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As the competition between the US and China heats up in the realm of technology, the US media has been increasingly portraying it as a simplistic battle between democracy and authoritarianism. This article, however, argues that the reality is that people everywhere—including in China and the United States—are all living in an increasingly digital world where surveillance has become ubiquitous, and accountability for human rights abuses more challenging. It presents five solutions which the United States needs to take to address these challenges, and make for a more fair and equitable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global digital wave has flourished in recent years, and the digital technology revolution has emerged. Digitalization plays an undeniable role in promoting modern economic and social development in multiple aspects such as economy, society, innovation, public services and sustainable development, China's digitalization application is also developing rapidly. In order to better measure the current situation of China's digitalization development level, this paper constructs a comprehensive evaluation index system of digitalization development from four dimensions of talents in the digital field, digital infrastructure construction, digitalization innovation ability and international competitiveness, and tests the index system. The entropy method is used to measure the level of digitalization development between China and the United States, the United Kingdom, France and other major developed countries in the world, and the coefficient of variation method, kernel density estimation and Dagum Gini coefficient method are used to analyze the temporal and spatial characteristics and regional differences of digitalization development level of seven countries. This paper makes a comparative analysis between China and major developed countries from the historical perspective of the evolution of the techno-economic paradigm. With a view to summarizing and exploring from it and drawing on the advanced experiences accumulated by the developed countries over a long period of time, so as to provide China with useful insights and bases for further enhancing its digitalization development level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of U.S. foreign policy, particularly economic sanctions, on the recent increase in migrants and asylum seekers from Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua at the U.S.-Mexico border. It argues that these sanctions have worsened the economic conditions in these countries, leading to a surge in migration. The article also highlights the historical role of U.S. intervention and neglect in Latin America as a contributing factor to the ongoing migration issues. It suggests several potential solutions, including ending economic warfare, providing more federal aid to local governments, expediting work permits for migrants, and increasing foreign aid to Latin America. [Extracted from the article]

Over the last decade, Graham Allison's 'Thucydides trap' has become a predominant framework for analysing the prospect of great power conflict between the United States and China. The controversy surrounding this rise to prominence has reinvigorated a tradition of thinking about the effects of power parity on global order that previously flourished during the Cold War. This renewed attention has nevertheless come at a significant cost. By reconstructing the tradition from which the Thucydides trap emerges, a tradition that we call rise-and-fall theory, this article demonstrates how the ascendance of the Thucydides trap as a framework of analysis has obscured critical debates about the relationship between the rise and fall of competing powers and the onset of conflict. These debates problematize fundamental questions concerning how to conceptualize power, what types of interstate relations are to be analysed, and which causal mechanism(s) matter most in explaining revisionism and conflict. This article demonstrates how the Thucydides trap largely overlooks these debates, thereby providing analysts with less precise heuristics for thinking about the prospect of global conflict than they might otherwise have. We develop a more pluralistic approach to the application of rise-and-fall theory that makes use of its diverse perspectives and substantive divergences to provide more nuanced and holistic analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the evolution of U.S.-China trade negotiation in governmental discourse under the presidencies of Donald Trump and Xi Jinping (2017–2021). Paying attention to the development of the political context, we examine trade metaphor use in American and Chinese governmental texts from a dynamic metaphor perspective. Based on the three dominant patterns of metaphoricity activation in the Trump and Xi trade corpora, the analyses reveal that trade metaphors in these governmental texts involve dynamic cognitive (metaphoricity transformation), affective (sentiment development), and socio-political (attitude change) processes. Unlike Cameron's (e.g., 2007) finding that the dynamics of metaphor use at a micro timescale (e.g., minutes) contribute to the reconciliation of discourse participants at a macro timescale (e.g., years), the results show that metaphoricity transformation across a micro timeline (e.g., days, months) does not advance the reconciliation across a macro timeline (years). Although the Trump-Xi trade dispute decreased at the end of 2019, the analyses of dynamic metaphors show that bilateral antagonistic perspectives continued for years. • We use the new dynamic metaphor theories to investigate trade metaphors in the governmental corpus. • Trade metaphors involve dynamic cognitive processes (metaphoricity transformation). • Trade metaphors involve affective processes (sentiment development). • Trade metaphors involve dynamic socio-political processes (attitude change). • Metaphoricity transformation across a micro timeline does not advance conflict reconciliation in the trade war across a macro timeline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to explain the Czech Republic's geopolitical vacillation between the West and East over the past three and half decades. We tie this behavior, where one orientation never prevails permanently, to the continuity of political elites from the communist to the post-communist periods. In addition to general relevance, we discuss its implications for the country's recent reaction to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The focal points of this analysis are the geopolitical discourses and practices of three consecutive presidents: Václav Havel, Václav Klaus, and Miloš Zeman, each marking a decade in