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This article focuses on the tripled relation among visual culture, civil wars and national plan of the period from 1871 and 1885 in the Colombian twenty century; this implies a certain circulation of objects and types of visual illustration common both in Europe and America. The aim is to examine the visual culture in the middle of big civil conflicts and the national promotion, on the basis that the production of images, in this time, reveal: 1) a specific logic about national promotion and a reflection which became visible its contradictions; 2) the configuration of a visual culture that it's possible to understand since international clue and 3) it becomes apparent the comprehension of national time where is strengthened a future since the common past, at the same time it is questioned, since the present characterized by the differences which imply the civil wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines indultos after the Golpe de Melo of 1854. While the government hoped that these acts of clemency would erase all traces of the rebellion, a flood of appeals for indultos ensured that the post-war reckoning went on longer than the war itself. Drawing on archival and published material documenting this phenomenon, the article documents post-war politics in New Granada. The tension between popular ideals concerning pardonable behavior and the dispassionate constitutionalism promoted by the government documents the limits of the early republican project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of HiSTOReLo: Revista de Historia Regional y Local is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Centro Editorial Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the political aspects and consequences of the Colombian Civil War of 1851. The author comments on the governmental administrative activities in Colombia at the time, including the processes of planning, coordinating, and controlling resources involved with the war. He analyzes a series of government records, official correspondence, and media documents from the period that demonstrate the role of the administration during the war as well as the process of nation building in the immediate aftermath.

In this article our aim is to describe the development of the armed conflict in the State of Bolivar and its participation in the 1859-1862 national war in the Grenadine Confederation. To that end, we studied the partisan armed groups, their organizational structure, their war strategy, the geography of the war, and the results of the Civil War. By means of this article, we intend to establish the relationship between the armed conflict, the formation of the Colombian State and the articulation of the local and regional elites in the consolidation of national power groups through the partisan control of the military forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo presenta un discurso pronunciado por el presidente de Colombia Alberto Lleras Camargo en 1976, en ocasión del primer centenario de la presidencia de Aquileo Parra, Presidente de los Estados Unidos de Colombia, en 1876. Discurre sobre la importancia de Parra en la historia colombiana y describe su ayuda a los campesinos y los grupos indígenas de Colombia.

This article aims to describe and interpret the biopolitical dimension of the Chorographic Commission (1850-1859), which was organized by the central state to obtain relevant information for the governance of the population, the rationalization of production and the promotion of comerce. Starting from the revision of the commissions' documents along with other contemporary texts this article shows how different governance strategies were proposed, some of them focusing on the circulation of people and goods, while other strategies focused on discovering the laws behind socio economic processes paying attention to the particularities of the territory and of the national population. These particularities defi ned the limits of governance, which added to the country's political instability and reduced the impact of the commission's recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic history of Panama during the 19th century is generally unknown in Colombia and its financial accounts present a puzzle which is difficult to unravel. This investigation contributes to the elucidation of both problems; taking into account demography, geography and fiscal accounts as they appear in the budges of the State of Panama. The subsidiary hypothesis is that the federalist system that Colombia chose between 1855 and 1886 constituted an acceptable modus vivendi between the Panamanian elites and the Colombian political center. The strategic interests of Panama, however, were growingly compromised by the centralist political system that was put in place through the 1886 Constitution. The failure of the French initiative to build the Canal, the Colombian civil war of 1899-1902 won by the conservatives and the rejection of the Herrán-Hey treaty (which would have allowed the U.S to build the canal) all combined to convince the Panamanian elite to abandon Colombia at the hands of the American Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of HiSTOReLo: Revista de Historia Regional y Local is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Centro Editorial Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the tax revenues of the Colombian central government and those of the federal states between 1850 and 1882. It aims to determine whether political decentralization of revenues and expenditures favored and improved the fiscal sustainability of Colombia during this period. The federalist structure is contrasted with centralized organization and we try to assess which was more favorable for achieving macroeconomic equilibriums at the central and decentralized levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the role played by the socio-familial network of the Mosqueras and the power relations it developed within the sociopolitical processes of the city of Popayan during the first years of the decade of 1830, after the dissolution of the "Gran Colombia" period. The main interest pursued by this study is the description and analysis of the network built by the Mosqueras and their clan - around different socio-political issues emerging back then in the recently formed "República Granadina" - that exerted a strong influence on the dynamics and socio-political practices of the city and the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the development of the Colombian monetary and banking system between 1850 and 1880. The political debate and the power struggle at the national level determined the economic model of this period. Beyond its technical viability, economic decisions were influenced by the concept of Nation that each group wanted to impose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the problems of contraband in Tumaco and the surrounding region in the 1860s and 1870s, at the beginning of the export bonanza through this port. Using contraband as way to identify merchants, commercial routes, and imported products, it is possible to analyze the commercial dynamic of Tumaco before the port had acquired its later importance in the national economy. We suggest that Tumaco already experienced a particular dynamism based on illicit trade that was crucial for the region even though it threatened state authority and its finances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the Independence of New Granada, relations between the Church and State took a new direction. In June 1853, José María Obando's Liberal government decreed the separation of Church and State. To counteract the effects of this law, considered to be a direct attack against the Church, Archbishop Antonio Herrán convened the country's bishops to a provincial council in January 1868. This article addresses the convocation of that council. In particular, it analyzes the discourse of the convocation to try to understand how this mechanism was used to find a solution to one of the worst crises experienced by the Church in New Granada. The analysis shows that the Catholic hierarchy sought not only to reestablish ecclesiastic discipline, but also used the council to dismantle and refute the radical Liberals' discourse on which the law that separated Church and State was based. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]