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This article examines the Hong Kong–China maritime border since 1949, when the establishment of the People's Republic of China and the onset of the Cold War turned the 1898 imperial boundary into an ideological line, one that nonetheless remained porous to ties of trade and kinship. It focuses on the oyster-producing communities in the tidelands of the Pearl River estuary, showing how oystermen—some of them also refugees—faced security threats exacerbated by the Cultural Revolution while they also leveraged the borderland's opportunities. The oyster industries are a case study in two forms of agricultural production: traditional land and labor relations on the Hong Kong coast, and collective agriculture in China's socialist period, followed by decollectivization in the reform era. By the end of the Mao years in 1976, China's oyster industry well exceeded that of Hong Kong's, but both systems were vulnerable to industrial pollution. In the reform era and after, China's oystermen built upon persistent networks to navigate their position between Hong Kong, Shenzhen, and the Pearl River Delta. The prosperity of the China oysterman, rather than the Hong Kong refugee, illustrates the inversion of the border's valence from a colonial past to a postsocialist future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the development of sports for women under Socialism in China during the twentieth century, and it mentions issues involving urbanization and women's body image in China between 1949 and 1979. A women's emancipation movement is addressed, along with the national power exerted by the Chinese Communist party since 1949. Socialist ideology and the social conditions of women in China during the twentieth century are assessed, along with a social production concept.

According to the conventional wisdom, the promise of the Chinese revolution of 1949 went unfulfilled in the Maoist era. Instead of taking off, the economy grew slowly, and widespread rural poverty persisted. The economic turning point was instead the famous political climacteric of 1976–78. But this metric of aggregates is the wrong criterion by which to judge China's economic record because industrial revolutions have regional beginnings. They invariably take place against a backcloth of slow aggregate growth and stagnant material living standards. Accordingly, we should dwell neither on China's slow overall growth nor its widespread poverty before 1978 but look instead for evidence of an emerging regional growth pole. This article argues that Jiangsu was such a growth pole in the late Maoist era, and that its record bears comparison with that of Lancashire and Yorkshire during the early years of Britain's industrial revolution. This holds out the intriguing possibility that a Chinese economic take-off, diffusing out of the Yangtze Delta, would have occurred even without post-1978 policy changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A significant proportion of critical agri-food literature has, to date, focused on the uneven relations of power between the Global North and the Global South, and the neoliberal characteristics of the corporate food regime. This literature has often overlooked the nuances in varieties of capitalism, particularly in East Asia. China is re-emerging as a powerful state actor in an increasingly multipolar global food system. It is also an important hub of capital, facilitating agribusiness mergers and acquisitions, as well as new East–South and South–South flows of agri-food trade, technology and capital. This paper aims to contribute to understanding state-led capitalism in China and neomercantilist strategies in the agri-food sector. The paper provides a critical analysis of a case study of China's state owned agri-food and chemical companies 'going global'. It contends that the current food regime is in a period of transition or interregnum– a period of fluidity separating the continuity of successive regimes. Arguably, the analytical contours of a contemporary food regime in transition cannot be adequately comprehended without recognising the incipient importance of state-led capitalism and neomercantilism, and how contemporary socio-political and economic dynamics are reshaping relations of power in the global political economy of food. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights • Welfare spending varies both across time and space in Chinese municipalities. • National reforms increased incentives for welfare spending for local leaders. • Welfare spending increased when local leader promotion is not likely. • Political budget cycles are more dynamic in Western provinces. Abstract What impact does spending time horizon have on political budget cycles? While traditional political budget cycles increase visible spending with immediate gains before political turnover, I hypothesize that spending in categories with less-immediate gains categories increases when opportunity costs are lower. In this article, I build on existing literature on budget cycles in both democracies and non-democracies to disaggregate types of budget cycles: those with long-run versus short-run benefits. In China, after central-level reforms, welfare targets, with long-run gains, became visible to local leaders' constituents, the central leaders above them. Local leaders then had an incentive to provide welfare, but only when it was the least costly in terms of opportunity costs. Using fixed-effects models panel data from China's 333 municipalities for 1994–2012, I find welfare spending minimizes both relatively and absolutely around year three, and maximizes at the beginning and end of a politician's tenure, when opportunity costs and probability of political advancement are lowest. These cycles are the most dramatic in western provinces, where education is a particularly important tool for ideological spread. Health and Social Security spending also see expansion at the end of mayor's tenures, although the cycles are less pronounced than in education spending. This study expands the literature on political budget cycles by disaggregating government spending and considering the impact of timeliness on cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, land acquisition (LA) in India and China since the 1980s has been theorised as an 'ideal' model, namely, compulsory development, which highlights the extremely active role of the state and the compulsory measures it takes for LA in both countries in order to achieve its development goals. In both countries, the state acts as the land use planner, regulation maker in the land administration, as well as a major land developer and most influential player in the land market. At the same time, it extracts a high proportion of the benefits from land development projects, which is realised through compulsory LA despite the numerous flaws in the LA institutions. Compulsory development, as we term it, is a key feature in the political economy of LA in both countries. It provides an ideal model to understand and compare the phenomenon of LA in these two largest developing societies and to develop a systematic analysis of LA, and more broadly, of development in both countries. As the initial product in a larger research project, in this article we focus mainly on the theoretical model of this compulsory development, including its definition, characteristics and variations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study extends the model of three levels of government to two levels, namely, the central government and local government, and uses the Hamilton function method to explore the dynamic relationship between fiscal decentralization and social welfare level. The study uses numerical simulation, results of which reveal that fiscal decentralization and social welfare display an inverse U-shaped relationship. The study also uses China's panel data to perform an empirical investigation. Our findings demonstrate empirical results that verify the correctness of the theoretical results. This study also analyzes the regional differences in the relationship between fiscal decentralization and social welfare and demonstrates that fiscal decentralization and social welfare have an inverse U-shaped relationship in the eastern, central, and western areas of China, but they still present regional differences. Finally, policies and recommendations are proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the use of price indices with standard estimation procedure to determine an efficable price level and money supply in China from 1954-1983. China has a centrally planned economy in which production levels and prices are controlled by the government. It is noted that since 1979 industries in China have been permitted by the government to keep a portion of their profits for their own use, including investments that they manage. The role of the People's Bank of China and its dual role as a commercial and central bank and as a credit provider is discussed.

