Search

This study examines the link between women's representation in national parliaments and their possibility to participate in civil society. Utilizing panel data from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) dataset, covering 1975–2019, we investigate how the presence of women in parliaments influences the possibility for women to participate in civil society, especially in non-liberal democratic settings. The results indicate a positive association post-1990, coinciding with an international emphasis on civil society and a rise in women's parliamentary representation in both liberal democracies and autocratic regimes. The study however highlights that in hybrid and autocratic regimes, increased female representation can also be used to project a gender-equal image without genuine democratization intentions. These findings suggest a correlation between the increase in women in parliaments and greater opportunities for their participation in civil society, but do not imply that the results reflect processes towards democracy. The findings contribute to understanding women's possibilities in non-democratic regimes and underscores the need for further qualitative analysis to fully grasp the implications of these trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The traditional narrative on state-civil society relations in the consolidated authoritarian regimes of Central Asia is one of coercion with little room for independent NGOs which challenge the states' discourse. There is however emerging evidence of a gradual shift in relationships. First, the distinction between independent organizations (NGOs) and government organized bodies (GONGOs) is becoming blurred as the former struggle to remain financially buoyant and the latter find (limited) opportunities to influence the state. Second, the role played by international donors in authoritarian regimes is fraught with obstacles/resistance making internal civil society organizations more self-reliant and the state grants' application process more competitive. Third, the context is changing with a younger more assertive generation willing to challenge the vestiges of the Soviet era. Using Kazakhstan as a Central Asian case study, this article finds there is an increasing role for civil society along an NGO-GONGO continuum aimed at 'challenging existing realities' even within the parameters of authoritarian states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will first review the debate over the definition and recognition of Indigenous peoples with regard to the people of Ryukyu/ Okinawa, focusing on the colonial history, specifically regarding the case of the lawsuit calling for the return of the Ryukyuan ancestral remains. Then, after an overview of the history of the lawsuit calling for the return of the Ryukyuan ancestors, which was instigated in 2018, I will present what has been achieved so far, the challenges that remain, and the prospects for the future. There, the 'colonialism by academic knowledge' nurtured since the colonial period will be exposed, and the recognition by the state of the people of Ryukyu and Okinawa as Indigenous peoples, and the possibility of solidarity among civil society and domestic and international Indigenous and minority peoples will be analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the ongoing quest for democracy in Africa from contemporary perspectives including the challenges faced by African nations in establishing stable democratic systems, the impact interventions on democratization efforts, and the role of civil society in democratic reforms.

The politics of climate change in Australia remains highly fraught, this is despite the country experiencing acute impacts of a changing climate including mega-fires, floods, and severe and prolonged drought. Government inaction has led to limited market signals encouraging producers or consumers to move away from carbon intensive energy production to clean energy. In the absence of regulation, Australian shareholder activists are engaging directly with company boards and executives to reform corporate behaviour. This engagement, environmental, social, and governance (ESG) shareholder activism, has proliferated since 2017, much later than in comparable jurisdictions. Activists have targeted the mining, oil and gas, and finance sectors, due to their contribution to the Australian economy and their direct impact on global emissions. This paper explores the reasons for, and the implications of, the growth in ESG shareholder activism in Australia. It argues that the emergence of this activism in Australia was delayed due to complexities in the country's corporations' law. Regulatory attempts at stymying ESG shareholder activism resulted in the emergence of a duopoly of actors, at the cost of broader investor and civil society engagement. It is concluded that the rise of ESG shareholder activism in Australia is linked to growing tension between societal expectations, regulation, and the behaviour of firms. And, that ESG activists have been successful in leveraging this tension. There is evidence that large corporates have responded to activist claims, rendering this form of activism a potentially effective method for addressing some of the most pressing issues facing society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Eastern enlargement in 2004, the EU has paid exceptional attention to strengthening civil society organizations (CSOs) in new member and candidate states, including Turkey. While the EU's contribution to Turkish CSO empowerment is ambivalent in general, women's organizations have benefitted from the opportunities connected to the accession process. However, since 2007, the AKP government has been hesitating to further the EU-membership project. Distancing at the state level has also resulted in the weakening impact of the EU on civil society. We argue that de-Europeanization can be observed in securing financial and technical assistance, weakening normative power of the EU, and changing perceptions towards internationalization and Europeanization. Moreover, distancing from international donors has resulted in changing nature of the relationship between CSOs and local donors, both state and private. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the AKP has dismantled secularism in Turkey through stealth Islamization. Defined as incremental and top-down Islamization of social and political life, this process entails four processes: (1) institutionalization of Turkish Islamist political imaginary; (2) redesigning the Diyanet and public education system to spread Islamic beliefs and practices (da'wa); (3) the privileging of Muslim identity at the expense of secular choices, whose costs have increased substantially; and (4) return of Islam to the public space through changes in the built environment. This article unpacks these four processes, which entails AKP's colonization of the state to Islamize society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After years of advocacy by a range of civil society groups, supported by scholarly and empirical research, Canada's federal prison service implemented a needle exchange program at select carceral institutions in 2018. Since the program rollout, however, uptake has remained minimal. To understand why, we conducted the first independent and national study of the program, interviewing 30 people who were incarcerated at one of the prisons with a needle exchange. Our findings show that drug use stigma and anticipated or actual reprisal from correctional officers, particularly related to breaches of confidentiality for program participants, markedly impede access and utilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This profile examines the strategic use of top-down civil society organizations by the Spanish far-right party, Vox, in a strategy to dispute political issues traditionally associated to progressive politics. Focusing on organizations such as Solidaridad, Mi Barrio Seguro, Nostra Terra, and Asociación Mujeres por la Igualdad (AMPI), this profile highlights how Vox attempts to redefine traditionally left-wing issues, such as labor rights, urban politics, environmentalism, and women’s rights, from a far-right perspective. These groups, while portraying the image to be grassroots movements, are in fact led and controlled by Vox party members, serving as instruments for the party to extend its reach beyond conventional electoral politics. The dual strategy of Vox involves trying to reshape public discourses on key societal issues and using non-electoral activities to support its electoral ambitions. This approach not only seeks to challenge the existing progressive narratives but also attempts to garner support from traditional left-wing voter bases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is based on a series of interviews (61) and a multi-sited ethnography conducted during 2019–2021 which traced archival records of 20 feminist organizations in Israel: local women's peace organizations (FPAs) and Rape Crisis Centres (RCCs). We describe the study and the complex methodological concerns and meta-questions relating to the study of feminist community archives in relation to content (types of testimonials or records), method of organization (archival practices like cataloging or digitization) and activists' perspectives concerning future preservation and access. In order to overcome these challenges, we suggest six methodological principles which may apply to the study of civil society organizations that were established between the 1970s–1990s: the importance of identifying researchers' positionality vis a-vis the archive; the politics of knowledge and intersectional identities; avoiding judgment of informal archival practices; identifying who sets the rules; silence and self-silencing; and recognition of invisible labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global community has outlined ambitious ecosystem restoration targets. Yet implementation is slow, and a lack of funding is a key barrier to upscaling restoration activities. Most restoration projects are funded by public institutions and recent high-level initiatives have emphasised the need to scale private finance in restoration. Private finance can be channelled into restoration through various financial mechanisms but is held back by a lack of return-making investment opportunities. Various institutions have now been created to commodify previously non-market ecosystem services and make them investable, most prominently voluntary carbon markets and biodiversity compliance market-like mechanisms, such as biodiversity-offsetting systems targeting the achievement of 'no net loss' of biodiversity for a given regulated sector. However, attracting private finance into restoration comes with risks, as private finance objectives in restoration often are misaligned with wider social and ecological objectives. Private finance mechanisms to date have tended to underinvest in monitoring and impact evaluation mechanisms and to favour investments in cost-effective nature-based solutions such as plantation monocultures over naturally regenerated ecosystems. Many technological and institutional solutions have been proposed, but these cannot mitigate all risks. Therefore, scaling of ecosystem restoration through market-like mechanisms requires substantial fundamental investments in governance and civil society oversight to ensure that ecological integrity and social equity is safeguarded. Here, we outline the high-level policy landscape driving restoration finance and explore the roles and potential of both public and private investment in restoration. We explain how some common mechanisms for drawing private investment into restoration work in practice. Then, we discuss some of the shortcomings of past private finance initiatives for ecosystem restoration and highlight essential lessons for how to safeguard the ecological and social outcomes of private investments in ecosystem restoration. Sophus zu Ermgassen and Sara Löfqvist outline the high-level policy landscape driving restoration finance and explore the roles and potential of both public and private investment in restoration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The establishment and maintenance of an effective democracy, characterized by its popularity, representativeness, and accountability, are fundamental elements in the process of consolidating a republic. Despite inherent challenges, such as antidemocratic coups that have left their mark on the country, perpetuating the use of force, it is imperative to chart a course toward democratic stability. The evolving definition of democracy over the years has given rise to diverse perspectives in the 21st century, emanating from individuals, institutions, and nations. Ecuador, as a republic, has experienced fluctuations in democratic stability throughout its history. This study focuses on analyzing the levels of democratic stability in Ecuadorian society, employing neutrosophic statistics to address the variability of the variable in question. The research results underscore that the deterioration of civil rights, evaluated from a neutrosophic perspective, emerges as a critical factor in the stability of democracy in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the construction and maintenance of Chinese Han Buddhist temples in modern China against the backdrop of societal transformation. Initially, it analyzes the profound impact of social changes since the mid-19th century on Buddhist monasteries, including political turmoil, economic development, and urbanization. Furthermore, the paper explores how temples were reconstructed and revitalized within this historical context, highlighting the monastic community's unwavering commitment to protecting the Dharma and ensuring its enduring presence. Additionally, this paper also explores the role of charismatic monks in enhancing the sanctity