General Dmitrii Pavlov and his deputies; and repression against clerics who participate in religious observances and gatherings.

Revolutions have powerful effects on the way the past is presented and perceived. In former communist states of Eastern Europe, following the revolutions establishing the regimes, a further sudden inversion has been regularly experienced in the aftermath of the fall of the Eastern Bloc. In this paper, I will comparatively discuss these changes through the lens of Albania. The discussion will highlight how the first communist revolution of the 1940s changed the way the Albanian state looked at its heritage and how this perspective was again completely transformed in the aftermath of the 1991. In both cases the perception of the periods immediately preceding the revolutionary events were those mostly affected. In particular, as regards the second revolution, in Albania, as in many other cases, after a long silence, the perspective adopted by the main stakeholders in the new democratic order was to characterise the heritage of communism in terms of trauma and terror. While these aspects undoubtedly encapsulate key features, there is more to processes of memory and heritage making related to this period. Private memories can sometimes produce rather different narratives of the same recent past, creating a clash with the representation put forward by the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the case of the Egyptian 2011 revolution forces us to rethink accounts of counter-revolution in International Relations. The debate over whether the events of 2011–13 in Egypt should be considered a 'revolution' or merely a 'revolt' or 'uprising' reflects an understanding of revolutions as closed and discrete events, and therefore of international counter-revolution as significant only after revolutionary movements have seized sovereign power. Against this account, which maintains the idea of sovereignty as the boundary between domestic/social and international/ geopolitical phenomena, I argue that counter-revolutions can operate across boundaries during revolutionary situations before and to prevent revolutionary transformation and therefore affect whether a revolutionary sovereign power is established at all. Such counter-revolutions draw upon both the ideological inheritance of historical strategies of international 'catch-up', and the cross-border class relations that these different strategies bring into being. In the Egyptian case, the counter-revolution thus relied upon two factors deriving from this strategy: the ideological inheritance of Nasserism as a response to international hierarchy, and the integration of the post-Nasser Egyptian ruling elite with Gulf financial, and US security, networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jan Zielonka's Counter-Revolution: Liberal Europe in Retreat (Oxford University Press, 2018) is a furious, worried pamphlet on the challenges that European democracies are currently facing, on the apparent rise of illiberalism. This article critically reviews the book and seeks to offer a somewhat different and perhaps more optimistic picture of the current predicaments of European politics. The main point of reference in this respect is Finland, a country whose political institutions have managed, by and large, to uphold a sense of coherence in society. A commitment to participatory, equality-based, and freedom-generating institutions can indeed be seen as a primary means to counter the decline of liberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]