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Research suggests that institutions affect the levels of corruption in a country. We take these arguments a step further and examine whether it is the presence of inclusive institutions and/or the credible and consistent implementation of institutions that matter, as regards corruption. We use a novel approach to theoretically conceptualise and empirically operationalise institutions along two analytically distinct dimensions: the nature of the institutions (the de jure dimension), and the extent to which they are credibly and consistently implemented over time (the de facto dimension), using a panel dataset for 148 countries covering 2012 to 2018. We find that formal institutions are most effective in reducing corruption when the rules are credibly and consistently implemented. Furthermore, this effect appears to operate differently at different levels of national income. The nature of the formal institutions appears important across income levels, but particularly so at the upper middle income level, while the credible and consistent implementation of these institutions is primarily influential at upper middle income levels. We explain why this may be the case and elaborate on the policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politically connected firms critically rely on their sociopolitical capital to compete; however, a policy-induced loss of board political connections may pose a serious challenge for focal firms and prompt them to develop compensatory moves. Drawing upon resource dependence theory and the nonmarket strategy literature, we examine if and how focal firms may address this challenge through intensifying their bribery activities. Following a year 2013 policy shock that closed the revolving door between former government officials and connected firms in China, we identify a substantial increase of bribery expenditure in a sample of public corporations whose political independent directors were forced by the central government to resign in the subsequent years. Furthermore, we investigate how the strength of this response varies with a host of firm-level contingencies that capture dependence scope and dependence asymmetry in the business-government dyad at the time of the policy announcement. Our study contributes to strategy and governance literatures by demonstrating how firms restructure power relationships after the loss of board political capital. It also sheds light on the regulation of revolving doors under weak institutions by revealing the irony of a well-intentioned "anticorruption" government policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National sports are highly valued throughout Asia, yet, political and administrative concerns impede the expansion of the sport system landscape. This study aims to investigate the effect of political governance structure on Asian sporting performance. To accomplish so, we analyzed the relationship between corruption control, government effectiveness, political stability, regulatory law, and national sports performance from 1998 to 2018 while controlling for the rule of law and accountability. The Generalized Linear Model and Partial Least Square estimators were utilized to examine the data. No significant association was observed between political and governance structure and national sports performance in the Asian countries under examination, according to the study's findings. The paper includes recommendations for further research and consequences for the government and policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-corruption became one of the top priorities in post-Soeharto Indonesia, with democratisation, market liberalisation and institutional anti-corruption frameworks pursued as means to enhance transparency and accountability in public governance. A core component of these efforts was the establishment of a powerful anti-corruption agency, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). This article assesses the effectiveness of the KPK, using evidence from two contrasting cases to identify factors that facilitated or impeded its ability to successfully investigate, prosecute and thus contain high-level corruption. The analysis highlights the threats to the KPK posed by resilient networks that were able to reconsolidate and resist anti-corruption efforts in post-Soeharto Indonesia. However, it also identifies countervailing social forces that emerged in the context of democratisation – in particular, an active civil society and a largely free press. While these supportive pressures from civil society could not fully counter the attacks on the KPK, they were able to prevent its marginalisation in the two major cases examined. Overall the KPK's success in addressing high-level corruption is shown to be dependent on the interaction of political dynamics, interests and power relations, with no guarantee that anti-corruption forces will prevail in future cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the anti-corruption, ethics, and compliance landscape that has changed dramatically. Topics include reports that direct consequence of a global anticorruption enforcement effort led by the United States through its enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act; and examines that increase in anti-corruption enforcement has profoundly impacted large, multinational corporations.