There are many studies on the effects of both economic globalisation and the rise of China. These core issues of the contemporary international agenda entail major economic, military, environmental, social and cultural transformations in most nations. While there is also an abundant literature on how globalisation supported the rise of China, there are scarce publications on how China became one of the primary drivers of globalisation. This article assumes that understanding the power of globalisation over countries is as crucial as assessing the power of certain countries over the process. In this sense, it uses the recently created 'theory of globalisers' to analyse how is China transforming contemporary economic globalisation. The conclusion is that China became an 'economic globaliser' in the twenty-first century. As the largest exporter, the second largest importer, the third largest provider of foreign direct investments, and a major supplier of high-tech goods, the Asian giant is a vital partner for several economies in different continents. In this context, Beijing's globalisation strategy aims at both securing the benefits of globalisation and reforming the international economic order, but without a revolutionary stance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the development of China’s economy and the continuous improvement of her urban road network, the vulnerability of the urban road network has attracted increasing attention. Based on general travel cost, this work constructs the vulnerability evaluation index for the urban road network, and evaluates the vulnerability of the urban road network from the perspective of user generalised travel cost. Firstly, the generalised travel cost model is constructed based on vehicle cost, travel time, and traveller comfort. Then, the network efficiency index is selected as an evaluation index of vulnerability: the network efficiency index is composed of the traffic volume and the generalised travel cost, which are obtained from the equilibrium state of the network. In addition, the research analyses the influence of traffic capacity decrease, road section attribute value, and location of road section, on vulnerability. Finally, the vulnerability index is used to analyse the local area network of Harbin and verify its applicability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topography and continental configuration of East Asia favor the year-round existence of storm tracks that extend thousands of kilometers from China into the northwestern Pacific Ocean, producing zonally elongated patterns of rainfall that we call "frontal rain events." In spring and early summer (known as "Meiyu Season"), frontal rainfall intensifies and shifts northward during a series of stages collectively known as the East Asian summer monsoon. Using a technique called the Frontal Rain Event Detection Algorithm, we create a daily catalog of all frontal rain events in east China during 1951-2007, quantify their attributes, and classify all rainfall on each day as either frontal, resulting from largescale convergence, or nonfrontal, produced by local buoyancy, topography, or typhoons. Our climatology shows that the East Asian summer monsoon consists of a series of coupled changes in frontal rain event frequency, latitude, and daily accumulation. Furthermore, decadal changes in the amount and distribution of rainfall in east China are overwhelmingly due to changes in frontal rainfall. We attribute the "South Flood-North Drought" pattern observed beginning in the 1980s to changes in the frequency of frontal rain events, while the years 1994-2007 witnessed an uptick in event daily accumulation relative to the rest of the study years. This particular signature may reflect the relative impacts of global warming, aerosol loading, and natural variability on regional rainfall, potentially via shifting the East Asian jet stream. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rapid development of China's economy, air pollution is becoming extremely serious. The spatial-temporal evolution of air pollution is conducive to the management of air pollution. The paper is proceeded into three steps. Firstly, based on the generalization principal component analysis method, the comprehensive air pollution evaluation index is established. Then, the gravity center model is utilized to explore the spatial-temporal evolution of air pollution in Yangtze River Delta from January 2014 to December 2016. Finally, the contribution decomposition method is utilized to explore the contribution to gravity center evolution. The main results are as follows: (1) The air pollution have obvious seasonal and regional differences in Yangtze River Delta. (2) The gravity center of air pollution continues to westward after 2014 with the characteristic of the north-south circular movement. (3) Hefei City and Yangzhou City have huge impact on the gravity center evolution of air pollution. The conclusions could be helpful for Chinese government to control the air pollution in Yangtze River Delta. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite playing a key contributing role in China's economic reforms and the Party's regime durability, there has been a noted reduction in local policy experimentation. Using semi-structured interviews with policymakers in Beijing, Zhejiang and Shenzhen, we find that although recentralization efforts at the central-level are impacting local officials, a great deal of variation in policy experimentation outcomes still exists. Thus, the puzzle motivating this study is how do local officials react to these institutional changes to decide whether or not to engage in local policy innovation? Our study offers three potential explanations for why local officials vary in their willingness to continue policy experimentation: (1) the ineffectiveness of the vertical reward and punishment systems operated by the Party-state; (2) differing base preferences of local officials; and, (3) the presence of a cohort effect. These factors 'filter' institutional changes to result in variation at the local level. As such, we find strong support for an evolutionary process predicated on individual preferences interacting with institutional incentives such as the evaluation system and the networked-structure of cadre knowledge. Although some officials are still conducting policy experimentation, the overall reduction in innovation strongly suggests that potential solutions to governance problems remain trapped at the local level, and that the central government might lose this 'adaptable' governance mechanism that has contributed to its past economic and political successes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the initiative launched by the People's Republic of China in 2013 underpins Beijing's intensions to promote its own narrative about global economic governance (GEG) as well as China's readiness to play a far more proactive role at the international level. In the age of global power shifting and with 14 EU member-states part of the AIIB, the European Union (EU) necessitates to engage further with China, in particular, within the context of multilateral institutions. This article analyses the impact of China's evolving global governance policies on the EU. China's and EU's approaches to the reform of global governance present both differences and similarities, yet, the article highlights EU's needs to make sense to what extent China's growing ascent in the realm of global governance is reshaping world's regional and global architectures vis-à-vis financial multilateral cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is part of a scholarly roundtable on presentism which focuses particularly on related philosophies of history regarding the past and present. It explores the history and historiography of China's Revolution, focusing on the reform period beginning in 1978 under leader Deng Xiaoping. Subjects considered include the periodization of the 20th century forwarded by historian Eric Hobsbawm, historian François Hartog's notions of "regimes of historicity," the book "Whig Interpretation of History" by Herbert Butterfield, and philosopher John Dewey's philosophy of history.