of temples and the influence of Buddhist institutional frameworks on the dynamics of state and society. The study employs a multifaceted analysis to understand the complex interplay between temple construction, economic development, and the cultural heritage of Buddhism in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Der für japanische und auch einige koreanische Studierende, Doktorandinnen und Doktoranden sowie Universitätsprofessoren und -professorinnen unterschiedlicher kultur- und sozialwissenschaftlicher Disziplinen geschriebene Text wurde am 16. Oktober 2019 in Tokyo in englischer Sprache vorgetragen. Es ging um eine Einführung in zentrale Elemente des Denkens deutscher liberalprotestantischer Theologie seit der „Sattelzeit" (Reinhart Kosselleck) um 1800 und um die Frage, inwieweit sich theologisch liberale Leitideen [normative ideas] im japanischen theologischen Diskurs rezipieren lassen. Die These: Darüber können nur japanische Theologen selbst entscheiden The text, written for Japanese and some Korean students, doctoral students and university professors from various cultural and social science disciplines, was read in English on October 16, 2019 in Tokyo. It was about an introduction to central elements of the thinking of German liberal Protestant theology since the „Sattelzeit" (Reinhart Kosselleck) around 1800 and the question of the extent to which theologically liberal guiding ideas [normative ideas] can be received in Japanese theological discourse. The thesis: Only Japanese theologians can decide this for themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To offer a fresh angle on the state capacity to advance decarbonization, this article brings into dialog political economies of scale and the Mannian notion of state infrastructural power, animating this conceptual cross-fertilization with an analysis of China's evolving policy framework for decarbonization. This article begins with building the conceptual construct of scalar practice as a source of state infrastructural power and categorizing three key scalar practices, namely, interscalar rearranging, interregional reshuffling, and urban‒rural scalar mixing. Building upon this, the article critically evaluates China's policy framework and state actions against the notion of infrastructural power: the Chinese state applies noncoercive means to elicit support, extract resources, and coordinate actions while transitioning to decarbonization-driven accumulation regimes, and these noncoercive means are mobilized together with coercive means through the art of scalar structuration that (re)defines central–local, urban‒rural, and interregional relations. Overall, this study elucidates how state-orchestrated processes of (re)territorialization for the decarbonization agenda give rise to the expansion of the state's autonomous power in relation to civil society, albeit in a manner that manifests contested power struggle and conflicting internal logics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the leadership of the local Catholic Church in a forceful social movement of resistance against long-dated marginalization, inequality, and multi-faceted forms of violence in the main city-port in Colombia's pacific littoral: Buenaventura's Civic Strike process. Based on interviews conducted with religious and lay participants, it explores how spiritual memory, social space, and collective affects act as the enabling condition for this leadership, a condition that the interviewees characterize as a relation of trust between people and Church. The paper argues that this affect of trust implies complex intersections between social protest, Church and State that require, in turn, a different conceptualization of the social space. One that challenges secularism as an epistemology of the social by overcoming its distinctive clear-cut divisions between Church and State, and between State and civil society. The notion of "churchstateness," proposed in recent literature, is hence tested as an alternative analytic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An increasingly relevant layer of South–South cooperation (SSC) is the proliferation of interactions between regional organisations, in addition to bilateral cooperation. However, studies on interregionalism often exhibit a Eurocentric bias and a state-centric approach, as they frequently overlook non-state actors in their analyses. This article seeks to expand the conceptualisation of interregionalism into a global phenomenon that is interlinked with regionalism in a reciprocal manner, and that is driven by the mutual impact between different stratifications of interregionalism, involving state as well as non-state actors. Using empirical examples from Latin America, Africa, the Arab World and Europe, the article finds that formal cooperation between regional organisations has a more substantial impact on regionalism, particularly in asymmetric settings. Meanwhile, the emergence of interregional civil society cooperation remains closely tied to the existence of state-driven interregionalism whether as a sponsor or a common adversary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent popularity of nationalist movements bears witness to the continued power of national feeling in politics. This article considers the potential relationship between different kinds of national attachments and what we call active and allegiant citizenship—support for democracy, community participation, and prosocial behavior. We analyze these relationships using data from two waves of the European Values Study. We find that a set of attachments often called civic nationalism—including patriotism, national identity, and respect for one's country's institutions—are connected with better citizenship on virtually all of our outcomes, whereas ethnic nationalism is frequently connected with worse citizenship. These associations, however, tend to be weaker in the postcommunist states which have a different experience with both nationalism and democracy. The results suggest that national feeling can be a double-edged sword for citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Growing evidence suggests that young migrants are particularly vulnerable to sexual violence. As young migrants often lack family and social networks, professionals are often the recipients of disclosures of sexual violence. This study aimed to explore how professionals experience young migrants' disclosures of sexual violence. A qualitative design was used, based on 14 semi-structured interviews with a range of professionals from the public sector and civil society in southern Sweden. The data were analysed using qualitative content analysis. The overarching theme developed was 'coming across the hidden problem of sexual violence in an excluded population' supported by three sub-themes: 'linking structural marginalisation and vulnerability to sexual violence'; 'realising that sexual violence is one among many other concerns'; and 