Despite significant investment in anticorruption instruments in the past decades, confusion about their effectiveness remains. While a growing body of scholarship claims that anticorruption reforms have generally failed, other scholars have shown that particular anticorruption tools may actually work. A likely explanation for these puzzling outcomes is that public administration research holds a mistaken view of corruption, and improperly selected anticorruption strategies often target the wrong type of corruption. To overcome this problem, this article proposes a four‐cell typology of corruption, reflecting two critical dimensions along which most corrupt behaviors occur: the resource transfer and the primary beneficiary. Synthesizing recent research developments, this article introduces a new conceptualization of corruption that integrates perspectives from several disciplines. It also offers a series of propositions concerning how each corruption type could be fought. The article concludes with implications for research and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at the case of Mafia Capitale, a criminal organization recently operating in Rome which aimed at controlling the allocation of public funds in the private sector through bribery and other illicit practices such as extortion, violence and corruption in general. It will be maintained that Mafia Capitale has challenged the understanding of the possible intersections between organized crime and corruption practices, constituting a turning point in the way how both crimes are symbolized, represented, constructed and prosecuted. The article provides an analysis of the judicial instruments used to define mafia-like criminal organizations in Italy, confronted with their symbolic construction, as emerging from investigations and wiretappings. The final goal is to discuss whether judicial texts can be used as secondary data for ethnographies of crime and corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work discusses and evaluates Zambia's Integrity Committees Program, which is being implemented by the country's Anti-Corruption Commission, as a framework for corruption control. The Integrity Committees Program in Zambia has garnered considerable support and adoption from employees in both the public and private sectors and also has support from the highest levels of government. Notwithstanding some of the challenges it has encountered, its implementation can be generally regarded as successful, and offers lessons of experience for African and other developing countries implementing similar programs or intending to do so. Based on an analysis of credible governance data, national surveys, policy documents, and available relevant literature, the work traces the measured perceptions, extent, and nature of corruption in Zambia and the introduction and impact of the Integrity Committees Program as a response mechanism to reduce and control that corruption. The work indicates that although there has been an improvement in the corruption environment in Zambia, corruption is still a problem in the country. Nevertheless, there can be no doubt that much has changed in the country in terms of its corruption reputation since the 1980s, 1990s, and early 2000s when even donors froze funding due to corruption concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines whether the level of anticorruption efforts in a country affects the stability of its banking system. After analyzing banking system stability in a large international sample of 26,865 of bank-year observations across 40 countries during 1987-2013, we argue that the following factors are involved: (1) anticorruption efforts, (2) inflation rate, (3) transparency, and (4) adoption of International Financial Reporting Standards. Our results support the idea that having a high anticorruption rating is related to high banking system stability. We also find that this relationship depends on a country's inflation rate and level of country-level investor protection, supporting the notion that anticorruption is relatively more important in poorer information environments. In addition, given that anticorruption has a stronger effect on financial stability when banks are within a corrupt environment, we posit that corruption may have insider marginal effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses contemporary African democratic practices vis-à-vis politics of stomach infrastructure that debilitates sustainable infrastructural development in the region. In this article, clarifications are articulated within four interlinked phenomena: the enthusiasm for democracy, its collapse, and the resurgence of hybrid-democratic order that metamorphosed into politics of stomach infrastructure that facilitates corruption in African postcolonial state. It unravels the existing democratic prototype against ideal democratic order. The article considered the prevailing democratic inclination moseyed through citizens and political elite's armistice that presage democratic peril. The article argued that unscrupulous political collaboration and democratic debauchery that exist between the political elites and the electorates craft an opportunity for institutionalized corruption in the region. Finally, the article found homogenous paradigms of corruption in the selected African states, including South Africa, Tanzania, Kenya, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study measures the impact of anti-corruption policies on the profitability and growth of firms listed in the Singapore Stock Exchange (SGX). It is the first paper that investigates the impact of macro and micro economics variable together. The study uses panel data regression to examine the effect of corruption on firm profitability and growth in 392 listed firms in Singapore Stock Exchange for the period from 1995 to 2014. We used 2 models; in the first model we