the Czech presidential office. We provide a historical-structural context to show that the Czech case has been an important example of a small state with its security continuously compromised by the hierarchical penetrations of great powers: Nazi Germany, the USSR/Russia, and most recently, China and the United States. Yet, as we demonstrate, the Czech Republic cannot be considered a stereotypical victim with mixed-sovereignty agreements being imposed on it. We present the three presidents in their active roles of geopolitical architects vis-à-vis the great powers as well as the Czech government. Heuristically, we conceptualize presidential foreign-and-security activities as performative geoprostitution. We show that for Havel, the primary act of geoprostitution was institutionalizing a civilizational client-patron relationship between a small state and a superpower (the United States). In contrast, not only was Klaus and Zeman's performative geoprostitution different due to its Eastern orientation, but it was motivated by their self-importance and desire to carve out political legacies and greased by corrupted business interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Philippines’ foreign policy is anchored on three pillars: the protection of territorial integrity and sovereignty; economic development; and the protection of overseas Filipinos. Since these tenets were first enunciated by the Ramos administration (1992–98), they have remained constant despite perceptions that subsequent presidents have gravitated towards a closer partnership with the United States or China. Alternatively, it has been said that Manila partners with a particular foreign power to advance a particular pillar, thus creating a de facto division of roles: the United States is an ally that protects the Philippines’ territorial integrity and sovereignty, while China is a partner that advances economic development. However, the notion of a division of responsibilities is somewhat superficial. In reality, the Philippines’ relations with both the United States and China contribute to all three pillars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research article examines how domestic politics has affected Thailand’s engagement with the United States and China since the 2014 military coup. It argues that Thai conservative elites, primarily the military, perceive the United States as a threat to their political legitimacy because of Washington’s emphasis on human rights and democracy. In contrast, they appreciate Beijing’s commitment to noninterference while increased economic ties with China strengthen their domestic legitimacy. Although Thailand’s foreign policy underwent an adjustment following the 2019 general elections, with Bangkok and Washington reaffirming their security ties, Thai policymakers continue to perceive China as a more dependable partner and think they must reassure Beijing that they are not aligned with the alleged US goal of containing China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic politics has shaped the foreign policy of Laos (formally the Lao Peoples’ Democratic Republic, or LPDR) since the 1970s, specifically its relations with China and the United States. During the 1980s, the communist government of the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (LPRP) feared that China and the United States were supporting counter-revolutionary resistance groups, prompting Vientiane to adopt closer relations with Beijing and Washington to ensure its own internal security by motivating them to cut off their support for anti-LPRP groups. As the Soviet Union reduced economic aid to Laos in the latter stages of the Cold War, the LPRP adopted market-based reforms in 1986 to generate closer security and economic cooperation with China and the United States and to grow its economy. Domestic concerns of regime survival and performance legitimacy remain key drivers of Laos’ foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, Malaysia has positioned itself as being “equidistant” between the United States and China. But being equidistant does not mean being equally distant or equally close. Instead, it means maintaining a neutral position at the macro level while seeking inclusive but selective multilayered partnerships with all competing powers across micro-level domains. While the Malaysia-US defence partnership is much closer than that between Malaysia and China, Malaysia- China diplomatic and developmental ties are more multifaceted than those between Malaysia and the United States. Therefore, Malaysia’s equidistant stance entails several puzzling contradictions emblematic of hedging. This article theorizes hedging by unpacking the two-level determinants of Malaysia’s inclusive but prudently selective and contradictory policy of equidistance. It argues that while the smaller state’s macro-level neutrality is driven primarily by the structural imperative of insuring against the danger of entrapment and other systemic risks, the inclusive and contradictory elements in Malaysia’s micro-level, multilayered alignments are primarily due to domestic reasons. Chief among these is the governing elites’ necessity to optimize the different pathways of legitimation in a multiethnic society. This intersects with other domestic processes, prompting the state to hedge by pursuing seemingly paradoxical approaches to offset risks while maximizing benefits with politically acceptable trade-offs under conditions of uncertainties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using Indonesia as a case study, this article aims to contribute to the existing literature on why weaker states engage in hedging by examining how Indonesia’s domestic factors influence its foreign policy decisions regarding the United States and China. The article argues that domestic and foreign policies are interconnected as domestic agendas, including the interests and aspirations of Indonesian politicians as well as public opinion, have led to variations in the country’s hedging behaviours towards the two great powers. On one hand, domestic political and economic considerations drive Indonesia to engage with the United States and China. On the other hand, the same factors can also act as hindrances that limit Indonesia’s engagement with these powers. Consequently, despite having strong defence ties with the United States, Indonesia now sees China as a major and essential economic partner that helps the country and its leaders achieve their development goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The strategic competition between the United States and China is often seen as a rivalry confined to the two great powers alone, in which secondary states such as those in Southeast Asia have little influence and will inevitably