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The terrorist attacks of January 2015 in Paris prompted intense public debates concerning the relationship between Muslims and core elements of French republican values such as free speech and laïcité. The voices of Muslims themselves were heard relatively little in French media coverage of these matters. Drawing on a sociological study of eight second-generation members of an Algerian immigrant family, this article shows how their first-hand testimony illustrates the diversity of attitudes among French Muslims. Female members of the family who had built successful careers participated in the huge January 11 rally condemning the terrorist attacks and supporting free speech. Brothers with poorer employment records expressed more cynical attitudes, including in some cases supporting the claim that Charlie Hebdo journalists had been "asking for it" by publishing highly provocative cartoons which many Muslims considered to be Islamophobic. A sister working as an employment counsellor in a disadvantaged multi-ethnic banlieue with high levels of unemployment recounted how the disaffected and in some cases increasingly unhinged attitudes displayed in recent years by those she was charged with helping resembled those of the young men who had perpetrated the jihadist attacks of January 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the visual satire on the front cover of the "Survivor's issue" of the French magazine "Charlie Hebdo" following the 2015 Charlie Hebdo shooting in Paris, France. It provides a context of caricatures, irony and incongruity in management studies, scholarship and research.

»Ausarbeitungen von Gewalt. Über narrative Erklärungen und ihre audiovisuellen Daten«. Today, researchers can make use of an immeasurable wealth of visual and audiovisual data to analyze instances that they consider as violent. Thus, this paper focuses on the question of how audiovisual data specifically contribute to making violent phenomena visible and thereby explaining them, but discusses it from a specific epistemological standpoint, which can be roughly outlined as an interest in how social phenomena in general and violent events in the narrower sense can be narratively interpreted and explained. To this end, it reflects on a case study on the so-called Charlie Hebdo Attacks in Paris in January 2015. The results are two arguments that might appear somewhat counterintuitive. First, stories are for sure an obvious methodological device for working on narrative explanations. However, like the term narrative, it is far too broad and misleading a category. It therefore makes sense to refrain from working on explanatory stories and to focus methodologically "only" on emplotments. Closely related to this, audiovisual data - secondly - then have a particular analytical status in the research process. While they are also, especially in violence research, considered as something with which much more detailed analyses are possible than without them, this is not necessarily the main point for the narrative analysis of violent emplotments. Here, they enable first of all the discovery of crucial happenings that shape a plot. In this way, audiovisual data are decisive in not imposing stories on an event that follow modern narrative conventions rather than exploring the factual causation of the event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two decades of 'terror' crises have seen politicians, legal professionals and scholars struggle to cope with atrocities organised around some joke. From the alt-right smirk of the Christchurch killer at his televised court arraignment to the 'Danish cartoons' and the targeting of the satirical Charlie Hebdo magazine in France, a series of funny-not-so-funny international 'incidents' prompt us to ponder the cartoon nature of politics. Our investigation into cartooning, contextualised as part of ongoing war efforts, reveals a cultural-economic project that peddles weapons for conflicts against caricatured Muslim adversaries. To illustrate this point, we examine copycat cartoon tropes and conclude that while international cartoon politics is nothing new, cartoon contests and terrorist show-trials indicate an ever-greater reification hand-in-glove with the arms trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamophobia is a new disease that is looming over the 1.8 billion population of Muslims in the world. The term has most recently garnered the attention of people globally. In this paper, I will try to dissect the underlining causes behind the rise of Islamophobia in recent times. For this, I will be discussing one country from Europe in particular from which of late we have seen the clash between state and religion take place: France. This paper will look at how big a concern should Islamophobia be for the Muslim populace in France and widely around the world.1 I have chosen to examine three events in France whose root causes were Islamophobia, and how this affected the Muslim population in the country. I will start by providing the etymology and then discuss three particular incidents in the country that demanded the attention of the French Muslims. In addition, I shall discuss how the Muslim population around the world reacts every time such Islamophobic incidents happen, and a lack of responsible reaction by Muslim leadership to them can be seen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorist attacks negatively affect support for immigration policy, and this has been linked to the extensive media coverage of terrorism. Yet, this coverage may also have a moderating effect. This article uses the timing of the fielding of the European Social Survey, which took place during the Charlie Hebdo and Hyper Cacher attacks, as a natural experiment. Because the media coverage of the attacks varied between France and other European countries, it is possible to study how differences in the media framing and priming of the attacks affected attitudes. The expected negative effect on immigration policy preferences is found outside France, but not within France. This study's findings lend support to a moderating effect of the media coverage of terrorist attacks, both as a framing effect that influenced the perceived relevance of the attacks to immigration attitudes and a priming effect that primed the public with tolerant French Republican values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on attack of Islamist terrorists on Paris, France office of satirical weekly Charlie Hebdo murdering several people and mentions protests by Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). Topcis discussed include acts of violence upon Blacks in segregated South with humiliation, American tradition of free speech and recalling Americans protesting the Vietnam War.