'taking pride in backing up young people betrayed by society'. Professionals expressed a strong sense of responsibility due to the complex vulnerabilities of young migrants and their lack of access to services. This, coupled with the lack of clarity about how to respond to disclosures of sexual violence, can lead to moral distress. There is a need to strengthen support for professionals, including recognition of ethical dilemmas and the establishment of formal connections between organisations making access more straightforward and predictable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After gaining membership in the European Union and NATO, models portraying Lithuania as a bridge between the East and the West, or a networked state uniting in-country nationals and global diaspora were put forth, while others even forecasted inevitable collapse in the face of a lack of a unified geopolitical program. In the light of this plethora of geopolitical visions, in 2000s Lithuania's approach to its Eastern neighbors could have been described as "multivectoral." While Lithuanian leaders outspokenly supported pro-democratic protests and European aspirations of the colored revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine, attempts to "restart" relations with Eastern European autocrats also ensued. However, the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea really struck a chord, and the new chapter in the Russian war against Ukraine in February 2022 contributed to consolidation of a clear-cut Lithuanian geopolitical positionality. In the face of Russian aggression, squeezed between the Russian exclave of Kaliningrad and Russian partner-in-crime Belarus, Lithuania rebranded itself as an outpost of a global democratizing agenda and embraced a discourse of care vis-à-vis repressed Russian and Belarusian civil societies and Ukrainians fighting back for national survival. Echoing historical solidarity narratives of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, new-found Lithuanian agency also aims to reframe Russian aggression as a neo-colonial performance. This piece (1) explores how the unfolding war has constituted a "democratic outpost" identity espoused by the Lithuanian political elite and (2) links these shifts with increased Lithuanian agency in Euro-Atlantic structures and the unexpected attempts to rework itself as a hub of democracy promotion globally. Finally, (3) the contribution problematizes the "outpost Europe" idea by scrutinizing the telling silence on the creeping autocratization in Poland, and the implicit paternalism of the pro-democratic care targeting Russian, Belarusian civil societies, and the Ukrainian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces a special issue of the journal Adult Learning that focuses on CONFINTEA VII, a global conference on adult education organized by UNESCO. The conference, held in Marrakech, Morocco in June 2022, sets global goals for adult education and brings together educators from different countries. The United States, although previously withdrawn from UNESCO, participated as a nonmember observer state and has since become a full member again. The article provides a historical overview of UNESCO's involvement in adult education and highlights the launch of the GRALE V report during the conference. It also mentions other UNESCO initiatives, such as the Transformative Education Summit and the World Higher Education UNESCO Conference. The special issue includes articles on various themes discussed at the conference, offering perspectives, insights, and resources for further exploration. [Extracted from the article]

CONFINTEA VII, a global conference on adult learning and education (ALE), recently took place in Marrakech, Morocco. The conference brought together representatives from 140 countries to create the Marrakech Framework for Action (MFA), a comprehensive guide for addressing issues such as climate change, gender inequity, and illiteracy. The MFA emphasizes the importance of international partnerships, the multi-dimensional nature of literacy, the role of citizenship education, and the right to education for all. The author of the article reflects on their experience at the conference and highlights the need for the U.S. ALE community to engage in global conversations and collaborations to implement the MFA. [Extracted from the article]

Despite a plethora of emerging alternatives under the broad rubric of agroecology, sustainable transitions in Indian agriculture are caught between institutional inertia and lock-ins of its vast agricultural establishment on the one hand and a pro-active state promoting a natural farming. This push for Zero-Budget Natural Farming (ZBNF), while welcome as an alternative, also raises several questions on the nature of knowledge production and dissemination. This paper explores the knowledge politics around top-down "skilling regimes" and the principles and paradigms that emphasize social learning. We explore the multiple practices, meanings of agroecology among farmers, government agencies, and civil society organizations in the state of Gujarat. The action research included a survey of practices of 250 farmers in 12 districts, interviews, and stakeholder workshops. Insufficient investments in community-based extension mechanisms and lack of collaboration between state and civil society were features of the policy implementation. The absence of innovative platforms to facilitate knowledge dialogs and learning among actors to advance agroecology increases the gap between policy goals and its actual realization in practice. Programs for upscaling agroecology, we suggest, need to embed the diversity of technical and institutional processes through creating learning alliances to facilitate knowledge dialogs across dissimilar actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines migrant homesharing programs in Italy through a dwelling lens, which seeks to understand how homesharing transcends the home and provides new opportunities for migrants to build a life as more than temporary guests. Homesharing is a growing reception practice across the Global North, and it sees residents house migrants in their own homes. We start from a critique of hospitality as the primary organizing framework through which homesharing is designed and implemented. We then put forth dwelling, as an alternative lens to hospitality, which imagines a wider array of relationships to and across space. We draw from ethnographic research in Turin, Bologna, and Florence, Italy, to showcase how migrants, residents, and practitioners engaged in homesharing are already thinking beyond guest–host dichotomies, and prioritizing ways of doing cohabitation that go beyond hospitality. If hospitality indicates the conditionality of being hosted, maintaining the power relations between the host and the guest, dwelling concerns the process by which the conditionality and impermanence of hospitality are eroded, asserting the right of migrants to be more than guests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's aging population is becoming more and more serious, which has a farreaching influence on the state and society. As the more elderly population grows, it is necessary to strengthen a sound policy system to alleviate the burden on families and society. The importance of accurately predicting the elderly population is therefore highlighted. With the aim of exploring the future development trend of China's older population, in this paper, we establish a new fractional gray prediction model based on time power term to study China's elderly population. We used data from 2010 to 2019 to assess modeling accuracy, demonstrating that the model outperforms the other models. The final step is to use the model to forecast China's elderly population from 2020 to 2029. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comprehensive study of political vigilantism in Ghana examines the motives, membership, and financing of the phenomenon and proffers solutions to combat it. We use a qualitative methodology of personal interviews with a broad section of Ghanaian political stakeholders totaling 50 participants. This included 30 political vigilante members equally affiliated with the New Patriotic Party and the National Democratic Congress and selected from the vigilante hotbeds of the Northern, Upper East, and Ashanti regions of Ghana. The other political stakeholders total 20 and are made up of: five public political party executives, five civil society members, five police officers, and five local district assembly members. The motives include institutional weakness, winning political power, and economic and group solidarity. Membership involves family and friends, former security personnel, party members, and unemployed youth. Financing emanates from political parties, politicians, and the business class. We argue that patron-clientelism is the driving force behind political vigilantism and recommend more legal accountability for patrons, particularly through constitutional amendments guaranteeing a fixed term for the head of the police and separating the roles of Attorney General and Minister of Justice. This is to ensure that the former can impartially prosecute vigilante patrons. Punitive financial measures are also recommended to deter patrons, backed by sustained public education and more employment opportunities for the masses of unemployed youth--the bedrock of political vigilantism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ahi organization and the Bâcıyân-ı Rûm organization, a branch of the Ahi organization, also have the characteristics of a civil society organization in its own period. Having an autonomous character with its political, social and economic aspects and integrating with the society, the Ahi organization appears as a local authority unit. The Bâcıyân-ı Rûm organization, as a branch of the Ahi-order, is an organized structure that stands by the Ahis. The Bâcıyân-ı Rûm organization is composed of Turkish women who adopt the value system of the Ahi-order and engage in trade in line with these values. Bâcıyân-ı Rûm is also a women's organization where women-specific professions are taught and solidarity with orphaned and needy women is practiced. Having the role of assistance, solidarity and social service undertaker allows us to define Bâcıyân-ı Rûm as a non-governmental organization. On the other hand, Bâcıyân-ı Rûm, as an organization of military women, represents the defense and military support force with the Anatolian Ahis. Bâcıyân-ı Rûm's organic connection with the Bektashi order also supports the view that it could be a civil society organization. In this study, the Bâcıyân-ı Rûm organization has been examined in the axis of the Ahi organization. The main claim of the study is that Bâcıyân-ı Rûm can be considered as a civil society organization in terms of its period. Due to the limited sources on the period, Bâcıyân-ı Rûm is emphasized with its feature of being a branch of the Ahi organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has long been stated that children have the rights to protection from, e.g., abuse and to the provision of age-appropriate leisure, play, and recreational activities along with participation in all matters that concerns them. Yet, the full range of children's rights to and in sport has not yet been explored in detail. To do so, it is relevant to turn to the Scandinavian countries, which are praised for promoting children's rights and well-being, with organized sport forming part of the daily lives of many children and youths. In this paper, we examine the organizational policies in Scandinavian sport in order to develop foundational knowledge about how the range of children's rights to and in sport may be supported. Comparing key policy documents of the major sports confederations in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, these analyses identify great variety in the following: 1. when and how children's rights to and in sport have been made explicit in the three countries; 2. whether the emphasis is on protection and/or provision of sport to children and youths or their participation in shaping sporting activities; 3. the degree to and ways in which such rights are regulated. In sum, our findings reflect a disparity between organizational policies in the three countries, with a more liberal and individualistic approach to public policy in the Danish context, providing some explanation of the only recent development in and scattered enaction of regulations to support children's rights to and in sports. Furthermore, we identify that political attention has mainly been drawn to the protection and provision of sports to children and youths, while their participation in shaping sport is a shared challenge for sport confederations in the Scandinavian countries and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how and under what conditions Italy's civil society organizations (CSOs) have resorted to transnational activism and to what extent these efforts translate into impactful political advocacy. The analysis focuses on the action strategies of these civil society actors that have come under considerable pressure through the resurgence of populist–nationalist actors in the domestic arena. Developing an actor-centred perspective from below, this article draws on a series of 27 interviews conducted with these organizations' representatives working primarily on issues related to migration and refugees in Italy. The empirical study examines some key initiatives that see domestic CSOs as protagonists in the transnational realm and explicates their motivations, approaches, and experiences. Conceptually, the article distinguishes between the vertical and horizontal Europeanization of CSOs. While there are notable opportunities for CSOs to engage in Brussels-centred governance and policy making, the effectiveness of horizontal Europeanization in the form of cross-border