end up “choosing sides”. However, this assumption overlooks how the domestic politics of Southeast Asian states shape their foreign policies. Furthermore, if the United States or China is to attain a leadership role and legitimacy in the region, it requires the validation, support, and deference of smaller states, none of which can be achieved without consideration of domestic politics. Thus, this Special Issue—including case studies of Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Laos, Thailand and the Philippines—underscores the domestic determinants of the foreign policy of Southeast Asian states, identifying how their concerns about economic security, political legitimacy and regional stability mediate their engagement with the United States and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Patriotism is a pervasive political force. However, not much is known about how people understand what it means to be "patriotic" in the first place. We conduct a cross-country study of mass understandings of patriotism. Through parallel national surveys in two global superpowers—China and the United States—we uncover the substantively different understandings of what it means to be "patriotic" between and within countries, and how the different understandings may map onto different policy preferences. In particular, while the literature draws a distinction between (benign) patriotism and (malign) nationalism, we find that most Chinese respondents—and about a third of American respondents—understand patriotism as nationalism. The nationalistic understanding of patriotism, in turn, corresponds to more hawkish foreign policy preferences. By unpacking folk intuitions about patriotism and mapping them onto existing scholarly debates, we bridge the distance between the academic literature and the mass political behavior it seeks to explain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does political conflict with another country influence domestic consumers' daily consumption choices? We exploit the volatile US-China relations in 2018 and 2019 to analyze whether US consumers reduce their visits to Chinese restaurants when bilateral relations deteriorate. We measure the degree of political conflict through negativity in media reports and rely on smartphone location data to measure daily visits to over 190,000 US restaurants. A deterioration in US-China relations induces a significant decline in visits not only to Chinese but also to other foreign ethnic restaurants, while visits to typical American restaurants increase. We identify consumers' age, race, and cultural openness to moderate the strength of this ethnocentric effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the U.S.-Japanese relationship and the challenges it posed to the United States in Southeast Asia during the 1970s. The United States pursued a contradictory foreign policy approach toward Japan, simultaneously trying to collaborate and compete with its ally. While the United States wanted Japan to play an active role in Southeast Asia, it also feared Japan's economic expansion and its impact on U.S. competitiveness in the region. The article highlights the inconsistencies in the U.S.-Japanese relationship and the United States' efforts to maintain regional influence as ASEAN developed closer ties with China and Japan. The United States sought to counter Japan's growing economic dominance in Southeast Asia and ensure that ASEAN's actions did not threaten U.S. regional power. The article also explores the U.S.-Japanese economic rivalry and Japan's role in Southeast Asia, focusing on trade disputes and the normalization of relations with China. The United States pursued a contradictory approach, encouraging Japan's involvement in Southeast Asia while also trying to contain its economic power. The article concludes that the United States could not reconcile its conflicting objectives, resulting in an inconsistent foreign policy toward Japan that alternated between cooperation and economic tension. [Extracted from the article]

High temperature and drought are widely known to cause a reduction of crop yield, but the simultaneously occurring risks in major producing countries and the associated uncertainty across various climate change scenarios remain unclear at the global scale. Here, we evaluate global maize yield loss risk (i.e., the probability of yield reduction by over 10% relative to historical trend yield during 1981–2010) across 30 hot and dry scenarios using regression, machine learning and process‐based models. Besides examining yield loss risk in a single country, we predict the potential risks simultaneously occurring in the top two and top ten producing countries. The three approaches agree on the aggravation of yield loss risk under dry and hot scenarios, but show large discrepancy in the magnitude and sensitivities. Specifically, 2°C warming alone could lead to a global yield loss risk of 73%, 100% and 62% based on regression, long‐short term memory (LSTM) and process‐based models, respectively, and warming‐induced risks can be further aggravated by droughts especially in process models. Global yield loss by over 10% would even become the new norm (i.e., yield loss probability is 100%) when temperature increases by over 2°C in some models. Importantly, the probabilities of yield loss simultaneously occurring in the top two countries (i.e., United States and China) and top ten countries are unexpectedly high and could even become 100% under extreme hot and dry scenarios. Our results highlight the large risks that future climate change may bring to multiple exporting and importing countries simultaneously, thus threating global food market and security. We also emphasize the important value of using different types of prediction approaches for yield projection under hot and dry scenarios, which enables more realistic estimation of uncertainty range than a single type of model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past research has shown that culture can form and shape our temporal orientation–the relative emphasis on the past, present, or future. However, there are mixed findings on how temporal orientations vary between North American and East Asian cultures due to the limitations of survey methodology and sampling. In this study, we applied an inductive approach and leveraged big data and natural language processing between two popular social media platforms–Twitter and Weibo–to assess the similarities and differences in temporal orientation in the United States of America and China, respectively. We first established predictive models from annotation data and used them to classify a larger set of English Twitter sentences (NTW = 1,549,136) and a larger set of Chinese Weibo sentences (NWB = 95,181) into four