Comparing present and past situations by means of historical analogy is prevalent in political and public discourses. But when researching this phenomenon, scientists often use reception paradigms, where they ask people which past event is most applicable to a current situation or issue. In these paradigms, analogies are treated as unequivocal--rather than flexible--in their meanings. In this paper, we use a production paradigm to examine why European citizens (in France, Belgium, and Germany) selected historical analogies and justified their meanings following the two 2015 terrorist attacks in France. We find that most participants tend to mention a relatively small number of past events, characterized by similarities in time (recent), space (geographically close) and type (terrorist attacks) with the current attacks. However, a multiple correspondence analysis indicates that, even when they overwhelmingly agree about the relevance of a particular event (the attacks of September 11th 2001) for the present situation, participants confer widely varying--even conflicting--meanings to the "same" analogy, which align with different socio-political attitudes. We suggest that these variations do not just represent the emphasis that different participants place on particular sets of similarities between the past and the present attacks: They also embody specific, and conflicting, stances on salient and controversial issues surrounding the topic of contemporary terrorism (e.g., why were 'we' attacked, who deserves to be grieved, how should the government respond). Results are discussed in light of the literature on social representations of both history and terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on paradoxes of the Minimes barracks in Paris, France. It mentions Paris regroup its different military units and to proceed with a competition for the transformation of the gendarmerie barracks into 70 social housing units after 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris. It also mentions limestone pedestal contrasting with the buildings in wood and stone structure of the district and barracks are characterized by solid brick architecture.

In the improvised Paris memorials to the murdered Charlie Hebdo cartoonists in 2015, Jewishness was largely occluded, Christianity was naturalized (and denigrated in so far as it overlapped with 'religion') and Islam functioned as the icon of acute religious sensitivity and zealotry: the religion that cannot tolerate blasphemy, specifically the Muhammad cartoons, for which the martyrs of free speech were killed. In this study Sherwood looks at the Paris memorials (blasphemy ACH = after Charlie Hebdo) alongside two far less well-known cases of blasphemous cartoons from the period that I term BSV (=before The Satanic Verses). The latter include Bible cartoons from the 1880s, for which the freethinker George Foote was prosecuted for blasphemy, and the (as far as I know) first accidentally blasphemous Muhammad cartoon in Europe from 1925. In both cases, the spectral figures of 'the Jew' and 'the Muslim' are differently tangential, and are used to divert controversy away from the Christian. The deeper history of blasphemy controversies BSV helps us to articulate a darker history of the 'secular', secular freedoms and religion/race. Islam and Judaism continue to suffer from the old symbolic disabilities, and the disabilities of minority, whereas a certain deference to Christianity, and an ongoing use of Christian structures, is assumed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Horsman's essay revisits discussions about the allegedly blasphemous nature of Charlie Hebdo's cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad by tracing the history of the journal in the French tradition of comics rather than of political cartoons. By distinguishing the cartoon figure (the petit bonhomme) of the comics from caricatures and portraits, he aims to outline the precise nature of the journal's sense of humour and its implicit critique of religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pinning down the role of social ties in the decision to protest has been notoriously elusive, largely due to data limitations. Social media and their global use by protesters offer an unprecedented opportunity to observe real‐time social ties and online behavior, though often without an attendant measure of real‐world behavior. We collect data on Twitter activity during the 2015 Charlie Hebdo protest in Paris, which, unusually, record real‐world protest attendance and network structure measured beyond egocentric networks. We devise a test of social theories of protest that hold that participation depends on exposure to others' intentions and network position determines exposure. Our findings are strongly consistent with these theories, showing that protesters are significantly more connected to one another via direct, indirect, triadic, and reciprocated ties than comparable nonprotesters. These results offer the first large‐scale empirical support for the claim that social network structure has consequences for protest participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 7 January 2015, Said and Chérif Kouachi assaulted the offices of the French satirical weekly Charlie Hebdo, leaving 12 people dead. The terrorist attack soon became a highly symbolic event, reflecting the core struggle between free speech and religious values that escalated after the 'cartoon crisis' in 2005. In this article, we wish to explore media discourses in the aftermath of the Charlie Hebdo attack in three European countries – Spain, Norway and the United Kingdom. In particular, we investigate if and how journalism performed their role as 'vital centre' in the 'civil sphere'. We find that the patterns of in-group and out-group were carefully constructed to avoid polarization between 'ordinary' Muslims and the West in most newspapers. By doing so, most of the newspapers managed to work for the construction of an idealized civil sphere that exists beyond race, nationality or religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores how British and American newspapers covered the 2015 terrorist attack on Charlie Hebdo. British newspapers prioritize free speech and the protection of marginalized groups compared with American ones, but both countries differentiate Muslims from radical terrorists. Attention to news media coverage of the attack is positively related to public approval of publishing the cartoons, supporting press freedom. Implications for free speech debate over Charlie Hebdo are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the interrogation of Charlie Hebdo after shooting and the place of race in contemporary France. Topics discussed include coloniality in France at the center of analysis to renew a tradition of radical political antiracism; universalization of racism; and criticism of Islam and its adherents as obscurantist.

To date, scholars have rarely talked about contemporary antisemitism and Islamophobia in France as part of a single story. When they have, it has typically been as part of a framework for analyzing racism that is essentially competitive: some depict Islamophobia as less a real problem than a frequent excuse to ignore antisemitism; others minimize antisemitism as an unfortunate but marginal phenomenon by comparison with the pervasive nature of anti-Muslim racism in French society. This article argues that the two are inseparable, and it focuses on a hitherto overlooked set of connections: in the era since the attacks on Charlie Hebdo and Hyper Cacher in January 2015, at key flash points that question Muslim belonging in France, the position of Jews has repeatedly been invoked in ambiguous, contradictory ways. Participants in these public debates have sometimes forcefully maintained that Jews are unlike Muslims, since they have long been fully integrated French citizens. At other moments, these discussions have raised the specter of Jewish ethnic and religious difference. By emphasizing Jewish particularity, such debates evoke, perforce, the past twenty-five years of controversies about the allegedly problematic attire, food, and beliefs of France's Muslims. The article focuses on several key moments, from the speech of Prime Minister Manuel Valls before the French parliament in the wake of the Charlie Hebdo and Hyper Cacher attacks, to the kippah and burkini affairs of 2016, to the provocative comments of candidates in the 2017 presidential elections concerning Muslim and Jewish religious and ethnic markers of difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that we cannot fully grasp what has been at stake in discussions following the January 2015 attacks in Paris, nor the symbolic place Charlie Hebdo has subsequently come to hold in French society, unless we pay attention to the ways in which gender, sex, and race have shaped both Charlie Hebdo's visual register and contemporary representations of Frenchness and difference. Within the French context, difference has historically been assigned to bodies that are imagined to disrupt the proper gendered and sexual ordering of the nation, focusing recently on "Arab" and "Muslim" gendered bodies, just as Jewish bodies had been caricatured earlier in the twentieth century. This essay therefore argues that understanding Charlie Hebdo's satire requires examining how the sexualization of race in representations of those deemed different, especially Muslims, has become incredibly banal in contemporary France. The magazine participated in rather than exposed what came to be seen as commonsense beliefs that both Left and Right relied on and that marginalized Muslims from the republican order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article opens with an assessment of the narratives that emerged in the immediate wake of the Charlie Hebdo / Hyper Cacher events in January 2015. It does so by examining the differing hashtags of the moment—#jesuisCharlie, #jesuisjuif, #LassBat—and how each offered a distilled account of what the moment meant; these competing interpretations were echoed in the news coverage and the commentary that followed. The article proceeds to set out how this special issue reframes and reevaluates the recent history