measure the relation between corruption and profitability measured by net profit margin. In this model we run 2 sub-models; in the first one we added only micro-variables to corruption and in the second we incorporated macro-and micro-variables together. Moreover, in the second model we measure the relation between corruption and company growth measured by total asset growth. In this model we run 2 sub-models; in the first one we added only micro-variables to corruption and in the second we incorporated macro- and micro- variables together. All data are coming from DataStream database except the corruption index which comes from the transparency international index (CPI) The main conclusion of this study is that anti-corruption policies that was conducted in Singapore over the period from 1995 to 2014 resulted in better firm performance measured by net profit margin (1-point index improvement increases net profit margin by about 12.8%) and asset growth (1-point index improvement increases total asset growth by about 11.7%). Since this result might not be generalized in all countries with different level of growth, further research is suggested to investigate the factors that differentiate the anti-corruption policy effect among different countries including national culture that may impacts the fanatical system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do people assume female politicians are less likely than men to engage in the illegal use of public positions for private gain? We argue that voters may perceive women as marginalized within political institutions, or as more risk averse and consequently more constrained by institutional oversight, which could lead to perceptions of women as less likely to engage in corruption. Using an original survey experiment, we test these mechanisms against conventional wisdom that women are seen as more honest. We find strong support for the risk aversion explanation, as well as heterogeneous effects by respondent sex for both the marginalization and honesty mechanisms. These findings suggest that the institutional contexts in which women are operating can help explain why people perceive them as less likely to engage in corruption. Identifying these mechanisms is critical to understanding the role of women in politics and for improving trust in government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the role of customs and morality on financial crime control in developing countries, against the background of inherited foreign laws and international best practice.Design/methodology/approach The research is explanatory, descriptive and exploratory, relying extensively on existing anti-graft journals, text books, decided cases, constitutional provisions, statutory provisions and United Nation Conventions.Findings The research findings and analysis propose that the existing financial crime control measures in developing nations fail to consider local customs and circumstances in formulating anti-corruption policies and laws; consequently, a meaningful and effective financial crime control in developing nations, especially in Nigeria, requires the customs and culture to be examined and evaluated with a view to designing a pragmatic policies and laws.Originality/value The paper contributes practical options to observed lapses in the existing financial control laws, especially corruption. The paper will be valuable to African Governments, corporations and the academic community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose This paper aims to determine the extent of anti-corruption information disclosure in the sustainability reports originating from Gulf countries.Design/methodology/approach This study utilizes a deeply rooted content analysis technique of corporate sustainability reporting, covering 66 Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) firms during 2014.Findings Strengthened by the application of the institutional theory, insight into the results points to a state of limited maturity regarding the disclosure of anti-corruption procedures in the region. More specifically, the results highlight the compliance in the reporting of conduct code, while reporting information on whistleblowing was significantly less in comparison. Firms in Qatar and the UAE ultimately release better informed reports, inclusive of detailed information on internal anti-corruption practices.Originality/value The aim of this study is to determine the extent of sustainability reporting in GCC companies under coercive isomorphism concept, with a special interest in the disclosure of anti-corruption practices. Ultimately, addressing the following questions: To what extent the GCC companies disclose their anti-corruption practices in the sustainability reports? What areas of anti-corruption disclosure the GCC is more concerned in their sustainability reports? To what extent do external forces under coercive isomorphism explain the extent of anti-corruption? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose Based on the authors' study, the purpose of this paper is to establish a foundation for assessing and deciding the most feasible corruption prevention activities with significant impact in reducing corruption in the Indonesian public sector. To accomplish this objective, this paper applies multiple theoretical perspectives simultaneously to better understand the behavioral aspects of corruption prevention strategy in Indonesia.Design/methodology/approach This paper is part of the authors' study to assess the corruption problem in the Indonesian public sector in the past decade primarily through examination of major corruption cases to highlight various behavioral issues that became the root causes of rampaging corruption in the country. This paper also discusses how such issues undermine the effectiveness of the existing corruption prevention strategy as well as how to properly address them.Findings The authors establish that there are numerous overlooked behavioral issues that have rendered existing corruption prevention measures in the Indonesian public sector ineffective in hampering the regeneration of corruption. Gaining sufficient understanding on how public officials' view on corruption is shaped by their culture and society is crucial in ascertaining what needs to be done to prevent corruption from reoccurring in the future. This study demonstrates that transformative learning needs to be systematically carried out to re-engineer organizational mindset to make it intolerant to corruption which includes unlearning the embedded knowledge of corruption. To support the execution of organizational unlearning discernment must be exercised to enable anti-corruption messages to be sent to the target groups. Nevertheless, due to various inherent behavioral issues within the Indonesian public institutions stimulating anti-corruption discernment is in itself a profound challenge. To promote anti-corruption discernment in the Indonesian public sector, this study proposes the Shame-oriented Anti-corruption Discernment Stimulation (SADS) which focuses on the "management of shame" in stimulating anti-corruption discernment within public institutions in Indonesia.Research limitations/implications This study is self-funded and is relying primarily on documentary analysis in highlighting the behavioral issues that determine the success and failure of corruption prevention strategy in Indonesia. Future studies may benefit from interviews with experts in Indonesian culture as well as indigenous people who can offer a broader view on how self-conscious emotions such as shame and guilt are actually experienced in different regions in Indonesia.Practical implications This paper contributes to the development of corruption prevention strategy by proposing a framework for systematically stimulating anti-corruption discernment within organizations that are part of collectivistic societies.Originality/value This paper highlights the importance of behavior-oriented approaches in mitigating corruption in the Indonesian public sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that using a legal approach to fight against corruption having a cultural root is unlikely to be effective. By analyzing the Eight-point Regulation, one of Xi Jinping’s anti-corruption measures, the present study shows that the efficacy of the Regulation is limited, notably when it comes to non-economic types of corruption. In fact, the Regulation does not halt the culture of gift giving, which is a common practice for the Chinese to establish guanxi (social connection) for potential or actual corruption. Based on the findings, this paper proposes complementary measures to curb corruption in addition to legal approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops an institutional explanation of news extortion—an important form of media corruption—by incorporating the connection between macro-, meso-, and micro-level factors into analysis. It argues that China’s uneven media reform and the rise of new media have created a conflict-riven and highly competitive environment that demands traditional media organizations to adopt the strategy of decoupling, namely the creation and maintenance of gaps between formal policy and actual organizational practice, to ensure organizational survival. An in-depth case analysis of the 21st Century Business Herald, a leading business newspaper whose website was ultimately shutdown by Chinese authorities due to extortion allegations, offers insights into how media organizations respond to an increasingly hostile environment by adopting the policy-practice decoupling strategy: distorting formal policies (e.g. the prohibition of paid news and the maintenance of a ‘firewall’ between editorial and advertising) in daily practice. Such a strategy, although furthering internal organizational efficiency, results in a prevalence of journalistic misconduct including ‘paid-for news’ and news extortion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By analyzing public records of Chinese officials charged under China’s current national anti-corruption campaign, this study is the first to reveal patterns of corruption among Chinese officials at all ranks and in diverse occupations. The study sheds critical light on the networks through which corrupt officials are connected, the extent to which they have engaged in corrupt activities and influenced others, and the level of government and occupation the main perpetrators occupy. Drawing upon public information and court indictments, the author uses social network analysis as a tool to expose these relationships and the network of corrupt activities. In addition to identifying important individuals involved in corrupt practices, this article uncovers patterns of corruption and reveals the structure of corruption networks among Chinese officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract We analyse policymakers’ incentives to fight corruption under different institutional qualities. We find that ‘public officials’, even when non-corrupt, significantly distort anti-corruption institutions by choosing a lower detection probability when this probability applies to their own actions (legal equality), compared to a setting where it does not (legal inequality). More surprising perhaps is the finding that