temporal catetories–past, future, atemporal present, and temporal present. Results show that there is no significant difference between Twitter and Weibo on past or future orientations; the large temporal orientation difference between North Americans and Chinese derives from their different prevailing focus on atemporal (e.g., facts, ideas) present (Twitter) or temporal present (e.g., the "here" and "now") (Weibo). Our findings contribute to the debate on cultural differences in temporal orientations with new perspectives following a new methodological approach. The study's implications call for a reevaluation of how temporal orientation is measured in cross-cultural studies, emphasizing the use of large-scale language data and acknowledging the atemporal present category. Understanding temporal orientations can guide effective cross-cultural communication strategies to tailor approaches for different audience based on temporal orientations, enhancing intercultural understanding and engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document provides a comprehensive list of selected full-text databases for research in East Asian Studies. The databases cover a wide range of topics including history, literature, language, culture, and more. They offer access to primary source materials, dissertations, theses, ebooks, yearbooks, statistical data, and other valuable resources. The databases are available in multiple languages and provide diverse perspectives on East Asian subjects. These resources are valuable for library patrons conducting research in a culturally sensitive manner. [Extracted from the article]

In 2023, the Philippines, led by Marcos Jr., confronted a pivotal period marked by intricate diplomatic maneuvers, economic recalibrations, governance reforms, and persistent human rights concerns. The return of the Marcos political dynasty is a significant change in the political landscape, while economic challenges persist despite mixed reports on growth. With a commitment to an independent foreign policy, the Philippines faces a delicate balancing act between the United States and China in a world characterized by shifting power dynamics and strategic complexities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes Iraq's response to evolving US‐China relations, focusing on its foreign‐policy objectives of ending isolation, strengthening security, and fostering economic growth. Iraq seeks American support to attain these goals, aspiring to reintegrate into the international system and bolster its defense mechanisms. Simultaneously, Baghdad perceives China and its Belt and Road Initiative as instrumental to economic recovery. Despite these aspirations, Iraq encounters impediments that stem from its external environment and domestic politics. As a relatively feeble power, Iraq grapples with limited economic, political, and diplomatic influence, which constrains its ability to effectively respond to shifts in the Sino‐US rivalry. In addition, the country engages in incoherent foreign behavior due to consociationalism and the nonstate armed groups that operate outside of the state's orbit. The analysis concludes that Iraq's responses to US‐China tensions are reactive, not proactive; circumstantial, not strategic. This article is part of a special issue on the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino‐American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dynamics of the relationship between the United States and China have been shifting. This has prompted changes in strategic calculus and policy adoption by the friends and foes of each side. Iran, given its decades‐long links with China, has made several. First, it has deepened its ties with the Asian power beyond collaboration in business and trade. Second, it has revised its policies in the Gulf region to be a part of what it sees as China's network of influence, hoping to better position itself in a multilateral global order. Third, it has been seeking opportunities to project power through showing off its military capabilities in Ukraine. This article examines these strategic responses and concludes that Iran has been pursuing an agenda in line with the world vision of its senior leaders. The end goal for Tehran is to gain more power and relevance in the global strategic calculus. This analysis is part of a special issue examining the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino‐American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although East Asia remains the center of the US‐China rivalry, other regions are emerging to play key roles. After years of somewhat peaceful coexistence and even a degree of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, the Gulf, with its deep ties to both sides, undoubtedly has become one of them. This new situation creates challenges for all the parties involved, from the two great powers to the regional actors looking for new ways to reposition themselves. This article introduces the contours of the debate taking place among the studies in this special issue, dedicated to the exploration of the Persian Gulf subregion and US‐China relations. It first discusses the position of the Gulf as a barometer of the evolving global power dynamics. The focus then shifts to outlining the implications of the end of American unipolarity for Beijing's and Washington's West Asia policies. Finally, it explores the challenges and opportunities of this systemic shift for the Gulf states. The article is part of a special issue examining the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino‐American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The quantile regression technique is introduced into the Lotka–Volterra ecosystem analysis framework. The quantile grey Lotka–Volterra model is established to reveal the dynamic trade relationship between China and the United States. An optimisation model is constructed to solve optimum quantile parameters. The empirical results show that the quantile grey Lotka–Volterra model shows higher fitting accuracy and reveals the trade relationships at different quantiles based on quarterly data on China–US trade from 1999 to 2019. The long-term China–US trade relationship presents a prominent predator–prey relationship because exports from China to the US inhibited China's imports from the United States. Moreover, we divide samples into five stages according to four key events, China's accession to the WTO, the 2008 global financial crisis, the weak global economic recovery in 2015, and the 2018 China–US trade war, recognising various characteristics at different stages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Nonalcoholic fatty liver disease (NAFLD) has garnered significant attention in the past decade as a prevalent chronic liver