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This paper describes how Kolis—who are an OBC—and Adivasis in Gujarat negotiate and are constituted by militant Hinduism. Once the anchor of a secular political coalition, the political personhood of Kolis has shifted since 2014. The television complex and temple-building activities of Hindu chauvinism create a context in which identification with Brahmanical Hinduism, a vegetarian normativity, and distancing from Muslims transpires. However, the Hindutva-identifying subjectivity is fractured. Adivasi self-making resists temple cultures and caste Hinduism and asserts non-vegetarianism. Some Kolis' affective relationalities with Bhakti saints and critiques of temple-going suggest that oppositional potentialities to Brahmanical Hinduism are always present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The purpose of this article was to explore the critique of male chauvinism in two important recent novels authored by South African women, Hlomu the Wife by Dudu Busani-Dube and The Gold Diggers by Sue Nyathi. Using a qualitative analysis of the two novels, the study demonstrated how intimate spaces operate as potential sites of violence. The study also highlighted how the novels grapple with the symbiotic relationship between physical and/or psychological violence and the transformation of masculinities in intimate relationships. The representation of men by these women authors dramatises the extent to which intimate partner violence might be linked with the disjuncture between patriarchal cultural expectations and men's lived experiences. This is especially so regarding the public and private performances of masculinity in ways that tend to glorify violent behaviours. Drawing on Pumla Gqola's exploration of intimate spaces as incubators of fear as well as Robert Morrell's notion of the 'new man,' the article offers valuable insights into some of the psycho-social characteristics of South Africa's endemic crisis of violence against women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 31 January 2020 in the midst of the outbreak of COVID-19 in Wuhan, China the city's Party Secretary, Ma Guoqiang admitted in a televised interview to feeling "guilty and remorseful," about the city government's failures to contain the virus. In response, netizens on Weibo directed visceral abuse at Ma, an ethnic Hui Muslim, about his faith and loyalty to the party. The attacks came just months after the publication of leaked documents from national party officials calling Islam a "virus" and vowing to stop its "contagion." Using discourse analysis of posts regarding Ma from January and February 2020, this paper examines how online discussion of Ma exemplifies Islamophobic attitudes of netizens and illuminate the exclusory ethnic politics that unfold in the process of national boundary setting in China. These findings will also illuminate how Muslims become scapegoats for crisis in non-Muslim countries, particularly those under authoritarian governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to understand how national chauvinism and cultural patriotism are related to xenophobic attitudes toward immigrants. It does this by examining the extent to which historical legacy, in terms of geopolitical threats and national identity, moderates this relationship. A multilevel analysis across 24 European countries combines measures of national chauvinism, cultural patriotism, and xenophobic attitudes at the individual level with historical data, the geopolitical threat scale, and the national identity longevity index at the country level. Findings demonstrate that, according to these measures, historical legacies of threats and conflicts do not have an interaction effect, but the longevity of national identity moderates the relationship between national chauvinism/cultural patriotism and xenophobic attitudes. That is, in countries with greater national identity longevity, the positive relations between national chauvinism and xenophobic attitudes are weaker, but the negative relations between cultural patriotism and xenophobic attitudes are stronger. These findings contribute to the understanding of national identity by suggesting how it is related to a nation's historical legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Renaissance & Reformation / Renaissance et Réforme is the property of Iter Canada and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper describes how cultivator caste Kolis, who are the largest electoral bloc in Gujarat, India's flagship state of Hindu chauvinism, navigate, circumvent, and are constituted by the intensification of Hindu chauvinism in the state's borderland districts dominated by subordinated social groups. Once the centerpiece of a secular political coalition in Gujarat, the personhood of Kolis at the intersection of the Aravali hills and Malwa plateau, a window onto rural central- and western India, has been constructed in complex ways since 2014. Mass-mediated media narratives potentiate Brahminical hegemony, the temple-industrial complex produces affective potentialities with caste Hinduism, and the politics of cow protection promotes new relationalities with bovines. However, this identity formation is fraught with slippages and reveals the always open possibilities of oppositional subjectivities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While considerable research in education has established objective and subjective