networking is—at first sight paradoxically—limited by the EU's system of multi-level governance. The central argument about Europeanizing civil society activism is that these processes are primarily driven by a pragmatic pursuit of solutions to concrete political challenges that could not be properly addressed in an increasingly hostile domestic environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People with innate variations of sex characteristics (also known as intersex traits or disorders or differences of sex development) have any of a wide range of innate physical traits that differ from medical and social norms for female and male bodies. Responses to these physical differences create experiences and risks of stigmatisation, discrimination, violence, and harmful medical practices intended to promote social and familial integration and conformity with gender stereotypes. As is evident globally, the Australian policy response to the existence and needs of people with innate variations of sex characteristics has been largely incoherent, variously framing the population as having disordered sex development in need of "fixing", and a third sex/gender identity group in need of recognition, with only recent engagement by intersex community-controlled civil society organisations. This paper presents an overview of the context and goals of the intersex human rights movement in Australia. Australian intersex community organisations have sought to apply human rights norms and develop new infrastructure to address key health and human rights issues, and necessitating new ways of resolving policy incoherence. Together with human rights, mental health, and public health institutions, they have called for significant changes to medical models of care and reform to research and classification systems. Intersex community organising and resourcing have made a tangible difference. The Australian Capital Territory is the first jurisdiction in the country to move ahead with reforms to clinical practice, including a legislative prohibition of certain practices without personal informed consent, oversight of clinical decision-making, and investment in psychosocial support. A national community-controlled psychosocial support service has also commenced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the governance aspects of managing river, lake, and aquifer basins, both at the transboundary and domestic levels. It highlights the importance of basin organizations in facilitating negotiation, data sharing, and decision-making among stakeholders. The article also explores the challenges faced by international basin organizations, such as power asymmetries and the inclusion of non-state actors. Additionally, it examines the scale implications of transboundary agreements and the participation of civil society in water management. The article concludes by emphasizing the need for improved institutions and cooperation in order to effectively manage water resources. [Extracted from the article]

The Mekong River Basin is facing growing challenges in managing water resources, environmental protection and sustainable development whilst fostering rapid economic development within a region of riparian states. The need for cheap and renewable energy is rising, fostering the increase in hydropower development where logistically possible. This case study focuses on what role and impact civil society organizations play regarding water governance in the Mekong region, particularly in regard to hydropower projects. A particular focus is on the Mekong River Commission and its Procedures for Notification, Prior Consultation and Agreement focusing on the Xayaburi and Pak Lay dams. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between modernization and religion is contested, with the literature differing in how and in what ways religion helps or hinders countries' social, economic, and political development. This paper draws upon the history of Christianity in South Korea to critically explore the links between religion and modernization. It makes two arguments. First, discussions of the link between religion and modernization frequently employ static definitions of religion, but Christianity is characterized by oscillations between worldly (institutionalizing) and unworldly (countercultural) impulses that theoretically make very different contributions to social, economic, and political development. Second, in the case of South Korea, it is shown that both impulses have made vital contributions to the country's modernization at different times. This suggests that the dynamic tug-of-war between the institutional and countercultural facets of Korean Christianity, although problematic for individual believers and religious leaders, helped it become an important contributor to the country's success story. However, this paper concludes on a cautionary note by warning that extreme instances of these impulses have caused cleavages between Christianity and the Korean state and society and could undermine its future contributions. This suggests that diversity and toleration—a hallmark of Korean Christianity—will continue to be the best pathway forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic brought on a marked increase in intimate partner violence (IPV) worldwide, Mexico being no exception. Factors that exacerbated gender-based violence (GBV) in the household during the pandemic include gendered loss of income, regression in access to social and legal justice resources, reversal to more traditional gender norms and roles, and increased alcoholism. While there are studies about the prevalence and determinants of IPV in rural and urban Mexico, there appears to be a lack of information regarding how these realities differed as they interacted with the compounding pressures of the COVID-19 pandemic. Stemming from 10 ethnographic interviews with women across rural and urban localities of Oaxaca, Mexico City, and Mexico State, who were recruited from NGOs providing psychological and legal services against GBV, we analyze some factors associated with the prevalence of IPV during confinement. We conclude that all women in our study experienced IPV both before and during the pandemic, with variations in IPV patterns influenced by their rural or urban residence, socio-economic status, ethnic-racial identity, and proximity to the abuser's network. We also found that not all impacts were negative, rather COVID-19 measures had a paradoxical effect for some women where restrictions on geographical mobility and decrease in access to alcohol became pivotal protective factors. We recommend that public policymakers and civil society organizations alike pay attention to these differential challenges and benefits in their crisis responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can religious leaders who oppose state violence reduce its use? Communal elites, such as religious leaders, may oppose human rights violations. This article