This article is part of a scholarly roundtable on presentism which focuses particularly on the historiography of World War II in China. Topics considered include the impact of the 1949 Communist Revolution on China's history, China's intellectuals and communism, and the public sphere. Other subjects include the Cold War, the Post-Cold War era, and American studies of the Sino-Japanese War and 20th century Chinese history.

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Going beyond the Western-oriented historiographical and political framing of the Cold War, this work identifies a different “genetic reason" of the latter, providing an original general interpretation. Examining the Cold War in a global and long-term perspective, this essay traces back its structural genesis in Asia, and concretely in the Sino-Soviet alliance of 1950. The strategic connection between Moscow and Beijing altered the global strategic balance of power and therefore shattered – at the geopolitical level – the Roosevelt's Grand Design, thus jamming the “localization mechanisms" of the confrontation between the members of the former Grand Alliance which had worked, albeit imperfectly, until 1949. Focusing on the Asian theater and the multipolar dynamics of the international relations, allows to unravel the concept of Cold War within a broader framework of a centuries-old hegemonic transition, a process in which the international system reorganized itself to cope with the rise of a new center: the “Middle Kingdom". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Qing dynasty of China in regards to the contemporary behavioral patterns of the country. Topics discussed include the establishment of a Chinese nation state by the Chinese Communist Party, Chinese policies post the revolution of 1949, and Qing policies in respect of the Inner Asian periphery.

The author reflects on five decades of studying the subject of Late Imperial Chinese Literature starting from the 1960s. Topics discussed include universities and research institutes in China during the Cultural Revolution, analytical techniques from the study of European literature used to analyse and critique Chinese literary texts, and post revolution generalizations about premodern Chinese fiction.

The article presents the author's views on the history of Shanghai, China after 1949, highlighting her book "A City Displaced: Shanghai in the 1950s." Topics include 1949 representation of rupture or continuity in history, historical continuity between the pre- and post-1949 eras, and Shanghai's metropolitan culture. Also discussed are China's social and economic conditions, employment opportunities, and modernity in daily life.

A response is offered to the article "After Postmaterialism: An Essay on China, Russia and the United States," by R. Brym, which appears within the issue. It discusses the relationship between the values of postmaterialism and the economic conditions of Russia, the U.S. and China from the late 1980s through the early 21st century, including in regard to economic and existential security in these countries.

The postmaterialist thesis makes two main claims. First, over time, rising affluence enables many people to substantially satisfy their need for security and economic sustenance, allowing them to focus on pursuing personal autonomy and self-expression. Second, at a given time, younger people, individuals in higher socio-economic positions and wealthier societies tend to be more postmaterialistic than are older people, individuals in lower socio-economic positions and poorer societies. Cursory analysis of American, Chinese and Russian survey data since the late 1980s demonstrates that some of these generalizations are difficult to sustain. While postmaterialism may have been on the rise in some countries in the last decades of the 20th century, it seems now to be a waning force among major world powers, giving way to increasing nationalism and xenophobia. The absence in postmaterialist theory of an adequate explanation for this trend suggests the need to pay more attention to the causes of alternative development paths. Two such causes are outlined in this essay: intensifying geopolitical rivalries and growing economic inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A response is offered to the professor Ronald Inglehart's "Comment" article that critiqued this author's article "After Postmaterialism," which each appear within the issue. Postmaterialism in Russia and China from the late 1970s through the early 21st century, including in regard to economic growth and increases in gross domestic product (GDP) in Russia in the 21st century and nationalism in China, is discussed.

This article traces the development of the Sino-Indian Boundary problems from their origins during the “Great Game” period during the British Empire in India to the present day. The article looks at both the Western and Eastern Sectors, and traces the development of the various putative frontiers (the Johnson-Ardagh/ Macartney-MacDonald Lines and the McMahon Line respectively). The article looks at recent tensions which have arisen over the frontier areas, as well as the prolonged but unsuccessful attempts to solve the disputes, and considers what moves might be necessary to bring a final resolution of the problems. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the shadow of the Sino–Japanese War, Zhang Junmai presented his solutions to China’s problems in a time of emergency. Using nation instead of class as his frame of reference, Zhang called for the rise of national self-consciousness and integrated his opinions on science, life, and epistemology in his blueprint for a new China. After examining the limits of democratic politics in wartime, Zhang articulated his version of democracy designed for a time of emergency, namely Revised Democratic Politics, which emphasized prompt governmental decision making, centralization of power, mass mobilization, and the cultivation of citizens as political, moral, and economic subjects. Placing Zhang’s political thought against the backdrop of the democracy versus dictatorship debate, this article will illustrate the inner complexity of Zhang’s “scientific” planning of democratic politics. This article argues that, echoing Carl Schmitt’s theory of the state of emergency and his concept of true politics as solving difficult problems, the formula of Revised Democratic Politics equates the issue of sovereignty with administrative efficiency within the bounds of legislative regulation. In addition, this article explores Zhang Junmai’s construction of the Way of State Building and state philosophy in addition to his theoretical configuration of China as aGemeinschaft(ethical community) in a time of emergency. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