status differences between tracks and focused on the outcomes of ability grouping on students' educational and broader outcomes, there is virtually no research that explains students' variability in track valuation. This study relies on theoretical insights from social psychology, ethnic studies and school effects research to develop hypotheses about the influence of individual and school level features on students' track valuation. Data from The School, Identity and Society survey, involving 4,540 adolescents from 64 Belgian schools is utilised, using multilevel modelling. The findings show the relevance of social identity theory and social norms in students judging all tracks; and track chauvinism, patriotism and cross-track friendships in explaining variability in students' prejudice towards other tracks. However, these relationships vary according to the track position of the student. The conclusions discuss the implications of this study for future research and social policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper unites disparate literature to test the influence of religious belonging and behavior characteristics along with secular welfare boundaries on anti‐immigrant attitudes. We suggest that welfare states varied in their religious foundations during the transition from religious‐based solidarity to modern state‐based solidarity and formulate a novel analytical framework to hypothesize effects across individuals and welfare regime types. Using eight waves of the European Social Survey (2002–16), we find that religious effects are strongest in welfare states with the most religious foundations, the Southern European welfare states, and weak in the universalist welfare states, which lacked historical state‐church tensions. Other welfare types show a mix of religious effects, with some challenging expectations. Furthermore, Christian majority membership is often associated with heightened anti‐immigrant attitudes, most consistently in contrast to the non‐Christian minority. For welfare‐based forms of inclusion, we find consistent institutional trust effects and two competing logics for secular boundaries: a propensity for welfare chauvinism and a culture of inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A substantial portion of Europeans opposes granting welfare benefits to immigrants (welfare chauvinism) and to longer-established ethnic minorities (welfare ethnocentrism). We aim to explain welfare chauvinism and welfare ethnocentrism by introducing autochthony as a novel determinant. Autochthony is the general belief in entitlements for firstcomers. Using a representative sample of British (N = 3,516) and Dutch (N = 1,241) natives, we find that autochthony indeed predicts higher welfare chauvinism, even after taking into account a great range of existing explanations. Moreover, an experiment among British natives showed that autochthony not only explains welfare chauvinism towards immigrants but also welfare ethnocentrism towards established ethnic minorities and Muslims. However, autochthony did not explain welfare ethnocentrism towards black Britons. Our findings indicate that the argument "we were here first" can help to shed light on welfare attitudes that are of growing importance in diverse Western societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-conflict literature is consistent in reporting that wars leave a painful and lasting legacy on those that experience it directly. This article aims to contribute to this broad body of literature by exploring how threats of possible new conflict affect the generation born after the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Our study relies on primary data collected through a controlled experiment amongst business students at three universities dominated by three different ethnicities across the country. The students were exposed to a tailored, yet fictional media report discussing the possibility of a new war. The outcomes from our Structural Equation Model reveal that the threat of a new conflict is associated with lower entrepreneurial intentions of business students and mediated by greater risk aversion. As a result, we provide evidence that the permanent warmongering in a post-conflict context, which is often a regular occurrence in such environments, cannot be dismissed as just empty rhetoric. Rather, it can potentially have severe economic consequences that might hamper economic development and prospects in the medium and long run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws upon the 'contradictory forces, facts and tendencies' central to sociologist, historian, activist and cultural theorist W.E.B. Du Bois' framing of race, and places them within a metaphysical and sociological analysis of exclusionary frameworks in contemporary Italy. Problematizing the formation of global black perspectives, this text intends to initiate an exchange that may foster the development of strategies, language and tools needed for the making of a new narrative in the Italian context, a narrative that cannot be realized without a profound reflection on the historical trajectory of cultural exchange between the African continent and the territory known as Italy extending back into antiquity. Drawing upon the dialogue initiated in the Young Gifted and Black Italia (Y.G.B.I.) Research Residency, a range of interviews carried out over the past decade and a half, and several research platforms developed by Black History Month