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This article analyses the relationship between law and class formation through the case of migrant care and domestic work, and puts sociological class theory into conversation with critical migration research. It contributes to class theory by analysing how law helps produce class relations in the Finnish context. The Finnish state channels migrants into cleaning and domestic work through policy measures, and migration law ties them to the reproductive sector, making law a central social relation that defines migrants' relation to production. The analysis draws on interviews with migrant care and domestic workers (N = 30) holding temporary work permits and examines their structural and affective descriptions of a position restricted by law. The article argues that the way migrant domestic work is formalised in the legislation produces a class relation for migrants, in which they lack full ownership over their labour power. The findings demonstrate how migrant domestic workers express gratitude for their employment despite experiencing it as devalued, indicating labour as repayment of the 'gift' of the residence permit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the identity formation of Latvian migrants who have moved to the United Kingdom in large numbers over the last 20 years. Latvians are forced to reconfigure their cultural and social belonging in the new multicultural society. Identity formation is seen in this article as boundary work that contingently excludes and includes various cultures and social positions. The article is based on semi-structured interviews and cross-sectional surveys. By combining qualitative and quantitative data, the article focuses on transnational positioning and in-group relations of Latvian migrants. Likewise, relations with migrants from other countries and the imagined locals, or 'genuine Englishmen,' are examined in the light of boundary-making. The results, among other things, illustrate how structurally embedded discourses and practices help Latvians rationalize the maintenance and the crossing of symbolic boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The writings of the Brontës have frequently been studied in relation to conceptions of heroism. More specifically, critics have focused on the influence of war heroes such as the Duke of Wellington or Napoleon in the early writings of the siblings, principally those authored by Charlotte and Branwell Brontë. This article, however, explores the conception of 'everyday heroism' in Anne Brontë's novel Agnes Grey (1847). It argues that the ordinary characters portrayed in Brontë's work embody qualities usually associated with the heroic. Further, the analysis of heroism can reveal new insights into the representation of gender roles and class relations in the novel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a theorization of socialist upward mobility stories, a heterogenous genre that aimed to capture the experience of class advancement in state socialism, on the example of the Polish People's Republic. Socialist upward mobility stories developed over time in response to the evolving class politics of the state and transforming class relations, and influenced the ways in which class was thought and lived. The genre was characterized by four recurring motifs: the collective character of socialist upward mobility, the state's role as benefactor, the diffusion of upward mobility, and a heightened emotionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Teorija in Praksa is the property of Teorija in Praksa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the article, the author examines the works of American novelist, poet and screenplay writer Millen Brand, particularly how they embody the key conflicts in proletarian literature, namely, between modernist aesthetics and social realism and between revolutionary politics and progressive sympathies toward class struggle.

The cat is now one of the most popular pets in the Netherlands, but it was once much maligned. The development of the European cat as a pet in general followed a trajectory from outcast with wealthy ladies as its sole ally, via idiosyncratic nobles and romantics, to the beloved and subversive muse of artists and creatives. The history of the French, English, and American cats has received attention in the past, but that of the Dutch cat has not. This latter history took a somewhat different turn, as is shown in this article. In the Netherlands the cat was adopted in the last quarter of the nineteenth century by the bourgeois and urban elite as well as by socialists, feminists, and avantgarde artists. The class-adjacent cultural tug of war that ensued about the cat was eventually won by the latter groups. These counter-cultural movements saw the cat as emblematic of their cultural position as creatives and people at the edge of society, linking the recalcitrant and enigmatic character of cats to their own idiosyncrasies. This association was to persist in the Netherlands and is mirrored today in the mainly left-wing political orientation of the Dutch cat-owner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this paper, the organisational entity termed the spa, signifies a local place with a significant presence in the (semi)urban areas of Sri Lanka. Spas play diverse roles within the local