condition. Despite a growing body of evidence implicating mitochondria in NAFLD development, comprehensive bibliometric analyses within this research domain are scarce. This study aims to provide a thorough overview of the knowledge framework and key research areas related to mitochondria in the context of NAFLD, utilizing bibliometric techniques. Methods: A comprehensive search of publications on mitochondria in NAFLD from 2000 to 2023 was conducted using the Web of Science Core Collection database. VOSviewers, CiteSpace, and the R package "bibliometrix" were employed for a precise assessment of the literature. Results: Examining 2530 articles from 77 countries, primarily led by the United States and China, revealed a consistent increase in publications on mitochondria's role in NAFLD. Leading research institutions include the University of Coimbra, the University of Missouri, the Chinese Academy of Sciences, Fudan University, and Shanghai Jiao Tong University. Notably, the International Journal of Molecular Sciences emerged as the most popular journal, and Hepatology was the most frequently cited. With contributions from 14,543 authors, Michael Roden published the highest number of papers, and A. J. Samyal was the most frequently cocited author. Key focus areas include investigating mitochondrial mechanisms impacting NAFLD and developing therapeutic strategies targeting mitochondria. Emerging research hotspots are associated with keywords such as "inflammation," "mitochondrial dysfunction," "autophagy," "obesity," and "insulin resistance." Conclusion: This study, the first comprehensive bibliometric analysis, synthesizes research trends and advancements in the role of mitochondria in NAFLD. Insights derived from this analysis illuminate current frontiers and emerging areas of interest, providing a valuable reference for scholars dedicated to mitochondrial studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Has the United States been trying to contain China? If so, why now? Still, proponents of Chinese containment have been critical of the United States' continued fixation with Russia - a declining state - arguing that this diversion undermines a focused Chinacentric strategy. This is not the first time that U.S. strategic attention has been diverted from China. Back in 2001, U.S. Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld, embarked on an ambitious endeavor to revise U.S. grand strategy and focus on China which was perceived as the sole state capable of becoming a peer rival to the United States. However, following the tragic events of 11 September 2001, the Bush administration redirected its focus away from great power antagonism with China towards the Global War on Terror. Could any political scientist, speculating upon the direction of American grand strategy in the summer of 2001, by any accounts have foreseen that the United States would waste significant strategic capital in pursuing terrorists in Afghanistan and promoting democracy in the Middle East over the next decade? Nowadays, could any political theorist in December 2021 have foreseen that the United States would drive Russia into the open arms of China and create Mackinder's Eurasian nightmare? Classical realism may have the best answers. Jonathan Kirshner's latest treatise explains why past is more than prologue and how classical realism is superior to other "realisms" in providing the most authoritative insights about the complex strategic behavior of states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on a recent executive order that restricts U.S. outbound investment into sensitive technology sectors in China, highlighting the complexities of executive power, foreign investment controls, and the interplay between Congress and the presidency in shaping economic policy towards China. It discusses the history of legislative efforts to regulate outbound investment and the implications for U.S.-China relations amidst geopolitical tensions.

This study applies a time-varying parameter/stochastic volatility vector autoregression (TVP-SV-VAR) model to explore the time-varying property of the link between Sino-US political relations and trade. The results indicate that the association of these two variables appears to be unstable. Sino-US political relations have positive and negative impacts on their bilateral trade, and the impact on Chinese imports is stronger than on its exports. In turn, Chinese imports from the US lead to political conflict, while Chinese exports promote peace. The interaction mechanism may originate from the expectations of the future trade environment caused by trade policy uncertainty. The interactions between Sino-US political relations and bilateral trade at different time points are also investigated. The results demonstrate that the link between these two variables is slightly different, depending on the specific status of the bilateral political relationship (friendly, neutral or hostile). Both China and the US should seek common interests to maintain a stable political relationship, and even with an increasing volume of bilateral trade, the risk of political conflicts should not be neglected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We propose a new metric of supply chain exposure to network concentration risk: the pass-through frequency (PTF). • The PTF measures the frequency that a supply chain engages with the industrial sectors in a particular region of analytical concerns (natural hazards, geopolitical risks). • The PTF as a frequency-based indicator is compared with "trade in value-added" as a volume-based indicator, so that the supply chain exposure is evaluated in two analytical dimensions. • An empirical analysis using multi-country input-output tables shows that the US ICT equipment sector is highly skewed towards frequency-based concentration in China's production system, raising likelihood of getting caught by any contingency in the country. • The analysis of mutual risk positions for the US and China's supply chains reveals a notable asymmetry in the dependence structure between the two countries. In this paper, we present new referential statistics for the degree of supply chain exposure to network concentration risk. The study's contribution rests on the development of a metric that indicates network concentration in terms of the frequency of supply chain engagement with the regions of analytical concern, alongside the traditional approach based on volume measurement of value-added concentration. Japan, a country with a high propensity to encounter natural hazards, and China, under mounting geopolitical tension with the United States, are chosen as the target regions for the assessment of network concentration. In addition, the highly asymmetric structure of mutual economic