Florence (B.H.M.F.), I hope to highlight the potential for collective approaches that have the potential to provide the scaffold for Italian specific meditations with transnational implications. Calling for multiplicities in relation to social and psychological understandings of displacements and states of post-displacement in Italy, this writing seeks a contextually grounded positionality that, however hindered by the chauvinism of nationalistic narrations of history, imply an inclusion that need not be validated. In so doing I intimate an Italian-ness that is as conscious of how it is framed through its own making, as it is aware of the framing devices applied from abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on welfare chauvinism suggests that dominant majorities are less likely to support redistribution across identity lines. To encourage support, scholarship recommends designing policies universally and signaling beneficiary deservingness. However, policies that support disadvantaged groups cannot always be designed universally. Moreover, dominant groups often hold minoritized groups to a deservingness double standard. Thus, we ask, what are effective ways to increase support for out-group redistribution? We argue that distributive justice principles—justifications for who should get what and why—can bolster support for out-group redistributive policies. We test this argument through three experiments in Slovakia, with the Roma as the out-group. Majority Slovaks support policies predicated on the principle of reciprocity—with benefits conditional on contribution. Unconditional policies and policies that are motivated by the need principle garner minority Roma support. Given salient anti-Roma prejudice, we consider our findings a floor. For less stigmatized out-groups, reciprocity-based policies may further bolster support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper is qualitative in nature and attempts to analyze the short story "Eveline" by James Joyce from a Marxist-feminist perspective. It focuses on how women suffer exploitation and oppression in a capitalist society. Eveline, the protagonist in the short story, suffers oppression, humiliation, and exploitation in a male-dominated society. She suffers victimization at the hands of the capitalist mindset in society. Eveline's financial support for her family goes ignored and unappreciated in a patriarchal setup that appreciates only male chauvinism. It shows how women are in shackles in spite of the fact that they support their families. In this context, Marxist feminism seems apt and helpful in understanding women's oppression in capitalist society. This study concludes that women in capitalist societies suffer physically, mentally, and financially. The method used in this research is analytical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article "Tocqueville's Dilemmas, and Ours: Sovereignty, Nationalism, Globalization" by Ewa Atanassow, the author explores the tensions between liberalism and democracy through the lens of Alexis de Tocqueville, a 19th-century French liberal thinker. Atanassow highlights Tocqueville's belief that a rich civic life of non-state associations could alleviate the tension between liberty and equality. However, she also emphasizes Tocqueville's alternative solution of a strong sense of nationhood. By examining Tocqueville's ideas on democratic nationhood, Atanassow aims to connect his theories to contemporary issues of illiberal democracy and exclusionary nationalism. The article delves into Tocqueville's background, his writings, and his views on democracy, equality, and the role of the nation. Atanassow concludes by discussing the challenges that nations and liberals face today, such as finding national cohesion in diverse societies, encouraging patriotism while discouraging jingoism, and navigating the survival of liberal nations in a non-liberal world. While Atanassow's study provides valuable insights, it also raises questions about the applicability of Tocqueville's thought to present-day challenges. [Extracted from the article]

In the late 1920s, the Soviet Union launched an official campaign against the so-called "Great Russian chauvinism." As a result, the Bolshevik Party embarked on a relentless offensive against this phenomenon. Decisions related to the support of national minorities were made at governmental and regional levels across all regions of the country. Soviet indigenization policy and the illconceived population resettlement policy contributed to the rise of nationalism. Resettlement was conducted on the entire territory of the Soviet Union with the aim of improving the economy and the national defense capability. The indigenous Slavic population often did not wish to accept the resettled people. In the Far East of the Soviet Union, the so-called Easterners, represented by the Chinese and the Koreans, often endured destructive consequences of local nationalism. Despite this negative experience, the majority of Koreans accepted the official Soviet discourse proclaiming the unity and equality of all nations and participated in the overall Soviet social-economic development and its collectivisation effort. In the Far East, joining a Soviet collective farm (kolkhoz) was the only option of survival for Koreans who were deprived of the right to return to their homeland. Kolkhoz was a safe space where Koreans could band together under state protection against local nationalism. It also