specificity, as legally endorsed wellness service providers and, on the contrary, as places of commercial sex work. In this context, we explore the social construction of the spa within the broader socio-cultural geography of Sri Lanka, utilising a socio-spatial perspective. For this purpose, we draw upon Henry Lefebvre's conceptual spatial triad to examine the ongoing spatial practices, representational space, and representations of the space of the spa. In doing so, this paper provides insights into the way in which the interplay of class and gender relations in the local geography of Sri Lanka forms this organisational entity as a distinctive social space. Informed by a qualitative methodology, the paper draws on data generated from in-depth interviews conducted with the social actors who occupy the urban spas of Sri Lanka, specifically the female spa workers who form the labour force of these spas. Focusing on an organisational context that has become a space of tension in Sri Lankan society, the study provides original insights into the complex socio-political dimensions producing this unique social space in the urban geographies of Sri Lanka. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role of affect in addressing the advantage conventionally accorded to high socio-economic status (SES) in higher education (HE) and how this advantage plays out for students from low SES backgrounds. Positioned as the 'other' to an assumed norm, the capacities of these students can be considered the 'wrong' capacities, such that privilege prevails. Drawing on interview data from a project undertaken in Australia with female postgraduate students from low SES backgrounds, we bring a pluralised affective capacities approach to bear. We argue that thinking class (dis)advantage with affect has considerable political potential. Affect emerges as a key site through which the normative and transformative capacities of the classed subject emerge. Attuning to affective dissonance, responsivity and capacities, we challenge the advantage afforded high socio-economic status in HE. We demonstrate how a focus on affective relations creates more complex constructions of 'advantage' and disrupts deficit framings – shifts the normative class positions on which HE relies and does so affirmatively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study employs a gendered relative resource approach to examine whether the importance of relative resources varies by couples' household income in shaping changes in the gender division of labour after first birth. Scholarship has long argued that the gender division of labour within different-sex couples is influenced by partners' relative resources. However, couples face class-based constraints that may alter the relevance of relative resources in shaping changes in gender divisions of labour following the transition to parenthood. This study compares couples' paid work and housework before and up to four years after first birth, using 28 waves of the British Household Panel Survey and the UK Household Longitudinal Study (N = 1,606 couples). I find that the effect of relative resources on changes in couple's paid work and housework behaviour after first birth varies substantially by household income. Among higher-income couples, women's paid work and housework time changes less among those with high relative earnings and more among those with low relative earnings, while men's time allocation varies little after first birth. In contrast, among low-income couples, women's paid work time and share decreases most after first among female breadwinners while their male partners' paid work time increases substantially. These findings reflect the greater constraints that low-income parents face in reconciling work and family and highlight the need for greater attention to class interactions in the process of gender specialization in both research and work-family policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The declaration of war in August 1914 seemed to sanction the impotence of the organized labor movement and these international bodies. The First World War would prove 'the gigantic force of imperialism', accelerating and intensifying a new period of globalization. Thus, while at the beginning of the twentieth century John Atkinson Hobson described inter-imperialist entente as one of the consequences of what he called 'patriotic parasitism' and, like Karl Kautsky, excluded the risks of a global war, other commentators saw precisely in the imperialism of the great powers, and in particular in their unequal development, the reasons for future conflict. The First World War also promoted an 'offensive war of self-defense' by the state and the ruling classes against the organized labor movement. This paper proposes to discuss the conflicting and contradictory links between internationalism, globalization and war by taking a transnational approach, conceived as necessarily attentive to the 'unequal and combined geographical development' of the world. The combined nature of the transformations affecting the various societies at war thus becomes essential in attempting to grasp the apparently simple idea that the processes at work in certain advanced societies 'irrevocably transform the conditions and character of similar processes about to take place elsewhere'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Belgian