of relations between Jews and Muslims in France. Each author suggests that Judeophobia and Islamophobia are inextricably entangled in ways more complicated than simple formulas or hashtags can encapsulate. Taking on the suggestion that "Muslims are the new Jews" in France (or in Europe), the special issue instead urges an appreciation of the interlocked vulnerabilities and insecurities of both Jews and Muslims. Such an approach requires a recognition of the structural and institutional forces and ideologies that have shaped their interconnected destinies in the last generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores tensions in French Jewish discourses about antisemitism in the post-2000 period. Drawing on commentary from French Jewish intellectuals, national Jewish organizations, and the French Jewish press from the mid-2000s until after the Charlie Hebdo and Hyper Cacher attacks, I note a complex relationship between change and continuity in discursive characterizations of French antisemitism. While empirical manifestations of antisemitism were notably transformed by the Toulouse attacks of 2012, much French Jewish discourse insisted on continuity from the early 2000s onward. At the same time, Jewish narrative practices shifted rather dramatically. In a political context where Israel was often depicted as part of a history of violent settler colonialism, early 2000s Jewish discourse divorced French antisemitism from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and (post)colonial racism in France. After 2012, some Jewish commentators linked Israel to French antisemitism by likening terrorism in Israel with Islamic antisemitism in France. These disjunctures between narratives and empirical violence suggest that the "structures of feeling" behind Jewish reactions to contemporary antisemitism cannot be reduced to empirical questions about safety and security. Social scientists thus need to move beyond an empirical analysis of antisemitism itself and attend to the cultural and affective work Jewish discourses about antisemitism do in any particular moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reexamines the satire of Charlie Hebdo through the lens of comedy theory and cultural studies. Drawing upon Mikhail Bakhtin's notion of "the carnivalesque" and Linda Hutcheon's concept of "irony's edge," it considers the wide variety of potential meanings that are encoded within Hebdo's highly controversial comedy and religious representations. Introducing the notion of the "ambigramic carnival," I argue that competing notions of hegemony in French culture encourage radically different understandings of the ethical and political implications of Hebdo's content. Ultimately, I contend that while Hebdo's approach to satire is in no way responsible for the terroristic violence visited upon the magazine, the publication nonetheless crafted a style intended to evoke a range of responses, including profound anger. As an empirical companion to this theoretical approach, the article then turns to coverage of the Hebdo massacre in the Jewish press, arguing that in the United States the Forward used the Hebdo story to represent Jewish empowerment and disempowerment simultaneously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The finding that threat boosts the public's preferences for authoritarian policies has been well established in the research literature. Why this shift occurs remains open as the extant literature reports contradictory findings regarding the interaction of dispositions, such as conservatism and authoritarianism, with threat. One line of research argues that threat increases authoritarian preferences among those who are more prone to authoritarianism. Another argues that it is those with a nonauthoritarian ideology who switch in response to threat. By using a two‐wave panel study of the French population taken before and after the January 2015 twin attacks in Paris, we find that both trends occur simultaneously. Our results show that the factors that drive the impact of ideological dispositions on support for authoritarian policies are emotional reactions. On the one hand, anxiety led left‐wing respondents to move towards adopting authoritarian policy preferences following the attacks, yet produced no such change among right‐wing respondents. On the other hand, anger did not turn left‐wing voters more authoritarian but strengthened authoritarian policy preferences among right‐wing respondents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Juxtaposing two distinct points in time - the inauguration of Performance Research (PR) at the Old Operating Theatre Museum in London and the political present haunted by the imminence of terror - this essay works against the grain of nostalgia to indicate how the temporalities of the present, past and future are enmeshed in volatile immediacies. While the first part of the essay deconstructs the deceptive conviviality of the early 1990s with premonitions of new forms of social disintegration in the post-Cold War, the second part focuses on the specific emotional register of fury to capture the temper of the