gave Korean peasants a chance to work on land in consolidated ethnic units, preserving their language and culture. The Chinese population was primarily represented by seasonal workers. Unlike Koreans, they could freely move back to China at any time. As a result, Chinese were reluctant to join kolkhoz and avoided accepting Soviet citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Western Europe, as immigration flows increase – or at least become more salient – and austerity measures place welfare states under pressure, policy reforms that extend or restrict access to the welfare state for immigrants are highly contested. Much academic attention has been paid to restrictive or 'welfare chauvinist' policy reforms and the role played by far‐right parties and sympathisers in the policy‐making process. Yet, left‐wing parties, often considered the most susceptible to the 'progressive's dilemma' between open borders and strong welfare states, remain under‐researched. Using new data on immigrant welfare rights for 14 European countries from 1980 to 2018, and differentiating between social democrats, the greens and far‐left parties, we show that social democrats engage in both reforms that restrict as well as expand, but on average, they tend to be negatively associated with immigrant welfare rights. However, our evidence shows that context matters: We find that that social democrats are less likely to retrench immigrant welfare rights when they share power with the far left, and become more likely to retrench as unemployment rises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay begins with a comparison of Gayatri Spivak's Can the Subaltern Speak? (1988) and Eni Puccinelli Orlandi's As formas do silêncio (2007). Through a contrastive analysis of these works, I aim to rephrase our critical understanding of the meaning and significance of "silence." From a cumbersomely imposed entity with fixed limits, and a means to dominate and oppress, I suggest that silence is a powerful and illusive passive instrument of microresistance. Subsequently, I locate the operation of these theoretical processes in two works of contemporary African female-authored fiction, Niketche: Uma história de poligamia (2002), by Paulina Chiziane, and Changes: A Love Story (1991), by Ama Ata Aidoo. Ultimately, I draw attention to how these works unpack and enhance our understanding of the representation of silence, which could be read as an effective tool toward contesting annihilation, assimilation, and appropriation. Remarkably, the foremost female characters in Niketche and Changes, Rami and Fusena respectively, succeed in distinct ways to combat societal impositions formulated by androcratic, phallocentric, and male chauvinist communities--all by "simply" cocooning themselves in a divine speechlessness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mountains play dominant and strategic roles in Kyrgyz cinema. They serve as an important mediator in the constructed antagonism between 'national' and 'socialist' evoked by media representations and, further, in the conventional associations between 'nature' and 'national', on the one hand, and 'progress' and 'Soviet', on the other. This article explores how mountainscapes constitute and interweave 'Sovietness' and 'Kyrgyzness' with reference to the 1966 film The Sky of Our Childhood (Nebo nashego detstva, 1966), directed by Tolomush Okeyev. The mountainscape serves not as a mere backdrop to the narrative but expresses ambiguities as a result of its transformative power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores misogyny in the novel by Chinese Australian author Ouyang Yu, The Eastern Slope Chronicle. It argues that misogyny is not merely an individual, but also a collective practice. While scholars have discussed the loss of masculinity in the protagonist, this article examines the misogynistic tradition in Chinese culture: men's authority and expectations of women's subordination in the family, which partly accounts for the misogyny of the protagonist Dao and other male characters in the text. It reads the novel as an elegy, mourning the loss of male dominance and male chauvinism in the Chinese diaspora in Australia in postcolonial times. The novel's play with voices and the implied author's perspective combine with the characters' frustration and their many forms of misogynistic practice to produce an elegiac tone, acknowledging change while documenting the characters' lack of agency and their inability to change in the present day environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Remy de Gourmont's shifting perspectives during the initial years 1914-1915 of World War I, evolving from neither warmongering nor pacifism to a nuanced stance advocating defense. Topics include Gourmont's critique of revenge and patriotism in the aftermath of the 1870 defeat, his initial shock during the early years of World War I, and the evolution of his perspectives on the conflict from neither warmongering nor pacifism towards a nuanced stance.

The article focuses on Roger Martin du Gard's portrayal of the "warmongers" in the final volume of Les Thibault. Topics include du Gard's depiction of warmongers as financial powers, military authorities, and a vain political class, alongside the transformation of pseudo-pacifists like Gustave Hervé into enthusiastic supporters of war, reflecting on the ominous future of Europe as predicted by du Gard in "Les Thibault's" concluding volume.