History / Revue Belge d'Histoire Contemporaine is the property of Cegesoma and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents the results of a conjoint survey experiment in which Swiss citizens were asked to choose among parliamentary candidates with different class profiles determined by occupation, education and income. Existing survey‐experimental literature on this topic suggests that respondents are indifferent to the class profiles of candidates or biased against candidates with high‐status occupations and high incomes. We find that respondents are biased against upper middle‐class candidates as well as routine working‐class candidates. While the bias against upper middle‐class candidates is primarily a bias among working‐class individuals, the bias against routine working‐class candidates is most pronounced among middle‐class individuals. Our supplementary analysis of observational data confirms the bias against routine working‐class candidates, but not the bias against upper middle‐class candidates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to expand critical urban theory and spatialized political economy through developing a new, broad-based theoretical explanation of homelessness and the informal housing of the deprived in public spaces. After reviewing an important debate in geography, it systematicallyreasserts the relevance of class-related concepts in urban studies and, mobilizing post-determinist notions, it shows how a class-driven theory can inform the emergence of appropriating/differentiating/reconciliating agency from the material bedrock of urban metabolism and its society-integrating effect (societalization). The author weaves an urban diagnostic web of concepts by situating city-dwellers—classes with(out) housing—at the material level of metabolism and then in the sociopolitical dynamic of regulation, finding in the two realms urban class relations (enlisted within societalization) and agency formation (for reregulation, subaltern strategies, and potential rapprochement). The housing classes are retheorized as a composite category of hegemonic dwellers who enjoy housing consumption and whose metabolism thus appears as the normative consumption of public/private spaces. Homeless people are understood as a subaltern class who lacks housing consumption and whose metabolism can produce "housing" out of public spaces, in opposition to a hegemonic urban form practiced by the housing classes. These urban class relations breed homeless–housed divides and homeless regulation, and yet allow for agency's creative appropriation/differentiation/reconciliation. This paper avoids crude dichotomy, but it argues that critical urban theory can productively use this way of theorization for examining post-determinist urban lifeworlds in relation to the relative fixity of urban form, metabolic circuits, and class relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the neo-liberal turn of the 1970s and the consequent failure of the state socialist experiment, the functioning of the Eastern European states has increasingly been governed by the rationale of markets. This logic has led to an erosion of the concept of the commons and, by extension, universality. The notion of then alternative but now mainstream culture creates and serves particular class interests under the banner of ‘independence’ and ‘freedom’, which aims not to transcend the status quo but to preserve it and the property relations on which it is based. My thesis is written as a first step to reclaim the idea of the commons, pointing to the capitalist genesis of the forms in our contemporary culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both European colonialism and apartheid shaped the economic history of South Africa, at the heart of which was the super exploitation of Black labour for the benefits of capital, the state, and white labour. While the early mercantile and agricultural economic stages influenced South Africa’s racial capitalism, it was the era of the mineral revolution in the late 19th century – as well as the attendant imperative for cheap, Black labour – which formed the bedrock of the Union of South Africa in 1910 and later necessitated the rise of the apartheid state. With vested interests in the racist and later racialist order, which constituted them as the racialised labour aristocracy, white labour conceived of its identity – in racial and cultural terms – as part of European society. Consequently, an increasing social gulf emerged between Black/African labour and white labour, whose world outlooks were deeply immersed in racist metaphysics. Post-apartheid South Africa has inherited this dual, contradictory, and mutually antagonistic historical consciousness. This has been exacerbated by poor economic performance based on a neo-liberal framework, the social visibility of the often-self-assertive emerging Black middle class resulting from government affirmative policies, and the relative impoverishment of the white working class as they begin to face the cut and thrust of labour market with no preferential state cover. In view of this history of racialised capitalism, racism in post-apartheid South Africa is largely located within the Black and white working-class socio-economic space, as the latter forfeited its racially vested interests while the former derive the benefits of corrective state action.