policy-makers do not choose a zero level of detection on average, even when it applies to them too. Finally, corruption is significantly lower when the detection probability is exogenously set, suggesting that the institutional power to choose detection can itself be corruptive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of its anti-corruption campaigns in China, the Communist Party of China (CCP) provides officials opportunities to redeem themselves and renew their vows of loyalty to the Party and the people they serve. Officials must regain honour through a process of self-confrontation and self-renunciation in compulsory meetings in which they are encouraged to transform their immoral thoughts and behaviours through confessional criticism and self-criticism practices. These meetings facilitate officials’ redemption through a divinized, ritualistic and theatrical process. In the process of confession and penance, officials must expose themselves to a type of ritual martyrdom, which combines elements of shame, a commitment to absolute obedience and exposure to risk. This paper is based on original fieldwork comprising 50 interviews with high-, mid- and low-level officials across China during 2014 and 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Punishment is widely recognized as a potential promoter in sustaining or even enhancing public cooperation, but it meanwhile induces the problem of second-order free-riders. Particularly, recent evidence shows that costly punishment can be maintained if punishers may engage in corruption. However, how to reduce or eliminate incidents of corruption has been the enduring conundrum in human society. As power asymmetries are associated with hierarchies, we investigate how costly punishment affects the evolution of cooperation in the cases without and with corruption control. In the absence of corruption control, altruistic punishers are incapable of punishing corrupt punishers. Corrupt punishment maintains civilian cooperation but undermines the evolution of altruistic punishment. Otherwise, altruistic punishers can enforce symmetrical or asymmetrical punishment on both corrupt punishers and civilian defectors. In this case, both civilian cooperation and altruistic punishment can be promoted. And as an instrument of corruption control, the policy of asymmetrical punishment is more effective in fostering public cooperation and improving social welfare than symmetrical punishment. Moreover, no matter whether corruption control is considered or not, spiteful corruption that non-cooperative punishers penalize defectors is a more effective form for enhancing cooperation compared with bribery. Our work may thus offer an insight into the effects of corruption on public cooperation and the policy of anti-corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Representative bureaucracy is a critical element of modern public administration and governance. Since the advent of nonracial democracy, the South African government has transformed the apartheid bureaucracy into a new public service that closely mirrors the country's diverse population. Questions remain, however, about how this demographic transformation has impacted the public service. Grounded in the theory of representative bureaucracy, we use a mixed methods approach to examine the relationship between representation of historically disadvantaged groups and performance of national departments in South Africa. Analyses of panel data indicate that as national departments become more representative by employing a greater percentage of Blacks, they become more effective at achieving their goals. Interviews with officials in national departments corroborate this and reveal a range of underlying pathways linking representation of historically disadvantaged groups to performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There exists a gap in our understanding of what citizen satisfaction evaluations actually represent. While recent years have witnessed a move away from performance‐based models to cognitive‐implicit models of citizen satisfaction, the inherent political nature of government, its institutions, and services has been largely ignored. Drawing on the functional responsibility chain between political principals and governmental, public‐service‐delivering institutions, we outline a theory of citizen satisfaction that accounts for the political nature of these institutions. In the context of two consecutive general elections, we find a partisan bias in citizen satisfaction with government and the legislative branch, but not for institutions that are more clearly separated from national government. These mixed findings are suggestive of a dispersion effect of the partisan bias in citizen satisfaction, namely, that citizens are less likely to use their partisan lenses in cases where the responsibility of political principals is dispersed across multiple actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interaction between political executives and civil servants rests on a delicate balance between political responsiveness and the duty of civil servants and ministers to respect legal and other normative constraints on executive authority. In Danish central government, this balance is stressed by norms that define the correct behavior when the civil service provides ministers with political advice and assistance. Organizational factors strongly influence civil servants' behavior when they have to balance responsiveness against constraints on their role as political advisers. Moreover, civil servants working closely with ministers pay more attention to legal constraints than their