There exists a robust literature on the impact of the sexualisation of the war on terror as an imperial endeavour on both queer and non-queer subjects in the Middle East. This article explores the consequences for LGBT activism of the localisation of the war on terror in the region and the securitisation of governance, taking Lebanon as its focus. I argue the importance of thinking through the ways in which the war on terror is localised, taken advantage of and used as a means of strengthening state power in the Global South, and the effects of such processes on activism. I explore how LGBT activists in Lebanon have engaged the war on terror as an instrument of local rather than foreign power. The weaponisation of the war on terror as an instrument of governance by the Lebanese state, I argue, has reshaped the field within which LGBT activists in the country articulate and lobby for their rights and has enabled a turn towards what I call proto-homonationalism amongst some LGBT actors in Lebanon – attempts at positioning certain segments of the LGBT population as not only of the nation but beneficial to the security state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Kavilando is the property of Kavilando and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the writing of The Road Back (Der Weg zurück [1931]), Erich Maria Remarque faced violent opposition from the German right wing, who disapproved of the anti-war stance of his previous novel All Quiet on the Western Front (Im Westen nichts Neues [1929]) and its film adaptation. After the serialization of the novel, Remarque altered the final text, removing the references to the right wing and making the ending more upbeat. Left-wing critics, who had already condemned Remarque for his political silence, saw the apparent neutrality of The Road Back as a concession to the NSDAP. This article presents an argument for a new reading strategy for the novel, particularly Remarque’s late-stage changes, questioning the ideological reliability of Ernst Birkenholz’s politically neutral first-person narration. Focusing on the four dominant symbols in the revised text (a wedge, a cross, a white moon, and red light)—which, when combined, form the swastika flag—it can be argued that The Road Back should be read as an anti-Nazi novel, an origin story of the warmongering party, as well as a loud premonition of the Second World War—a road back to war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Norway, England and Wales, and the USA are among a small number of affluent Western countries to establish 'all-foreign' prisons in response to public concerns about the growing threat of foreign-national prisoners. Drawing on collaborative analysis of empirical data collected at all-foreign prisons in these three countries, this article traces the conditions in which all-foreign prisons emerged, the position and function of all-foreign prisons in specific national systems of criminal justice and immigration control, and the operation of all-foreign prisons within each context. The article points to a shared logic, while drawing attention to the local expressions of bordered penality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a highly conservative society like Afghanistan, which is mainly governed by ancient codes of conduct and tribal laws, the discourse concerning the rights of women is primarily framed by misogynistic men. As portrayed by Nadia Hashimi in her book One Half from the East (2016), every aspect of women's lives, from education to expression to movement, is monitored and checked by the patriarchy through the perpetration of rigid cultural codes of conduct for women. But even within such strict patriarchal domination, women can create space for themselves to subvert such repressive hegemony and articulate strategic resistance in a culture susceptible to violence. Hashimi's meta-narrative debunks the totalitarianism and male chauvinism of Afghan culture through its protagonist who resists submission and becomes an instrument of transgression. Since women are aware of their marginal and subaltern positions in a repressive society like Afghanistan, they embody resilience and try to break their shackles. The present article, focused on One Half from the East (2016), highlights how the protagonist's exploration of the uncharted territory of freedom forbidden for women by performing patriarchal norms like the bacha posh ironically provides a space for resisting patriarchy even while staying within its discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People perform and live religion in multiple and specific contexts, with different sides to their experiences, especially in multi-faith societies. Given the reality of religious contestations in Nigeria, too often, contradictory or complicated religious narratives are given that are connected to the societal dysfunctional realities which in turn radicalise the thinking and approaches of many people towards different religious positions, which empowers many to toe the path of religious chauvinism, thereby resulting in avoidable 'fields of blood'. But on the other hand, positive religious contestations have also produced meaningful development in some sense. This work adopted the historical and comparative research methodologies in order to interrogate the lived experiences of people with respect to religious contestations in Nigeria, and their effects both on an individual and the Nigerian State at large. The study revealed that many religious contestations in Nigeria are often engineered by socio-political and economic realities of the country, while others (religious leaders in most cases) leverage on the quest for dominance which is often tied to resource control. This paper, therefore, proposed that, though contestation is important in the development of