argues that these leaders, part of institutions embedded in local communities and with influence based on traditional power, reduce repression when they oppose dictatorships. The argument's main implication is tested in Argentina during the Dirty War of its 1976-1983 military dictatorship, using original archival data on the country's Catholic bishops. Opposed bishops are associated with reduced disappearances and killings. A variety of evidence is consistent with opposed bishops taking two types of actions to resist repression: assisting likeminded local agents and participating in human rights advocacy campaigns. The findings point to the importance of influential civil society actors in reducing state violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Integrations: The Struggle for Racial Equality and Civic Renewal in Public Education" is a book that explores racial disparities in public education, specifically in relation to the Brown v. Board of Education case. The authors argue that school integration alone is insufficient for achieving educational equity and propose a justice framework that focuses on providing a minimum level of educational resources. They critique John Rawls's theory of fair equality of opportunity and suggest a broader understanding of educational goals in a liberal democratic society. The book also examines the interconnected systems of social injustice that contribute to educational inequality and offers policy recommendations to address these issues. The article emphasizes the role of education in promoting justice in a liberal democratic society, drawing on the ideas of philosopher John Rawls. The authors advocate for education as a fundamental goal of the political system and propose interventions to address educational injustices and ensure equal opportunities for all students. They also support a pluralistic approach to education that recognizes and respects diverse cultural and ethnic groups. Overall, the article underscores the importance of education in achieving social justice and calls for a reevaluation of educational aims and policies. [Extracted from the article]

There is fierce controversy in the United States over whether parents should be able to choose their children's schools and/or curriculum. To discuss the pedagogical arguments inherent in this question, Todd Alan Price and Ruprecht Mattig begin with the classical concept of Bildung as developed by Wilhelm von Humboldt around 1800. Next, they compare Humboldt's ideas with the ideas of John Stuart Mill and Milton Friedman, who stand in the tradition of liberal thought, as Mill was strongly influenced by Humboldt and Friedman, in turn, by Mill. Finally, they consider Friedman's role as a central figure in the school choice movement, and are thus able to trace a line of thought from Humboldt to actual controversies. Price and Mattig's analysis here shows that the liberalism of Humboldt, Mill, and Friedman revolves around diversity and choice in education. Moreover, it traces that in the process of translating, translocating, and transcontextualizing Humboldt's original thought through Mill to Friedman, the complexity of arguments about education and the role of parents and the state in a liberal society has been unduly reduced. The authors conclude the paper by proposing a principle for thinking about the relationship between different educational institutions in democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can NGOs implement rights-based gender equality programs when donor focus on the area is shrinking? This paper explores how one development program has made strategic choices incorporating the interests of multiple stakeholders, addressing donor interests while simultaneously addressing the needs of local communities. It examines the evolution of BRAC's Polli Shomaj, a rural women's civil society organisation designed to challenge power structures through collective action in rural Bangladesh. It draws on interviews with program staff and existing program literature to find that over time, BRAC leadership has narrowed its program focus to shed its broad transformative agenda to focus solely on gender equality through a combination of service delivery and rights-based approaches. The paper suggests that while it is possible for NGOs to promote gender equality through a combination of rights-based and service-delivery approaches, greater focus is needed on challenging power structures to bring about lasting structural change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As mass incarceration and supervision decline in the U.S., subtler forms of "invisible punishment" continue to affect individuals with a history of legal system involvement. Increasingly, the state recedes from direct involvement in invisible punishment, instead devolving responsibility—and potentially controlling at a distance—community-based organizations. In the process, punishment in the community is shaped by both the state and various segments of civil society. The present ethnography examines how staffers at a community-based reentry organization are subject to and resistant to state influence, and how this resistance generates new forms of invisible punishment. While state influence directs staffers to provide services focused on altering clients' internal dispositions, staffers resist state influence by encouraging members to be their own advocates against the penal system. This agonistic process of resistance generates a hybridized form of invisible punishment, commingling the organizational goals and routines of penal state authorities with those of reentry staffers who see advocating against structures of punishment as a core mission. The final, hybridized form of this mode of penalty requires the client not only to look inward to effect dispositional changes, but also to look outward to be an active agent advocating against the exclusionary penal structures affecting them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports show that media freedom is under pressure worldwide. Violence against journalists has a legal facet that takes the form of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) that aim at silencing critical speech. While in some countries there are legal protections against SLAPPs, in Europe a debate is only recently being carried out, mainly fostered by professional journalist associations and civil society. This article explores the role that European journalistic self-regulatory bodies perceive they (could) have in fighting SLAPPs, analysing 16 qualitative answers gathered via a questionnaire. Self-regulation has historically been a way to protect the independence of journalism and uphold its ethical standards. The open-ended responses help to understand how SLAPPs put into question the representations that media councils and professional associations use to construct their 'professional jurisdiction', and therefore, their 'territory' and the way in which they see their role in society. Our