China has become a fast-growing economy with an unbalanced economic structure. Economic policies, especially fiscal and financial policies, contribute to the current growth model by depressing household disposable income and reducing the social services provided by the government. Laws that have been used by the government to subsidise investment and production by distorting factor markets are also to blame. Finally, rebalancing China’s growth pattern has proven to be extremely difficult due to political obstacles, including pressure from interest groups, gridlock caused by factional politics, and ideological discrimination against private entrepreneurs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this sparkling and candid conversation, Elizabeth Perry reminisces about her early years in Japan, her first trip back to China in the late 1970s, her reconsideration of the Chinese revolution, and interdisciplinary studies and her career as both a political scientist and historian. Perry shares her insights into the cultural resources of the Chinese Communist Party, the resilience of the Chinese regime, comparisons of the Chinese and Russian revolutions, human connections between the city and the countryside, global issues facing higher education, and her leadership and vision as the director of the Harvard-Yenching Institute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the world economy shifts towards services, transnational corporations ( TNCs) in the service sector have accelerated their expansion in emerging economies. This paper examines the development and embeddedness of foreign hypermarket retailers in China. It also analyzes the spatial penetration patterns of retail TNCs, the impacts of home and host economies on their local embeddedness, and how they resolve the structural paradox between enforcing standardization and conducting localization. The expansion of retail TNCs has been influenced by the gradual liberalization policies of the Chinese government. Spatially, they expanded in two directions: from the eastern costal region to the central and western hinterland, and along China's urban hierarchy from larger cities to smaller cities. While home economies greatly influenced their initial strategies, foreign hypermarket retailers are constantly adjusting to better embed in the Chinese market and to more effectively resolve the structural paradox. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Buddhist women have been building modern Chinese Buddhism for over a century and have been instrumental in the globalization of Buddhism. This article focuses on how Chinese Buddhist nuns constructed new networks, and their role as 'bridges' between eras, people, institutions, and regions in modern times. The first section contextualizes the 'Buddhist Revival' in turn-of-the-century China, and highlights the reforms of Buddhist modernizer Taixu regarding Chinese Buddhist women, particularly in the field of education. The second section discusses several networks of Buddhist women spanning a time-period from the late nineteenth century to the present, including those of two eminent nuns, Longlian and Tongyuan. I also discuss some reasons for the evolution of Taiwan's flourishing order of nuns and highlight networks of Taiwan nuns connecting Taiwan, China, Japan, and Hong Kong. The mission of these nuns past and present has been education, the key to the development of the nuns' order and to the flourishing of Chinese Buddhism today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This social-historical study aims to enrich contemporary knowledge of the history of the Paralympics in modern China. In addition, the paper also seeks to understand policy and politics through the development of the Paralympics movement. To achieve these aims, a comparison and contrast between a ‘social approach’ and an ‘elite approach’ is provided in order to assess which approach is better in terms of current challenges facing Paralympic sport in China. This study adopts a qualitative approach and uses grounded theory as its research process. Interviews and archival material are used to gather information relevant to this study. Critical theories such as enlightenment theory, empowerment theory, and Hosking's critical disability theory, are then used to interpret the findings. The conclusion is that Paralympic sport in China has greatly benefited by an elite approach. However, after this approach enlightened Chinese society with modern disability theory, it is the time to move on to a social approach for the welfare of all people with disabilities in China. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the relationship between the Canadian churches that formed the Canada China Programme (CCP), from its inception in the 1970s to its demise in the new millennium. The CCP demonstrates the contacts that existed between churches in Canada and China after the expulsion of missionaries in the 1950s. The work of the CCP, in both Canada and China, reveals a previously unexplored aspect of Canada-China relations, as well as the strategies that churches employed to advance their own alternative foreign policy. Throughout its history, the CCP was the site of internal debates among its Catholic and mainline Protestant members to balance their promotion of social justice issues and requests from their Chinese partners that they remain silent and uncritical of Chinese policies. The debate created an atmosphere of competition between churches, hindering the work of the CCP because it could not present a united front in its policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Communist victory in 1949, the People's Republic of China was excluded from most world organisations. China withdrew from the International Olympic Committee in 1958 in protest over its continued recognition of Taiwan, and since it supported the US boycott of the Moscow 1980 Olympics, it did not return to the summer games until the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics. While the diplomatic importance of those games is well known, their importance for China's economic reforms has not been discussed. The Los Angeles Games not only played an important role in the revitalisation of Chinese national identity, but also provided an eye-popping example of marketised sport and mega-events just as the economic reforms were launched. The Los Angeles Games were the first televised broadcast of the popular culture of the West to a wide Chinese audience. The deep impression they left on their Chinese viewers helped to launch China towards becoming the economic power that it became a quarter of a century later. This was symbolically represented at China's first Olympic Games in 2008, when the Olympic flame was lit by Li Ning, the gold medalist in Los Angeles who founded a sporting goods company that is considered as one of the hallmark cases of the reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