In this article, the concepts of 'racialisation', 'racial projects', and 'racisms' are deployed to analyse the social construction of distinctive groups and the dynamics of group conflicts in India where the white vs. non-white binary as the key element of race relations does not exist. My main argument is that in India the racialisation of specific groups constructs racial categories that intersect with class relations, to produce inequalities and struggles over material and non-material resources. A related argument is that despite the seemingly seamless braiding of race and class, it is in fact class that plays a more significant role in producing as well as sustaining racialised social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The making and survival of capitalist conservation depends upon the creation and maintenance of contradictory class relations based on alienated labour. The literature has, however, often ignored this aspect. Looking at capital as a contradictory class relation and through the study of a tourism-oriented protected area and three reforestation payment for ecosystem service projects in Senegal, this article shows how capital's instrumentalisation of conservation requires a constant adaption to workers' struggles against alienation. In the case here analysed, this adaptation manifests in the avoidance, silencing and appropriation of workers' mobilisations against forest privatisation and labour exploitation. This resistance to workers' disalienation reinforces not only capitalist class relations but also state, neo-colonial and white people's power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the ontological lens of sociomateriality with the theoretical notion of struggle, this critical ethnography explores interactions within an unemployment support organization run by white collar workers who train working class populations for skilled blue collar occupations. Results illustrate how sociomaterial struggle is enacted in two ways: struggle against embodied others and struggle against discursive forces. The first theme, struggle for control, occurs between blue collar trainees and white collar trainers. Second, the struggle for upward mobility, occurs when trainers and trainees struggled alongside one another in collaboration toward the goal of upward mobility. Participants' struggles organize in a complex combination of materiality and discourse throughout this unemployment support organization, mirroring social class relations in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power inequalities originating from capitalist patriarchy are having an impact on and even determining our personal relationships: gender, class and ethnic inequality are consistently present in our intimate ties as well (Ridgeway 2009). For socially mobile individuals from lower classes, one of the main costs of moving between social classes is to exist in the complex conflict that arises from distancing from the social class of origin in order to integrate into new social spaces (Bourdieu 2005, Friedman 2016). These internal conflicts that are caused by broadened social structures are also present not just in the difficulty of finding a desired romantic partner (Durst at al. 2014) but in the process of sustaining an intimate relationship with someone from a particular social background as well. Structural inequalities are also determinative factors in partner selection, education homogamy and ethnic homogamy are highly present in society (Kamijn 1993, 1998, 2010, Kang Fu 2001). In this paper, through analysing narratives of educationally upwardly mobile women in Hungary, regarding intimate partner selection and looking at intimate relationships themselves, I aim to discover how their narratives reflect upon the hidden costs of mobility. I show how gender, education and ethnic inequalities emerge through the personal accounts of their mobility experiences and to what extent these inequalities determine the process of finding a desired partner or sustaining an existing intimate relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research shows that residents of metropolitan areas tend to have social ties outside their neighborhoods, but ties' locations and what they indicate in terms of social relations and urban structure are not sufficiently studied. Using survey data and interviews collected in Tehran, Iran, I examine the level of propinquity of strong social ties. Measuring the geographical distance and relative orientation between participants and their ties, I discuss the implications of having ties outside residential neighborhoods. I examine how these relations are formed and sustained and analyze how they impact class relations and perceptions of social structure. Results indicate that ties who reside in other neighborhoods offer points of reference for situating oneself in relation to others, both in socioeconomic and cultural sense. Participants' narratives suggest that ties' locations, together with ties' origins and types, impact interpretations of group relations and social hierarchies associated with location in the metropolitan area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Capitalist society is exclusionary and perverse towards those at the bottom of the pyramid, that is, the poor, women and blacks, certainly those who live in situations of greater vulnerability. Studies and research have shown that in class societies, gender, race and ethnicity relations intertwin in intersectionalities. The proposal of this study is to discuss how gender violence, which permeates class relations, has become more acute in the pandemic and affects more directly poor and black women, highlighting the intersectionality that should not be disregarded in the study of this phenomenon. The study starts from a critical perspective and uses the bibliographic research methodology to present reflections gathered from the experiences of work carried out with women who work in social organizations engaged in the struggle for survival and in the antipatriarchal and anticapitalist struggle that point to resistance and overcoming when fighting violence against women in pandemic times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ways in which class structure in agrarian societies shape local adaptation