times. Instead of a generalized reflection on fury, the essay opts to exhume the specters of terror in Elfriede Jelinek’s Wut (Fury) which responds tangentially to the Charlie Hebdo massacre, catalyzing different states of fury at personal, political and performative levels. How the ‘moment of fury’ gets ‘exhibited’ in Jelinek’s visceral, superfast, computerized act of writing counters any ‘reflection’ on ‘our times’ in a more philosophical register. The author’s response to Jelinek’s uninterrogated reflexes to terror takes the form of excerpts from a letter, written to Jelinek from Calcutta, which, in its own way, encapsulates another ‘moment of fury’ in a different space but which is nonetheless connected in time through the volatility of shared vulnerabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the significance of the Charlie Hebdo attacks and responses to them from the perspective of international human rights law on the freedom of expression. Focusing on the recent positions taken by international human rights bodies, it unravels and explores three distinct and influential narratives concerning freedom of expression that have developed amongst a range of actors, including these bodies, in the three years since the attacks took place. 'Freedom of Expression as Identity' recalls how the Charlie Hebdo attacks spurred an outpouring of political declarations concerning freedom of expression, but also laid bare the deep and long-standing cultural divisions surrounding this right. 'Freedom of Expression as a Human Right' unpacks the various ways in which the Charlie Hebdo attacks and states' responses to them engage provisions of international human rights law. 'Freedom of Expression as Part of the Problem' examines approaches by the United Nations to preventing and countering violent extremism which draw upon states' own policies. This article thus exposes the contrasts between the three narratives, as well as the inconsistencies and tensions within them, to reveal ambivalence and resistance towards freedom of expression as a right in the modern era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a theoretical and empirical investigation of marginality of actors and ideas in democratic systems. We do so with respect to the extensive public debate that ensued from the Charlie Hebdo terrorist attacks of January 2015. Using content analytical data retrieved from The Guardian, we assess the degree and nature of marginality as indicated by the presence of different types of intervention in the public debate. Our findings show that women have very limited visibility; religious and minority groups—particularly Muslims—are sidestepped; and actors challenging the dominant securitisation narrative are systematically neglected by those holding dominant positions. We argue for greater attention to the problem of marginality and introduce the Maximin principle of marginality as a means to address this issue in analyses of democratic systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Je suis Charlie was used over 619.000 times in the two days that have followed the attack of Charlie Hebdo and has regularly been taken up in both written and spoken forms since. A number of variants of this meme (i.e. Nous sommes tous (des) Charlie) have also emerged among French speakers. We argue that this is primarily related to the fact that the structure of Je suis Charlie actually clashes with its meaning. Whereas its word order and default rightmost sentence stress are compatible either with an all-focus reading or a narrow focusing of Charlie, the solidarity/empathy message it communicates suggests that its subject is narrowly focused. We propose that two strategies have emerged to solve this conflict: (i) various alternative forms have appeared that allow proper subject focusing and (ii) speakers have reinterpreted the original structure so as to pragmatically retrieve the (additive) focused nature of the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article dealt with how media outlets in a selected number of countries handled the problem of the republication of Charlie Hebdo's controversial “Je Suis Charlie” Mohammed cartoon cover after the terrorist attack of 7 January 2015 against the newspaper. A textual analysis of editorials and policy statements found that editorial decisions to republish or not to republish the Mohammed cartoon in different countries constituted journalistic paradigm work that reflected specific journalistic cultures. The dominant themes that emerged were (1) transnational journalistic solidarity as a form of paradigm work and (2) the use of editorial independence as a paradigm defense and repair mechanism. Furthermore, we found that the American media, which practice the journalistic craft under the First Amendment, were not as unanimous as the Continental European media in considering republication of the Je Suis Charlie Mohammed cartoon as a barometer of transnational journalistic solidarity and support for freedom of expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the following mini-study, quantitative content analysis was used to investigate