any society, such should be done with respect to human dignity, rule of law, and recognition of religious values that promote peaceful co-existence and sanctity of life. The conclusion of this work is that, religious contestation that produces unwholesome rivalry, mutual mistrust, suspicion and distrust, and doctrinal crises is injurious to humanity and anti-development which should not be encouraged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding global perspectives and international cultures is important because of increasing global mobility, digital connections, and national chauvinism. As students engage with diverse others in schools and online, they need global, critical, and ethical understandings of language, literacy, and culture. From a critical cosmopolitan lens, language and literacy educators guide students to develop a cosmopolitan worldview; dismantle hierarchies through reading, writing, and thinking; and take action for justice worldwide. The purpose of this article is to converge cosmopolitanism, critical pedagogy, and teacher perceptions to construct a framework for teaching critical cosmopolitan literacies. The findings suggest five dimensions of critical cosmopolitan literacies: proximal stance, reflexive stance, reciprocal stance, responsive stance, and praxis. Overall, participants held positive views of infusing cosmopolitan dispositions and global perspectives in their classrooms and reported success with integrating global literature, structuring discussions to promote empathy, and implementing inquiry to connect local and global issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Historia (07169108) is the property of Universidad de Concepcion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper explores how specific ideologies and power are being practised through language in a Pakistani drama ‘Ou rangreza’ which aired on Hum TV channel. Forty dialogues are randomly taken from various episodes. The analysis was done particularly from the feminist perspective (FCDA). The researcher used the method of Qualitative discourse analysis. To reach the feminist ideology four categories (Self-reliance, male chauvinism, concept of patriarchy, and underestimating women) have been constructed. The results show that the drama is based on two ideologies one is, liberal feminist ideology second is patriarchal structured ideologies. The findings discover the distribution of power and creation of ideologies, the dominance of male characters, and the subjugation of female characters are being practised through language (dialogues). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes an interpretation of Estella in Three Trapped Tigers as a marginal figure of the Cuban literary canon. Whereas for Lorenzo García Vega, the canon consisted of the mothermilitia woman polarity, Cabrera Infante's character is a nocturnal protagonist who disregards both the Origenist maternal domesticity and the revolutionary warmongering. The narrator Códac characterizes Estella through her oceanic voice and monstrous body; her presence operates as an initiation to a kind of abysmal listening in the narrator. Playing with Paul Ricoeur's concept of recognition, Wolfgang Kayser's theory of the grotesque, and Roland Barthes's typology of listening, "Ella cantaba boleros" ("She Sang Boleros") is interpreted as a parodic transformation of the epic narrative mode. Survival occurs through novelesque memory, the matrix of the narration. Estella is a synecdoche of a vanishing Havana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on wage long-term resistance against ethnonationalist totalitarianism and prevent it from once again invading and occupying social consciousness and political system in China. Topics include dispossessing Uyghurs of their way of life when they arrived in Xinjiang in the 1990s as part of China's drive to secure resources such as oil and natural gas, Chinese law protects non-majority ethnic nationalities, conflict between the closed nature of ethnonationalist chauvinism and the preconditions for technological innovation, which include the free flow of information.

Following the work of Barbara Cassin, this paper proposes to examine certain ways of speaking that Aristotle described as not so much human as plant-like [homoioi phutôi] and to consider whether these non-human ways of speaking might yet adduce forms of discourse that serve to model how central principles of justice can be thought. The paper does this by drawing upon Cassin's extensive engagement with Sophistry in the classical world together with her concerted interest in the activities of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in post-apartheid South Africa. When Aristotle, in book Gamma of the Metaphysics, dismissed the speech of those spoke "otherwise" (for example, those who failed to obey the law of non-contradiction) he formalised a chauvinism that philosophy had, at least since Plato, derided as sophistry. For Cassin, however, this presumed superiority of one way of speaking over another is something that holds true only when the grounds and elemental terms of a discourse have been and remain uncontested. In this way, language in Aristotle is regulated in advance, and determines what is admissible in the court of discourse according to prescribed and recognisable forms. Accordingly, illuminated by Heidegger and yet (like Arendt) departing from his conclusions, Cassin explores the sense in which language is something ontologically constitutive but in a manner that contests rather than secures its speakers' relations to one another. In place of a metaphysics and ethics of belonging and authenticity, Cassin's work is oriented by figures of precarity and exile such that truth is not so much something to be discovered, once and for all, but to be contested, negotiated, and