responses to the impact of climate change, based on an empirical study of a village society in western Maharashtra, India. It draws on two types of fieldwork data, quantitative and qualitative, including a round of household socio‐economic survey questionnaire and qualitative semi‐structured interviews. We show that climate‐change adaptation is class specific and varies considerably amongst the different classes within the relations of production even in the same village. The local class structure shape ownership and access to natural resources, with implications for both individual adaptive capacities and attempts to organize adaptation practices at the community‐level. Specifically, adaptive practice is revealed as being largely contingent on the size of land owned and livelihood options that affects, in turn, households' adaptation capacities and their experiences of climate change. We find that whilst the village inhabitants have initiated various adaptation strategies privately, no community‐based adaptation practices could be identified. As such, we call for a more comprehensive understanding of the class nature of climate change for developing effective climate adaptation strategies at the village‐community level and especially for community‐based adaptation (CBA) models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will explore a question about when the tensions of difference inherent in Latinx heterogeneity are part of the ambiguous and contingent process of political community formation and when they instead disrupt the potential power of a newly forming political community. It brings an anthropological perspective to a political question as it examines the intersection of Latinx racial identifications and class relations with both place-of-origin and place-making in Orlando, Florida. In contrast to Cuban Miami, in Orlando Puerto Ricans make up the overwhelming majority of Latinxs. Using the example of the 2011 redistricting process in Orange County, where Orlando is located, the article unpacks the language and technologies of redistricting and finds evidence of how relations marked by dominance and subordination can be reproduced in a combination of the conscious deployment of power by those who have it and the unconscious inability of others to see the mechanisms of injustice at work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While global value chain (GVC) studies originated with a critical analysis of the global political economy, today's mainstream GVC research has sidelined issues of exploitation and instead focuses on upgrading as a development strategy. This is often accompanied by the implicit assumption that upgrading translates into more and better jobs. Responding to critiques of this assumption, GVC scholars have highlighted the need for an additional social upgrading agenda. However, this paper calls into question this agenda's often unreserved invocation of public-private-civil society partnerships to achieve social gains for more than just firms. It argues that there is a need to pay greater attention to capitalist social relations and how actual corporate strategies contradict workers' interests. Taking GVC upgrading strategies in agro-industrial value chains in Argentina as an example, the paper looks at the stance that corporate actors take on social upgrading. It shows that the labour conditions and salaries vary in different chain links and that organised workers in processing industries have achieved improvements in labour struggles. Corporate actors, on the other hand, do not consider themselves responsible for social upgrading beyond their role in economic growth, which then allegedly results in job creation. In fact, they rather portray trade unions as barriers to capital-led agribusiness development. The paper concludes by advocating for a value chain approach that analyses questions of indecent labour as existing in-relation-to-capital, making antagonistic interests visible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Alfred Sohn-Rethel's article titled "The Social Reconsolidation of Capitalism," that was published anonymously in 1932. Topics covered include the Marxist analyses of the class relations and power shifts in Germany during that period, and the mystery of how an article containing such clearly Marxist content got into the "Deutsche Führerbriefe."

Previous research has revealed a connection between news consumption and class, both in terms of how much and what kind of news is consumed. By deploying a cultural sociological perspective on how young people from different class positions make sense of their differences, this study breaks new ground in the study of news use and inequality. Focus group interviews with young working-class and middle-class people show how social groups mobilize differences in news consumption to draw symbolic boundaries between each other. The moral economy surrounding "productive" or "unproductive" approaches towards news and journalism is a venue that allows social groups to construct an other, over whom a sense of social, cultural, and moral superiority can be maintained. The study takes the understanding of news consumption inequalities beyond the standard concern with gaps in knowledge and participation by locating news consumption inequalities in relation to symbolic struggles between social groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent work shows cultural capital taking increasingly vague and embodied forms. Attitudes and understandings of "creativity" and "authenticity," for example, hold more symbolic value than any particular objects. How are these culturally valuable understandings defined and transmitted? This project examines thrift-store shopping to show how symbolic meanings are defined and employed as a form of embodied cultural capital. Ethnographic observation and interviews with shoppers at thrift stores in Portland, Oregon, reveal competing symbolic understandings among two groups of consumers. One group, the "thrift-seekers," is motivated by a desire to find bargains. Members of this group describe their consumption as a game in which they are able to compete with other consumers. The other group, the "creativists," comes from a more privileged background and is motivated by a rejection of conventional