differences in the United States print media’s coverage of the Charlie Hebdo shooting. Four articles were analyzed, two from the corporate media and two from independent sources. The four articles did not disagree on the existence of terrorism, but they differed in terms of their assumptions regarding the cause(s) of terrorism as well as in terms of how the terrorist subject is configured discursively. Blaming Islam in general, or all Muslims, in relation to terrorist acts perpetrated by a few criminals can have drastic results, such as Islamophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a recent article, Neville Cox argued that there is no right under international human rights law to publish 'irreligious' cartoons. Secondly, he questioned the very idea of such a right. Finally, he argued that, given the fact that there is no international right to publish irreligious cartoons and that the message spread by the cartoons was akin to hate speech, the 'real' reason for the international solidarity with Charlie Hebdo may have been 'Islamophobia'. In this article, I will argue that Cox may be right in holding that there is no international right to 'irreligious speech', but I will question his reasoning. Secondly, I will argue that, under robust free speech theory, arguments in favour of suppressing anti-religious speech are highly questionable. Finally, and irrespective of the two previous points, I will argue that Cox's conclusion is mere speculation, and there are no compelling arguments for adhering to it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting with the assault on the offices of the satirical magazineCharlie Hebdoon 7 January 2015, the French Republic has endured a series of terrorist attacks, culminating in the massacre of civilians on the Promenade des Anglais in Nice on 14 July 2016, an outrage deliberately and symbolically timed to coincide with the Bastille Day celebration. During this period, the governing and other elites in France attempted to foster a sense of national unity around key republican values as the most effective response to the threat posed by terrorism. After examining the inconsistent postures struck by the French socialist government in the months following the outrages of 2015 and 2016, Raymond’s article will analyse the contradictions of the previous administration in order to illustrate the argument that the problematic relationship between race, identity and secularism cuts across the traditional ideological cleavages of left and right. The failure of leading mainstream political figures to articulate an effective and unifying discourse in the face of the terrorist threat to France is not, however, purely a failure of communication. Raymond will address the adequacy of a blueprint for social cohesion shaped by the Third Republic and exemplified by the formal separation of church and state in 1905. He considers whether the traditional understanding of what it means to belong to the ‘one and indivisible’ republic has problematized the sense of national self-esteem and contributed to the current tension in France. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Now approximately 30 years old, the field of digital forensics is arguably facing some of its greatest challenges to date. Whilst currently supporting law enforcement in numerous criminal cases annually, questions are beginning to emerge regarding whether it can sustain this contribution, with digital crime remaining prevalent. In his first live interview in September 2015, Head of MI5, Andrew Parker indicated that individuals are now engaging in computing acts which are beyond the control of authorities, confirming earlier remarks made by British Prime Minister David Cameron in the wake of the Charlie Hebdo attacks. Such comments cast doubt on the future effectiveness of the digital forensic discipline and its ability to effectively investigate those who implement the latest forms of technology to carry out illicit acts. This article debates the controversial question, could we be facing an era where digital crime can no longer be effectively policed? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper utilizes survey methodology to explore the ethical perspectives of political cartoonists following theCharlie Hebdoshootings. Ethics positions theory is considered. Participants tended to be either situationists, absolutists, or exceptionists. Political ideology was associated with relativism scores. Findings showed that most of the participants (74 percent) reported that they drew a cartoon in response to the shootings. Participants expressed feelings of anger and sadness following the shootings. They reported that they drew cartoons illustrating free speech, cartoonists, pencils and pens, or violence following the shootings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the January 2015 Paris terrorist attacks presented a crucial opportunity for far-right mobilisation, the focus on liberal democratic values andCharlie Hebdo’s non-conformist progressive profile presented challenges for right-wing discourse. Taking Italy as a paradigmatic case of public controversies