re-worked each and every time. Key to this form of discourse, the paper will claim, is the uniquely non-juridical approach to justice undertaken by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Here, as Cassin explains, rather than a logic of individual rights and wrongs, there is a performative role for those involved. This "politics via discourse" dislocates the identity of received (rational) subjects and allows for narrative testimony itself not only to bear witness to a past but to signal a future – one based not on the apportionment or allocation of justice but on its ongoing struggle (an eristics or agonistics) for a humanity to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This report focuses on the diverse and multiple manifestations of political, state, and counter-state violence. Many of the examinations of political violence in this report highlight the continued need for disparate methodological and analytic lenses towards robust understandings of political violence across scales. Displacements and mobilities associated with flight from conflict are discussed in relation to the institutionalization of harm, trauma and containment through various state and supranational mechanisms of control. These mobilities include border crossings and associated violence against vulnerable populations seeking refuge. This is buttressed by discursive binary logics, such as us/them categorizations, which remain endemic to both structural and physical violence and foundational to right wing populism, jingoism, and other forms of political extremism. This report concludes by arguing the peace is not the opposite of war but rather its temporal substitute and partner in an assemblage of political and economic co-dependence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current article explores journalism practice amid waning press freedom in Indian Kashmir. Contextualising the recent renovation and introduction of authoritative new media policy 2020, the article maps the constant struggles of the journalists in the region. I consulted five working journalists to have a broader understanding of press freedom in Indian Kashmir, one of the world's most dangerous places for journalists. I argue that frequent internet shutdowns, disinformation, declining dissent and direct control on the press contribute to the amassing struggles of Kashmiri journalists. The strategic politics endorse jingoism and punitive populism, which affects the overall image of Kashmiris including the journalists. Constructive journalism practice, however, aids Chomsky's claim of "openings", which keep the press viable during the severe authoritarian siege on the press freedom in Kashmir. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to investigate whether welfare chauvinism exists in a large country with tremendous regional disparities and massive internal migration. Set in the context of coastal Guangdong Province, it examines Chinese people's attitudes toward welfare entitlements for rural-to-urban immigrants. The study finds that chauvinistic attitude does not fracture along the lines of intergroup competition in the labor market; instead, it stems primarily from perceived competition over scarce welfare resources. Normative values and generalized trust powerfully mitigate welfare chauvinism. The larger relative number of migrants in the local community substantially increases the appeal of chauvinism, thus suggesting the occurrence of negative intergroup interactions. The empirical evidence is discussed against the broader context of rural-to-urban immigration in China and the developmental logic of its social policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This symposium commentary on Alana Lenin's Why Race Still Matters considers the terms by which apologists of racism deploy the alibi of nation and (white) identity. The increasingly efficacious claim to 'mere' nationhood and the allegedly organic immutability of majoritarian identity both enables racism whilst impugning anti-racism. Attention will be given here to the chicanery by which racism often ceases to something to be ideologically justified or defended; but instead, the demands of anti-racism are simply deflected through asserting the seemingly superseding dictates of national righteousness. My commentary also speculates about certain connections between the white majority settings surveyed by Lentin and wider postcolonial settings where comparable politics of bordering, chauvinism and 'racial capitalist' stratification are pursued but without the same overarching reference to whiteness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From April to November 2019, eight members of the pandies' theatre, a Delhi-based activist theatre group, toured Delhi and Rajasthan with a fifty-five-minute version of Euripides' Medea, in Hindustani. The group gave fifteen performances in the round, in spaces ranging from a tin shed to a plush air-conditioned conference room, addressing diverse audiences. During post-performance discussions in four spaces – Ambedkar University of Delhi, the village of Mangliawas in Rajasthan, the India Habitat Centre, and Studio Safdar in New Delhi – spontaneous debates arose between women on the one side and men on the other in which the women expressed their understanding of Medea's actions or their 'identification' with her character. Anuradha Marwah, the director of the play, discusses these debates with reference to the 'agonistic' character of Medea (431 BCE) while framing the tour as a feminist activist endeavour in India today, where the condition of abandoned women and those considered to be outsiders has become even more precarious due to increasing divisiveness and chauvinism. Anuradha Marwah is a theatre activist and a Professor in the Department of English at Zakir