results provide food for thought on the handling of legal attacks against journalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Urban Design Governance: Soft Powers and the European Experience" by Carmona, Gabrieli, and Bento explores the concept of urban governance and its importance in improving urban design quality. The authors analyze the institutional and economic dimensions of urban governance and provide in-depth case studies in the European context. They highlight the significance of financial dimensions in urban design governance and distinguish between regulatory and informal planning instruments. The book also emphasizes the role of soft power in enhancing governance structures and promoting urban design outcomes. However, it does not address the capacity of urban design governance for wealthy and disadvantaged groups, leaving room for further research in this area. Overall, the book provides valuable insights into the role of governance in creating inclusive and habitable urban environments. [Extracted from the article]

When individual civil society organizations (CSOs) in autocracies act collectively to campaign for a particular cause, they are more likely to succeed in pressuring an incumbent autocrat enact liberalizing reforms or resist democratic erosion. Under what conditions do CSOs engage in collective action for political reform in autocracies? The article argues that CSOs are more likely to act collectively for political reform when public interest in political reform and public support for CSOs is high. High public interest and support provides psychological motivation for collective action, psychological immunity from autocratic repression, and material immunity from a reliance on state funding. Increased salience and publicity from collective action further generates greater public interest and support. A positive collaborative equilibrium among CSOs ensues. However, when public interest and support is low, CSO leaders demur from collective action for fear of provoking the authoritarian state. A disinterested public demotivates CSO leaders, resulting in a negative collaborative equilibrium. We demonstrate this argument through a controlled comparison of divergent collaborative equilibriums for political reform in Malaysia and Singapore, utilizing original interviews with civil society activists in the two countries supported by public opinion data from the Asian Barometer and the World Values Survey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Co-production often appears as a virtue in academic research and planning practice, particularly in shrinking cities, which struggle to develop effective policies and provide sufficient level of public services. In this paper, we argue that the urban shrinkage context imposes significant limitations to co-production practices, that we urge should not be neglected. Drawing on three contrasting projects in Riga (Latvia), Nevers (France), and Heerlen (the Netherlands), we explore existing limitations and consider possibilities to overcome them. The analyses show that the efficacy of co-production practices is impaired due to a reduced level of trust towards public authorities; selective outmigration; weakened social capital; and political prioritizing of private sector interests over civil society. To overcome these, we discuss the role of several tools, namely mediating actors, independent funding, civic empowerment, and the willingness of public authorities to regenerate power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the growing interest among historians in studying the League of Nations and its archives in Geneva. The author highlights the significant amount of scholarship that has emerged from these archives, covering a wide range of topics such as sovereignty, trade, race, gender, colonialism, and more. The article also emphasizes the role of the United States in the League, despite not being a formal member, and how American individuals and organizations were deeply involved in shaping international governance during the interwar period. The author argues that the League served as a laboratory for the development of international governance approaches, which were later transplanted into the core institutions of the postwar liberal international order. [Extracted from the article]

Migrants’ access to the national territory is filtered through categorisation processes that entangle the legal–administrative statuses produced by immigration controls with stratified access to social and political rights, representing a form of internal bordering. Drawing upon qualitative data on Civil Society Actors (CSAs) who provide services to homeless migrants in an Italian frontier town, this article identifies two main types of practices that can be used by CSAs to reshape internal borders: either de-institutionalising internal borders through the circulation of non-state resources or engaging with institutionalised internal borders by expanding or ensuring migrants’ access to state resources through a mix of cooperation and conflict with governmental actors. The article contributes to the broader debate on the role of CSAs in drawing internal borders in frontier towns and discusses the policy implications of CSAs’ actions at the local level and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Populism and Civil Society" is a rich book full of insights. I see three crucial overarching points the book drives home: one about the character of current populism, one about the causes, and one about the consequences. First, they define populism in a way that goes beyond the prevailing juxtaposition of the people and the elite. Instead, the definition involves elements of the ideas about a good order, including the central role of popular sovereignty, the symbolic representation and embodiment of the whole of the people, the strict borders between in and out, and a focus on electoral competition. Second, Arato and Cohen provide an explanation of populism that focuses on politics and democratic tensions. Third, the book points to "strong authoritarian tendencies that are almost always fully evident when populism achieves political power." These propositions are right on target and very convincingly developed. In fact, they are very much in line with an attempt to account for "authoritarian populism" that Armin Schäfer and I have provided. Against this backdrop, I want to comment on the core messages by raising some questions about the details of these issues. It will become evident that this commentary is a case of sympathizing criticism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Andrew Arato and Jean Cohen's Populism and Civil Society: The Challenge to Democratic Constitutionalism is probably the most important contribution to the academic debate on populism in recent years. I will discuss two of the book's core contribution to the delete: (un-)civil society and constitutionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]