peers among agency officials and specialists. Agency officials and specialists are much more prone to prioritize professional standards. We argue that this pattern can be generalized West European systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of research argues that anticorruption efforts fail because of a flawed theoretical foundation, where collective action theory is said to be a better lens for understanding corruption than the dominant principal–agent theory. We unpack this critique and advance several new arguments. First, the application of collective action theory to the issue of corruption has been, thus far, incomplete. Second, a collective action theory‐based approach to corruption is in fact complementary to a principal–agent approach, rather than contradictory as is claimed. Third, applications of both theories have failed to recognize that corruption persists because it functions to provide solutions to problems. We conclude by arguing that anticorruption effectiveness is difficult to achieve because it requires insights from all three perspectives—principal–agent theory, collective action theory, and corruption as serving functions—which allows us to better understand how to harness the political will needed to fight corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corruption is a persistent problem in developing countries, and recent scholarship suggests that middlemen play an important role in corrupt acts. Yet, while intermediaries can reduce transaction costs in illicit exchange, they also increase agency costs and reduce benefits to others. The involvement of middlemen may thus vary. I argue that middlemen are most likely to engage in, and benefit from, the subset of corruption transactions that are repeated frequently, but not by the same parties. I test the implications of this argument using survey experiments administered to a large sample of politicians and bureaucrats at multiple levels of government in India. I show that middlemen are critical, but far from ubiquitous. Intermediaries are more relevant where corrupt deals are frequent but involve unfamiliar potential principals. My results suggest that anticorruption efforts must pay greater attention to the type of corruption and the incentives of middlemen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article validates the relevance of the implementation of international standards in the national anti-corruption policy, taking into account the progressive and sustainable development of corrupt practices in Ukraine. The purpose of the research is to propose a structural and functional algorithm for improving the process of establishing criminal liability for corruption-related crimes following international anti-corruption standards using the method of structural and functional modeling. The level of implementation and compliance of national legislation with international standards for combating corruption was assessed, which allowed identifying conflicts in legislative and normative acts on the formation of the list of corruption crimes and the procedures used for their investigations by type of legal responsibility. The article presents a structural and logical algorithm for the implementation of international standards in determining criminal liability for corruption-related offenses in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios de Derecho is the property of Estudios de Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ABSTRACT: We empirically examine the effect of two measures of culture, the World Values Survey and Hofstede's six dimensions, on three measures of corruption, Transparency International's CPI, the International Country Risk Guide, and the World Bank's Corruption Index. By adopting three measures of corruption and using a large data set covering many countries over many years, we offer more robust results as to the effects of aspects of culture on corruption. Using the World Values Survey, we find that Trust in society, Control over one's destiny and Respect for others decrease corruption while Obedience increases corruption. We find strong evidence that societies characterized by high Power Distance and Masculinity are more corrupt. Some evidence is found to indicate Long Term Orientation, Indulgence, and Individualism have a negative effect on corruption. The effect of Uncertainty Avoidance on corruption is unclear. The results have implications for international business leaders as well as policy makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers the first comprehensive review of the interdisciplinary state of knowledge regarding anti-corruption policies, with a particular focus on reducing corruption among civil servants. Drawing on the work of economists, political scientists, sociologists, and anthropologists, we examine seven policy categories: (1) rewards and penalties; (2) monitoring; (3) restructuring bureaucracies; (4) screening and recruiting; (5) anti-corruption agencies; (6) educational campaigns; and (7) international agreements. Notably, rigorous empirical evaluation is lacking for the majority of commonly prescribed anti-corruption policies. Nevertheless, we find growing evidence of the effectiveness of policies based on monitoring, including anti-corruption audits and e-governance. In addition, adequate civil service wages seem to be a necessary but insufficient condition for control of corruption. An emerging skepticism regarding the effectiveness of anti-corruption agencies also is apparent in the literature. We conclude with broader lessons drawn from our review, such as the recognition that when corruption is a systemic problem, it