Husain Delhi College, Delhi University. She was a Fulbright-Nehru Academic and Professional Excellence Fellow at the Interdisciplinary Centre for Study of Global Change, University of Minnesota-Twin Cities in 2017. Her publications include two plays, A Pipe Dream in Delhi and Ismat's Love Stories, three novels, and several academic and popular articles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The stereotypes associated with gender have emerged to a great extent over centuries. This issue of stereotypes was captured rapidly in English fictions by various Indian authors. English fictions portrayed social conventions in which more power and prestige were bestowed to men as compared to women. Women were always regarded as powerless, dependent, emotional, submissive, nurturing, conforming and affectionate in the global descriptions and on the other side, men were regarded as powerful, independent, self-confident, dominating, competitive, aggressive, and ambitious. At the same time, this frame of mind creates power inequalities between men and women in which we find men have more authority in the family than women mostly in their marriage relationships. This situation has positioned women as victims and forced them to abide to the rules set up by the society. This paper is about exploring gender stereotypes issues existing in Arundhati Roy's fiction The God of Small Things. In this novel, women questioned their stereotypical role in the society. As a consequence, they smashed away all the stereotypes associated with them and affirmed their distinctiveness. The author effectively highlights how a gender stereotype promotes gender inequality in the three generations illustrated in the novel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Major critics have stressed the idea that Darwish's poetry is fundamentally humanist and universalist, denying to submit to cheap nationalism, chauvinism, orjingoism. However, after deep study of selection of Darwish's works, this paper aims to attenuate humanistic universalist guises and show how his poetics of protest and resistance suffer from anfatal malady of hope to serve as the voice of the voiceless Palestinians. Rallies millions of Arabs around the national cause capture world's attention to the plight of Palestinians. Though Darwish is often considered as prophet of Palestinian humanism, he evokes the entire experience of exile as a universal human condition at the heart of his poems. The writer maintains that he dedicated all his energy to underline the Palestinians' constant dislocation, dispossession, and deprivation of a dignified human life. Darwish's poetics of desire, infact, struggles againstforgetfulness. It endeavors to reconstruct memories of his homeland. It acts as historical record portraying the baneful history of his people under colonial hegemony. It reflects the communal desireforfreedom. It mirrors Palestinians'feeling of up-rootedness, and dream of an identity that transcends the 'no-exit'position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides the first detailed discussion of an objection to Kant's theory of freedom in Henri Bergson's 1904‐05 lectures at the Collège de France. According to Bergson, if Kant succeeds in defending the possibility of human freedom, this is not the freedom of any particular human being, but rather the freedom of the 'moi en général'. I compare this objection to arguments against Kant's theory of freedom by other late nineteenth/early twentieth century French philosophers such as Émile Boutroux, Charles Renouvier and Victor Delbos, as well as to one of the best known objections to this theory in the subsequent anglophone literature. I argue that Bergson's objection rests on the false assumption that, according to Kant, "there is no difference in nature... between time and space." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature has pointed to a change in radical right-wing parties' (RRWPs) position regarding the welfare state. Those parties have abandoned the neoliberal approach on distributive issues and have become defenders of social expenditure for deserving groups. Nevertheless, as RRWPs have joined with right-wing mainstream parties to form governments, their distributive policy position might cause conflict in a coalition. This study, therefore, addresses this puzzle by analysing the social policy outcomes of RRWPs' government participation. The conclusion is that those parties contribute to the welfare state retrenchment. However, policies are not affected evenly. Expenditure that targets groups regarded as undeserving by the radical right is retrenched the most. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to revitalize a discipline that has remained unexplored in recent years: polemology. This discipline, which emerged in the mid-twentieth century to understand the complexity of the phenomenon of war, its dissimilar causes, and consequences, has been isolated and labeled as warmongering. By reviewing its main postulates and their application to the theories of international cooperation, this article rescues its pacifist and positive influence. To this end, we studied the relations between Chile and Peru, demonstrating their ability to gradually overcome the historical burden of the War of the Pacific, adding elements for a new Latin American polemology and enhancing war studies in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on leadership of periodical "Historia Mexicana" and editorial work of academic journals and that allowed me to assume editorial responsibility without out terra incognita. It mentions quality and independence and not subordinate intellectual work to particular interests and guidelines in the selection of accepted collaborations, foster wealth and multiplicity of approaches without sectarianism or chauvinism.