William Callahan's conceptualization of Ai Weiwei as a “citizen intellectual” is the latest in a long-standing cottage industry seeking to make sense of and define China's intellectuals. Frederic Wakeman Jr. in 1972 offered “a typology of intellectual species” for Chinese thinkers and writers in late imperial China: statesman, administrator, ethical idealist, aesthete, and emirite or recluse (Wakeman 1972, 35). Hao Zhidong applies a Weberian lens on twentieth-century Chinese intellectuals to identify nested categories of: professional, cultural, and (smallest of all) critical intellectuals (Hao 2003, 393). Tani Barlow traces the identity of China's thinkers and writers from “intellectual class” in 1905 to “enlightened scholars” in the 1920s to “intellectual” (zhishifenzi) ever since. Barlow identifies a tension between the social power of these knowledge specialists and their dangerous dance with the state in which they succumbed under both Nationalist and Communist regimes to a service role to power, a “category of the state” (Barlow 1991, 216). Merle Goldman has focused on critical intellectuals under the Chinese Communist Party, what most people think of as critics and dissidents. Carol Hamrin and I sought to go beyond Goldman's focus on dissidents to study “establishment intellectuals” by looking at “the motives and means for collaboration, as well as the sources of tension and conflict between leading intellectuals and the top Communist Party leadership” (Hamrin and Cheek 1986, 3). “Establishment intellectual” proved a useful category for opening up our understanding of intellectual participation at the elite level under Mao and during the 1980s. The 1989 Tiananmen demonstrations and the June 4th massacre and crackdown changed everything. Merle Goldman usefully picked up on these changes by identifying the rise of “disestablished intellectuals” in the post-Tiananmen period, particularly intellectuals who had been active in the reformist administration of the CCP in the 1980s associated with disgraced General Secretary Hu Yaobang (Goldman 2007, 15ff, 86ff). These fallen establishment intellectuals populated the academic posts, publishing ventures, and new business opportunities that exploded after Deng Xiaoping's famous certification of economic reform in his 1992 “Southern Tour.” [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Language & History is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the history of ink-and-wash animation which epitomizes the history of China between 1960 and 2013. Topics include the political, economic, and socio-cultural contexts of ink-and-wash animation, the possibility of conceptualizing ink-and-wash animation as national animation in the context of China, and how the notion of landscape reintroduces perception and imagination.

‘Meat grabbing’ describes actually existing land deals undertaken for industrial meat production, either directly in the form of animal housing and stocking (confined animal feeding operations, or CAFOs), or indirectly in the form of monocrop grain and oilseed production for livestock feed. Meat grabbing is also a concept for analyzing the relationships between industrial meat regimes, food security politics and the global land rush, relationships which have not yet been sufficiently considered in research or in policy. Using China's reform-era meat revolution as an analytical case, this paper proposes meat grabbing as a concept with three broad goals: (1) to show how industrial meat complicates notions of food security and of food security land grabs, (2) to incorporate social inequalities and environmental injustices into the conceptualization and measurement of land deals and (3) to expand dispossession's domain to include relationships between people and agroecosystems. This is an initial exploration of the content and framing of meat grabs, intended to synthesize its core features and raise questions for further study. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]