on cultural and religious affairs, this article examines the opportunities and constraints generated by multicultural crises for far-right framing choices. A qualitative frame analysis analyses the discourse of three types of far-right actors. While the populist radical right, extreme right, and ultra-religious right groups disagree on crucial criteria for outgroup exclusion, they collectively employed theCharlie Hebdocontroversy to redefine their exclusionary discourse on liberal grounds with the goal of gaining legitimacy in the mainstream public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In January 2015, French society was shocked by a sequence of fatal attacks at the offices of satirical magazineCharlie Hebdoand a kosher supermarket in Paris. In the wake of these tragic events, many social and political commentators interpreted the killings as an assault on freedom of expression and core French values of liberty, equality andlaïcité. Prime Minister Manuel Valls described the perpetrators as disciples of Islamofascism. More than this, the terrorists were represented as the extreme manifestation of a deviant and nihilistic ‘other’—largely concentrated in France’s infamousbanlieues—that rejected the Republic and embraced a form of ideological extremism that originated beyond France’s borders. Yet this interpretation fails to adequately consider the complexity of the situation. Drawing on the work on radicalisation by Wiktorowicz, and illustrated with lessons learned from research into the causes of the 2005 French riots, this article has two objectives: to highlight the importance of everyday exclusion in the web of causal factors that frames the path to violent extremism in France; and to offer an alternative view of the role and influence of thebanlieuesin this context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines rituals of mourning in the digital mediascape in the case of the Charlie Hebdo attacks in Paris, 2015. The idea of the digital mediascape draws on Arjun Appadurai's (1990) seminal work on mediascape and develops it further in the current framework of digital media. Rituals of mourning are approached as a response and a reaction to the anxiety and distress caused by the unexpected violent death of global media attention. The phenomenology of ritual practices in Charlie Hebdo is characterised as multi-layered, relational and coexisting. The article looks in particular at the ritual mourning in association with the message and the meme 'Je suis Charlie'. The 'imagined worlds' created around the digital circulation of this ritual message are discussed in relation to the idea of the politics of death formed around such fundamental value-laden questions as whose life counts as life and is thus worthy of public recognition of mourning, as Judith Butler (2004) has asked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In reaction to the deadly attack on Charlie Hebdo staff in January 2015, the Je suis Charlie movement emerged as a demonstration of solidarity with the victims. At the same time, however, the Je ne suis pas Charlie counter-stance found its way mostly into unofficial discussions, which became prolific fora where the in/appropriateness of the actions of the parties involved in the act was debated. The numerous Internet-based discussions offer a wealth of evaluative data which can be analysed using the methods and procedures of recent politeness theorisation. The main objective of the paper is to examine how (im)politeness evaluations are made within a particular Internet discussion forum by the commenters themselves vis-à-vis the perspectives and the identities they assume. Conceived within the framework of ‘politeness as social practice’, the paper seeks to access the commenters’ identities and the respective ‘moral orders’ to which they seem to orient themselves when making their evaluations. It is claimed that these (im)politeness evaluations as manifestations of their metapragmatic awareness can be used as a venue for the study of how individual, group-based and societal value systems are negotiated, contested and ratified within computer-mediated communication settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Michel Houellebecq has an unusual gift for revealing the nervous underside of modern life, so when his "futuristic" novel about an Islamic France, Submission, was released on the very day of the Charlie Hebdo attacks, the coincidence was both horrific and apropos. Most criticism focuses on the anti-Muslim and anti-Enlightenment elements of the novel, but in this article I argue that Submission should be seen primarily as an engaged work of cultural politics. Houellebecq, measuring the temperature of today's France, presents a culturally collapsed nation of the near future and focuses on women and Jews as the victims--sacrificed, as it were, by the secular elite. In so doing, I maintain, he pulls heavily from current events, all the while drawing on the memory of Vichy and the Occupation. The novel's premises, topical at the time of its publication, are even more so today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]