dependency in the US-China relations is identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Self-centered vs. collective-oriented perceptions and beliefs have bearings on an individual's behavior. In the context of the global coronavirus pandemic, this study attempts a cross-cultural analysis of public compliance with COVID-19 prevention measures in China and the United States. Using data collected from two parallel surveys, we explore how individualism and collectivism have affected respondents' efficacious beliefs, perception bias and compliance behaviors. Findings show that higher self-efficacy in individualistic cultures tends to produce a wider self-other perceptual gap. Further, we found that individual-referenced variables (i.e. self-efficacy and perceived media effects on threat perception on oneself) play a stronger role in predicting public compliance in America. In comparison, collective-oriented and other-referenced measures (i.e. collective efficacy and perceived media effects on threat perception on others) are a stronger predictor of compliance in China than in the United States. The theoretical implications of the culturally rooted locus of reference (self vs. others) for compliance behaviors are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As internet privacy concern (IPC) keeps spiking, it is imperative to reexamine privacy concern among social media users in a cross-cultural context. Using the purposive sampling method, this study recruited 1,340 social media users aged 18–82 in the United State and China. It integrates medium theory and cultural perspectives to study IPC by analyzing the technological antecedents of social media use among young users who grew up with social media and their "digital immigrant" parents who did not. U.S. and Chinese respondents were concerned about IPC regardless of their genders. Young people reported a lower IPC level than elder users. IPC was negatively related to social media power use, but not to social media habitual use. Some cultural differences were revealed. Among those aged 18–25, U.S. users had significantly lower IPC than their Chinese counterparts. In those aged 50+, little difference concerning IPC existed between U.S. and Chinese users. This study represents the first attempt of integrating both technology and cultural perspectives to examine internet privacy concern. The findings, including one's cultural background moderating the association between social media power use and IPC, should contribute to a better understanding of privacy concerns in a cross-cultural setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the nearly 75 years that the People's Republic of China has been in existence, the field of contemporary China studies in the United States has developed and evolved through six distinguishable 'generations' of scholarship. The evolving social science scholarly analyses of contemporary China have paralleled the changes in the PRC itself over time, but they have also reflected paradigmatic changes in scholarly disciplines in the United States. Other stimuli which have also impacted the field include domestic politics in America and shifts in US-China relations. This article traces the evolution of field (as observed and interpreted by the author); it concludes that while the field is generally very healthy, diverse, and enjoys great breadth and depth of knowledge, it faces significant new challenges for source material and research in Xi Jinping's China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

America's embracement of a competition posture against China has redefined their bilateral relationship and reordered the latter's strategic environment. However, how China has responded to US strategic competition has been understudied. This study seeks to fill the gap by using structural realism to gauge China's reactions. It argues that China's periodic confrontations with the United States, such as the one over Nancy Pelosi's Taiwan visit, do not define its strategy towards the United States. In fact, this strategy incorporates three components: binding, balancing, and competition. China continues to seek to bind further with the US to limit Washington's ability to shift towards a full containment posture. As the same time, China has also been pursuing bolder or new balancing and competition measures to safeguard its security and influences. While binding represents China 'hoping for the best', balancing and competition show it is 'preparing for the worst'. China's balancing and competition measures have only further intensified the strategic rivalry with the US, even though Beijing prefers as much cooperation with Washington as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that China is advancing its relations with Iran and Pakistan based on pragmatic balancing, a key component of soft balancing, to safeguard and advance national self‐interest. China's relationship with Pakistan is based on shared interests to counter the Indian hegemony in South Asia and end the Chinese energy security dilemma through an overland route of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The bilateral relationship has enhanced and expanded over the years, despite steep transformations in regional geopolitics. Meanwhile, abundant Iranian energy reserves and Tehran's willingness to support China against the United States in the Middle East encouraged the Chinese leadership to sign a strategic deal with no significant ramifications for Pakistan and CPEC. The fair‐weather friendship between China and Iran remains limited in scope, often suspending cooperation in various domains, including energy and defense. Nonetheless, an all‐weather friendship between China and Pakistan sustained the collaboration of security, economy, and diplomacy, meticulously representing sincerity and cordiality. Related Articles: Bishwakarma, Jham Kumar, and Zongshan Hu. 2021. "Problems and Prospects for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)." Politics & Policy 50(1): 154–79. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12443. Singh, Amit, and Amit Sarwal. 2017. "Paraspara, Encounters, and Confluences: India's Soft Power Objective in the Indo‐Pacific Region." Politics & Policy 45(5): 733–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12222. Zaidi, Syed Muhammad Saad. 2020. "American Global Supremacy under Threat? The Chinese Factor." Politics & Policy 49(2): 502–28. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12402. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The limited treatment of intelligence by IR and strategic studies academics in Australia distorts the scholarly research and public understanding of policymaking in Canberra. This article provides an overview of intelligence-focused research in Australia, including the traditional challenges which constrained the field, its limited engagement with more conventional scholarship, and the potential for more applied historical study of intelligence-related issues in the future. It demonstrates how key developments in Australian alliance diplomacy and cyber security are heavily influenced by intelligence and identifies trends in the US–China relationship and regional security which are elevating the strategic importance of Australia's intelligence agencies. More interest from the academic community in the role and contribution of intelligence to foreign and defence policy will be needed in the coming years if scholarship is to remain in touch with the reality of Australian statecraft. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analysed the media narratives in the coverage of the Russia–Ukraine conflict through the primetime monologues on India's most watched English-language news channel – Republic TV. A computer-assisted textual analysis and a thematic discourse analysis were conducted on the media narratives. Major themes emerging from the narratives revealed that the conflict was represented as an opportunity to serve the strategic interests of the United States and China, while the role of countries such as India in resolving the international crisis was highlighted in terms of a challenge to the US-led world order. Results demonstrate that during 'third party' conflicts, media narratives are influenced both by domestic political interests and established foreign policy traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As China and the United States strive to be the primary global leader in AI, their visions are coming into conflict. This is frequently painted as a fundamental clash of civilisations, with evidence based primarily around each country's current political system and present geopolitical tensions. However, such a narrow view claims to extrapolate into the future from an analysis of a momentary situation, ignoring a wealth of historical factors that influence each country's prevailing philosophy of technology and thus their overarching AI strategies. In this article, we build a philosophy-of-technology-grounded framework to analyse what differences in Chinese and American AI policies exist and, on a fundamental level, why they exist. We support this with Natural Language Processing methods to provide an evidentiary basis for our analysis of policy differences. By looking at documents from three different American presidential administrations––Barack Obama, Donald Trump, and Joe Biden––as well as both national and local policy documents (many available only in Chinese) from China, we provide a thorough comparative analysis of policy differences. This article fills a gap in US–China AI policy comparison and constructs a framework for understanding the origin and trajectory of policy differences. By investigating what factors are informing each country's philosophy of technology and thus their overall approach to AI policy, we argue that while significant obstacles to cooperation remain, there is room for dialogue and mutual growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State and public suspicion and hostility toward Chinese Americans are at all-time highs. Or are they? Conditions are certainly bad, the worst in decades, and resemble the 1950s in the US. We are returning to the old "normal" in the lives of Chinese Americans. Can we expect significant improvement if US–China state relations improve? It is doubtful and Chinese Americans must temper our expectations of what life might be like in the US for the foreseeable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Open access (OA) to research results is indispensable for knowing more about COVID-19 and ways to contain it. The study investigates the OA status of the research output on COVID-19 using the Web of Science. The results show that about 85 per cent of the publications are available as OA, which shows a decline over time. Almost an equal proportion of articles are funded and non-funded, with the Department of Health and Human Services and the National Institutes of Health, both in the United States, as the leading sponsors. Although the United States and China were the top contributors, Sweden and the Netherlands share the highest percentage of OA articles. Among publishers, Elsevier, Springer Nature, the Multidisciplinary Publishing Institute, and Wiley were the leading OA publishers, and universities mainly dominated OA research on COVID-19. This study will be helpful for researchers and policymakers to identify the leading contributors to OA research during public health emergencies of international concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This article aims to elucidate whether the particularity of the high level of explanation of the relationship between the return on the market and the return on shares of companies in the oil sector in Brazil occurs similarly in other markets. Methodology: The oil companies considered were listed as the main ones by Forbes, Fortune and Exame magazines. Their shares and market movement were obtained from their respective host countries stock exchanges, and other information on institutional websites (e.g: OPEC - Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries). As theoretical support, CAPM and APT metrics were applied between from January 2, 2015, to March 31, 2021. Results: Considering the privileged position of the fuel sector for the movement of the level of economic activity of the countries, the result of this research confirmed that the particularity of the Brazilian scenario is observed in other countries with regard to the high level of explanation of the return of the superior market portfolio at 50%. The research observed that the Explanation Coefficient tends to capture in a more significant way the effects of crises that come from local economic contexts and impacts on the world economy, such as a possible reduction in the level of gross domestic product of countries such as the United States or China. As for the unexpected event, such as Covid-19, the model, in principle, did not present the same result, which could be observed in the quarterly analyses. Contributions of the Study: Research can help managers and investors, as by demonstrating similarities one can predict future events or assist in decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses China's diplomatic strategy under President Xi Jinping, emphasizing global partnerships and adherence to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. Topics include China's focus on major-country relations, cooperation with developing countries, and historical evolution of its diplomatic engagement with the developing world.