cannot be treated in the long term with individual-level solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-country empirical studies of corruption using ordinary least squares commonly find that nations in which women play a greater role in economic and public life suffer less corruption. This has been a controversial finding since measures of women’s participation in the economy and politics are likely endogenous. This study uses an aspect of national ancestral geography as a novel instrumental variable in the estimation of the true causal effects of gender upon corruption. It thereby finds that ordinary least squares estimates of the effects of gender upon corruption are biased. This conclusion is upheld in time-series fixed-effects estimation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the emerging corruption complex in Nigeria, the cultural nexus that influence its enculturation, dynamics and the amoral values that tend to shape it.Design/methodology/approach The paper drew data largely from documentary and empirical secondary sources for analysis.Findings Current institutional responses are not effective and cannot be sustainable in the fight against corruption. The enculturation process needs to be countered through measures other than arrest, prosecution and punishment to include mass mobilisation, values orientation, conscientisation and sensitisation of Nigerians on the evils of corruption.Research limitations/implications The endemicity of corruption in Nigeria suggests the multiplicity of its causative factors. But this study focuses only on primordial cultural fault line which hinders collective conscience in the fight against corruption.Practical implications Implementing the suggestions on moral awakening – value orientation, conscientisation, mass mobilisation and sensitisation – is thought of as enthronement of national values as opposed to primordial ethnic cultural values. It would complement the legal remedies in the fight against corruption.Social implications The building of character of Nigerians alongside existing laws on corruption will checkmate emerging culture of corruption that is attracting adherents in both business and bureaucratic activities in the countries.Originality/value The paper takes a cultural perspective and explains how primordial cultural values inhibit natural cultural values to enthrone amoral values that have contributed to the emergence corruption complex in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Primarily based on contextualized discourse analysis of confessions from 119 convicted party cadres on corruption charges in China, this article makes two arguments. First, these confession texts are propaganda that signals the government’s strength to punish outliers. Second, using such warning to deter corruption is subject to escalating scale of corruption given social pressure for success and peer learning among grafters. This article contributes to the scholarship of corruption by suggesting possible mechanisms of endogenous reproduction of corruption within the officialdom. It also presents confession as a new type of information communication among political elites for studies of authoritarian regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking advantage of the China’s recent anti-corruption campaign, we attempt to examine the effect of public governance on a firm’s incentive to commit fraud. Using enforcement actions data from the Chinese Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC) from 2004 to 2014, we find that, due to enhanced public governance, firms are less likely to commit fraud in the post-campaign period than in the pre-campaign period. We further show that the effect of public governance is more evident in privately held listed firms, in firms with weak legal environment, and in firms in areas with poor local economies. In addition, we find that older CEOs respond less actively to the public governance caused by anti-corruption regulations. This paper offers clear policy implications for business ethics by indicating that public governance provides external monitoring of corporate decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including funded project for anti-corruption policies, investigation of journalism, and corruption cases.

The largest cleanliness drive in the Indian economy is the demonetization of high value currency notes of 500 and 1000 to unearth the black money and to curb corruption, counterfeit currency and terror financing as well. The demonetization has a major impact on curbing black money even though it may not curb black money and the boldest reform by Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi after becoming prime minister since 2014. In the world's largest democracy, the demonetization was revolutionary: it called into question the state's promise to "pay the bearer" the face value on every banknote. One can expect a great improvement in the national deficit and a largely clean business environment in the long term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to identify and map out various aspects and key elements, which are necessary to strengthen an effective and systematic whistleblowing system (WBS) and ensure adequate protection in accordance with the characteristics typical of Indonesia.Design/methodology/approach This research emphasizes the extensive use of literature review and previous research that analyze whistleblowing as an issue and ethical challenge in public institutions. This research also reviews documents pertaining to the formulation and implementation of existing WBS. Additionally, this research also analyzes some cases