stores. They describe their consumption as an exercise of creativity through which they establish superiority over other consumers. Each group implicates the other as it constructs its narrative of consumption. Outside of the thrift store, the creativists employ their narratives of creativity as a form of cultural capital, giving them status in relation to similarly privileged peers. This project illustrates the embodied nature of contemporary cultural capital and shows how classes implicate one another in definitions of it. Furthermore, it demonstrates how thrift stores hold particular significance as sites in which embodied cultural capital is defined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Of the range of negative emotional states, shame is commonly found to characterize experiences of people living in poverty. However, relatively little attention has been directed toward exploring other emotions that accompany the shame. Not exploring other emotions, the possibility that working‐class mothers go through a struggling emotional experience in relation to their experiences of how authorities validate their belonging, is left out of scope. Exploring the notion of resentment creates a conceptual space for considering this possibility, as it flags the importance of belonging and entitlement for mothers living in poverty. I analyze these issues here, by applying "translocational positionality" which stresses how people take up positions relating to experiences of (non‐) belonging and entitlement which are informed by struggles over inclusion and resources. As such, it stresses the links between struggles of belonging and struggles for securing access to resources. It affords the opportunity to identify the emotional/affectual dimension of struggles that would otherwise be implicit at best. A Resentment focused analysis of structured interviews conducted with 90 mothers, from seven ethno‐national categories, living in poverty in Israel enabled me to analyze issues of belonging and entitlement as part of a continuous struggle for resources, pitched against welfare practices which ostensibly support mothers and families in need, but in fact apply means‐tested and other exclusionary principles to leave mothers without the assistance that would protect them from shame. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The reversal of the gender gap in higher education has been a major social transformation: women now outnumber men in higher education in nearly all OECD countries. Patterns of assortative mating have also changed as highly educated women increasingly form relationships with men who have less education (hypogamous unions). In this article, we draw on rich register data from Sweden to ask whether the emergence of hypogamous unions signals the emergence of a new female status dominance in unions. We also consider how the status distribution in these unions compares to homogamous (both highly educated) or hypergamous (he highly educated) unions. We use Swedish register data and study couples who have their first child together. We refer to a multi-dimensional view of status and use indicators of social class background, income, and occupational prestige. We find that in hypogamous unions, women tend to have a higher social class background and occupational prestige, but lower income than their partners. The income gap between partners is not simply a consequence of the gender wage gap, but driven by selection into different union types. Men and women who form hypogamous unions are negatively selected in terms of their income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For a given variety V of algebras, we define a class relation to be a binary relation R ⊆ S 2 which is of the form R = S 2 ∩ K for some congruence class K on A 2 , where A is an algebra in V such that S ⊆ A . In this paper we study the following property of V : every reflexive class relation is an equivalence relation. In particular, we obtain equivalent characterizations of this property analogous to well-known equivalent characterizations of congruence-permutable varieties. This property determines a Mal’tsev condition on the variety and in a suitable sense, it is a join of Chajda’s egg-box property as well as Duda’s direct decomposability of congruence classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to critically and systematically summarize the most important theoretical approaches to the study of class structure and social stratification from the perspective of analytical sociology. To do this, the author creates a dialogue among different contemporary analytical theories associated with the study of social stratification. He identifies innovations and common characteristics with the sociological schools of thought that have traditionally studied class relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the literature on public opinion, the mainstream framework is that in-group and out-group attitudes are distinct phenomena, especially with regard to racial attitudes. Elsewhere, in the literature on race and nationalism, scholars have concluded that the United States subscribes to cultural, color-blind racism, that has predominantly replaced biological racism. To explain the context in which white supremacy is again a viable political force in American politics, this paper argues that notions of biological racism that predate the Civil Rights Movement remain potent and continue to underlie cultural racism, and that that these out-group attitudes are not independent of in-group attitudes. This paper focuses on a form of dehumanization-simianization, or the depiction of racial groups (in this case African-Americans) as apes, tracing its origins in Enlightenment-era scientific racism, its historical role in shaping U.S. race and class relations, and as its role in defining American citizenship as hierarchical. Moreover, this paper presents evidence of simianization in contemporary political discourse surrounding African-Americans in the United States. The paper seeks to synthesize the literature on public opinion and that on race and nationalism in order to shed new theoretical light on our thinking about the relationship between in-group and out-group attitude formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]