This study explores the dynamic interplay between macro and micro contexts in Chinese fans' translations of Cardi B-related videos on Bilibili. Referring to the concept of translation as a cluster concept, Cardi B is considered as a dynamic source cluster for interlingual and intersemiotic translations, leading to the evolving formulation of the micro context surrounding the subtitled bullet-screen videos. Given the frequent changes in the micro context, two relatively stable components of the macro context are initially identified for the navigation of the corresponding micro contextual elements. The macro context includes the socio-political component of tensions in the China-United States relationship during the COVID-19 period of Trump's presidency, and the subcultural component of Bilibili as a carnival. By analysing the interaction between macro and micro contexts within the target culture, as exemplified in the translator's additions and target audiences' on-screen danmu comments, this study concludes that the macro and micro contexts are in dynamic interplay when the source cluster and the translation workflow have an evolving nature. Moreover, the two contexts are no longer set at opposing ends of a spectrum. Instead, an intermediate zone is bridged by danmu comments, blurring the boundaries between macro and micro contexts in cyberspace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research delves into the changing patterns of identity and anarchy culture experienced by the United States in the chronology of the space race with China from 2011 to 2021. Utilizing Alexander Wendt's constructivist theory, this study explores the transformation in US space policy as a response to China's growing presence in space exploration. The qualitative methodology employed involves thematic analysis of secondary data sources, including congressional minutes, official statements, media coverage, and public speeches. The findings reveal a dynamic shift in the US's identity, influenced by its interactions on the international stage. During the Cold War, the US's identity, shaped by a Hobbesian culture of anarchy, was marked by rivalry with the Soviet Union. Post-Cold War, the focus shifted to demonstrating leadership through international cooperation, reflecting a Kantian logic. However, with the emergence of China as a formidable competitor, the US identity has once again transformed, now characterized by a Lockean culture of competition rather than direct conflict. This shift has led to significant policy reformulations, including strategic partnerships and renewed emphasis on self-reliance in space missions, such as the Artemis program and collaboration with private sector companies like SpaceX. These results highlight the intricate relationship between national identity, perceived threats, and policy responses, underscoring the fluid nature of US space policy in the context of global space contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fire risk assessment is a crucial step in effective fire control, playing an important role in reducing fire losses. It has remained a significant topic in the field of fire safety. To explore the research hotspots and frontier trends in fire risk assessment and to understand its macroscopic development trajectory, a sample of 1596 papers from 1976 to 2023, extracted from the Web of Science (WoS) database, was utilized to create a knowledge map. The study employed bibliometric methods, visual analysis, and content analysis to uncover the research pulse and hotspots in the field, offering insights into its future development. The findings indicate that research in fire risk assessment has demonstrated continuous growth over the past 50 years. China and the United States are the dominant research forces in the field, while India and Australia show potential as new drivers for development. Expert groups have formed in this field, with intra-institutional cooperation being the primary focus, while inter-institutional collaboration remains limited. The research outcomes exhibit multidisciplinary crossovers, exerting a significant impact on various disciplinary domains. The research hotspots primarily revolve around investigating fire and explosion accidents, assessing the vulnerability of fire subjects, and identifying potential fire hazards. The application of artificial intelligence technology is identified as a pivotal tool for future development. However, to achieve substantial progress, it is important to enhance the importance accorded to fire risk assessment, foster multinational and cross-institutional cooperation, and prioritize research innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States has declared an era of strategic competition with China but how might this rivalry end—assuming a positive outcome for US interests? US policy-makers have chosen not to pick a favoured end state for strategic competition, hoping to maintain flexibility. However, the decision not to choose a termination point could make the rivalry more difficult to resolve. The 'negativity bias' in psychology means that threats tend to loom large, limiting the odds of ending strategic competition. This article applies the negativity bias to potential end-state scenarios—China's accommodation of US interests, China's democratization and China's collapse—and shows that none of these scenarios will likely end strategic competition. A study of the resolution of US great power rivalries over the last two centuries suggests there is a high bar to end strategic competition. Washington should choose a favoured end-game for strategic competition and the best option is sustained Chinese reform or 'accommodation plus'. The negativity bias may powerfully influence the course and resolution of the Sino-US rivalry, and it can also help to explain many wider behaviours in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Automated tools for parsing and communicating information have increasingly become associated with the production of journalistic content. To study this phenomenon and to explore the development of automated journalism across two locales at the cutting edge of technology, we leverage insights from in-depth interviews with news technologists from pioneering news organizations and Internet companies specialized in the construction of "news bot" technology in the United States and China, including The Associated Press, The New York Times, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, BuzzFeed, Quartz, Xinhua Zhiyun, Southern Metropolis Daily, Toutiao, and Tencent. Based on these interviews, we document how the creation of automated journalism products is heavily dependent on the successful assembly of actor networks inside and outside organizations. While metrics for measuring the success of automated journalism are applied differently, they often center around the augmentation of existing reportorial activities and focus on replacing rote and mundane (human) work processes. Some of the biggest challenges in automated journalism lie in curating high-quality datasets and managing the associated high stakes of errors in a business defined by trust. Lastly, automated journalism can be seen as a form of experimentation, helping its protagonists to future-proof their respective organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to predictions that smaller powers will balance against or bandwagon with external threats, Southeast Asian states are hedging by deepening their security cooperation with both the United States and China. Prevailing accounts of hedging do not adequately explain the persistence of such policy choices given growing threat perceptions of China and mounting bipolar pressures. After considering the limitations of existing theories, this article contends that a neoclassical realist approach to hedging better integrates the domestic and international factors that inform decision-makers' preferences. It operationalizes this theoretical framework in three case studies: Singapore, Vietnam, and the Philippines. A neoclassical realist approach takes the role of individual perceptions and bureaucracies seriously, without dismissing the significance of variables identified by neorealism, including security threats, treaty alliances, and economic benefits. Ultimately, a more complete and accurate understanding of what continues to propel hedging in Southeast Asian states can mitigate the risks of great power conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]