experienced by a number of whistleblower figures in Indonesia as a contribution and recommendation to parties interested in formulating a more effective and systematic WBS.Findings An effective and systematic WBS, assuring adequate protection, needs a number of key elements which will be identified and mapped out in this research and, subsequently, categorized into several aspects covering human and ethical culture; policy; legal protection; organizational structure; and procedures and process in accordance to Indonesia’s specific characteristics.Practical implications The paper can be a source to explore anti-corruption policy and the prevention approach of corruption based on Indonesian perspectives.Originality/value This paper is a significant undertaking aimed at raising public trust in public institutions and providing adequate protection to whistleblowers. It also contributes by encouraging the public organization to prevent corruption and other wrongdoing, which, nowadays, are common in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The importance of prevention in the fight against corruption is indisputable. However, prevention is effective and sustainable if it works, meaning that tools and strategies that are fit to achieve this goal need to be identified. The regulation of persons who give integrity warnings (whistleblowers) and, in this context, their legal protection are part of efforts to identify such instruments. The present study reveals aspects of the evolution of regulation for those who give integrity warnings in Romania and the world in an attempt to identify solutions for this instrument itself to become effective in preventing corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the various laws in South Korea, the most important for strengthening public service ethics in the government include the following three major acts: the Public Service Ethics Act, the Anti- Corruption Act, and the Improper Solicitation and Graft Act. The main goal common to the three acts is the prevention of conflicts of interest (COI). Appropriately managing issues related to COI is the shortest route to bolstering public service ethics and preventing corruption. Focusing on these three acts, this article discusses what efforts have been made in Korea to strengthen public service ethics and prevent corruption. The article discusses such efforts to ensure that government officers remain ethical in relation to three stages: taking up public office before employment, holding office, and after leaving office. It also reviews the backgrounds to and processes of enacting the three acts and explores their major issues and shortcomings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the problems associated with the trends of modern politics. It is noted that the information society leads to radical changes at all its levels, the process of policy mediatisation is intersified. The political communication uses a variety of forms and means of dissemination of information. One of such forms becomes a political scandal. Attempts to analyze the scandal as a form of political communication are made, stages of its construction, characteristics, varieties are selected. It is proved that the policy of the information society is the policy of scandal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various articles within the issue on topics including analysis of impact of National Integrity System (NIS) on anti-corruption policy; NIS' institutionalist focus; and Poland NIS assessment.

In this paper, we examine the guiding effect of media coverage on public perceptions of government anticorruption in China. We design a survey experiment frame in which the only experimental factor is the information of media coverage. Based on the SoJump online survey platform, we divide respondents into three treatment groups and a control group where respondents in each treatment group are stimulated by one kind of media coverage information. We collect a valid sample of about 5700 respondents. The results of General Linear Model (GLM) analysis indicate that three treatments of experimental factor have statistically significant positive effects on respondents’ perceptions of government anticorruption. Specifically, the group who are asked to read information about results or achievements of government anticorruption give the highest evaluation on government anticorruption, then followed by the group who read information about disclosed major corruption cases, and the group who read information about the government anticorruption policies and measures give the lower evaluation than the first two groups, and the control group without any information stimulus give the lowest evaluation. Passingly, we find two statistically significant disturbing variables relevant to media coverage in our design. The degree of concern about anticorruption coverage significantly affects respondents’ evaluation. Respondents with high degree of concern give high evaluation. The information channels or platforms from which respondents obtain anticorruption information, also has a significant effect on respondents’ evaluation. Respondents acquiring anticorruption information from official media give highest evaluation, and respondents getting information from unofficial media give ranked-second evaluation, and those who never get any anticorruption information from any platform give the worst evaluation. These conclusions will help management authority to properly manage media platforms, and give full play to the positive roles of media’s in guiding public perceptions of government anticorruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]