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Focusing on why and how public attitudes towards immigration in Canada have grown more positive between 1998 and 2021, this paper examines whether the changes in attitudes stem from changes in population characteristics or changes in the effect of these characteristics. Our analysis sheds light on the implications of the 2008–2010 financial crisis on the support for immigration. Our logit regression analysis shows that positive attitudes towards immigration are positively related to higher levels of education attainment regardless of the survey years but negatively associated with the support for conservative political parties, especially during and after the financial crisis. By employing decomposition analysis, we investigate the shift in public opinions across individual characteristics before, during, and after the 2008 financial crisis. We find that, for all periods, most of the attitude shift results from the change in the effect of population characteristics rather than the change in the characteristics themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of the October Crisis has often been analyzed through the lens of Quebec. This article wishes to broaden understanding of the repercussions of this crisis outside the borders of the francophone province by looking at the events that shook academic institutions in the Canadian Prairies and the reactions of the student youth that drove them. Based on analysis of student newspapers from Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta, it attests to the turmoil on university campuses in the months following the implementation of the War Measures Act, when demonstrations, petitions, teach-ins, and intellectual exchanges followed one another. This analysis sheds light on a certain dichotomy of opinions in the West. While Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau was strongly criticized for his official language policy and his economic centralism by the people and governments, a lull occurred with the October events, whose management by the federal government was welcomed. Student newspapers offered another perspective, that of an engaged youth sensitive to the issues of Quebec, trying to show the perverse effects of this War Measures Act, deemed liberticidal, hostile to radical discourse, and affecting the entire country. In revisiting this era, this article also explores the student journalistic style of the era-- a style that sought to be on the fringes of mainstream media, seen as biased in its treatment of Quebec and of separatist movements. In the eyes of certain students, the liberation of Quebec could lead only to the liberation of Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Robin Winks' Blacks in Canada hit stores fifty years ago, critics heaped scorn on the idea of there being such a thing as African Canadian history – never mind a history worth telling. In the decades since, African Canadian history has blossomed from a topic that seemed the work of a curious few, to a field that has secured some of the highest awards and praise in Canadian history. This article explores the slippery uses of African American and African Canadian histories; Black Canadian historiography; critics of the canon; remaining gaps in the field; and new scholarship by some of the scholars – both the young and the seasoned – who are breaking new ground in African Canadian history. It also discusses podcasts, documentaries, websites, and television productions about African Canadian history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the societal climate surrounding issues of race and racism in the study of the past as my point of departure, I propose to examine how it translates into the practice of French-language historiography of Canadian and Quebecois societies. Do disciplinary institutions publish on issues of race and racism? This study also responds to historian Geneviève Dorais' arguments in the Bulletin d'histoire politique in 2020 about anti-Black racism in Quebec historiography, and to the call by historians Crystal Gail Fraser and Allyson Stevenson for a critical perspective on our discipline in the post-Truth and Reconciliation Commission era. This paper consists of four sections. I first sketch out some definitions related to the concepts of race, racism, and ignorance. I then turn to the relationship these questions have with historical epistemology and the role that the discipline of history has played in the history of racism. In the third section, I present the results of my research on francophone-Canadian historical knowledge production in the past few years, which asked the following questions: Is the concept of race present in this disciplinary field? In what way is it used? Finally, I conclude by returning to the results of this study and reflect on what a better understanding of the critical concept of race in historical studies can contribute to our understanding of Quebec and Canada's past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the impact of self-examination as a tool of feminist resistance, an act of preventive health care, and a site where mainstream and alternative health models were debated in late twentieth-century Canada. In the early 1970s, a range of women's health groups increasingly turned their liberationist critiques towards the structures of mainstream medicine, and the self-exam became a vehicle that allowed women to push back against what they cast as the systemic power imbalances involved with the traditional doctor-patient relationship. Both breast and pelvic self-exams became staples of the women's health movement as feminists encouraged women to take health care into their own hands, both figuratively and literally. As the decade progressed, breast self-examination transformed from a niche feminist technique to a relatively commonplace preventative health practice, increasingly discussed within popular women's magazines across North America. Pelvic self-examination remained more controversial as the practice was denounced by a small but vocal group of Canadian physicians, resentful of lay incursions into medical practice. Drawing on women's magazines and feminist newsletters, archival files from Canadian women's health centres, and debates about self-examination in national newspapers, we reveal how shifting narratives about women's liberation, responsibility for preventative health practices, and medical authority intersected in the feminist practice of self-examination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the underreported chapter in Canadian history and the history of comics censorship by examining previously unpublished and unprocessed materials from the Provincial Archives of Alberta in Edmonton. It explores the Advisory Board on Objectionable Publications (ABOP) in Alberta, Canada to control the sale of objectionable comics, tabloids, and magazines.It also mentions tha release of pamphlet "What's Wrong with Comic Books?" in 1956.

While historians have explored the links between first‐wave feminism and religion, particularly Christianity, in considerable detail in both Canada and the United States, the nature of the relationship between religion, irreligion and second‐wave feminism has received little scholarly attention. This forum explores the complex and troubled intersections between second‐wave feminism, religion and irreligion among Jewish women, both feminist and non‐feminist, a Christian Pentecostal female politician and nonbelieving women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Jewish feminists in the British Columbia and Ontario women's movements, particularly among radical and socialist feminists. Feminists within these movements saw organised religion as patriarchal, hostile to the interests of women and thus to be rejected. Using archival and oral history sources, we argue that looking more closely at Jewish feminists within second‐wave feminism can help us to more clearly understand the nature of secularism in the women's movement, its implicit contradictions and unspoken Christian bias. Jewish feminists noted, for example, that Christian holidays such as Christmas or Easter could be seen as secular celebrations, while any celebration of Jewish heritage, even if it emerged from a very secular Jewish socialist culture, was suspect within secular feminist circles, and indeed could be denounced as an acceptance of patriarchy. We analyse the distinctive experiences of Jewish feminists as a minority community within an ostensibly secular women's movement. We argue that Jewish activist women, because of their liminal position within the movement, as both secular feminists and ethnic/religious other, could challenge and reveal the Christian roots of feminist secularism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on newspapers and magazines, statistical sources and oral histories with 42 white, English Canadian women who rejected religious belief in the 1960s–1980s. During that era, organised religious involvement declined sharply in Canada and levels of unbelief gradually increased. This article explores how feminism shaped women's departure from religion in those years. The second‐wave women's movement tended to disregard religious feminisms and to associate religiosity with women's disempowerment; while secularity was endemic to the movement, the focus was on challenging institutional religion rather than belief itself. The secularity of the second wave could be narrow and exclusionary, but it also helped some women to challenge religious constraints. Although few interviewees were active in the women's movement, many recalled that feminism informed their journeys away from religion. Most came to an awareness of the patriarchy of organised religion – and dismissed it as such – in their teens or twenties, but rejected religious belief later in life. Due to persistent religious and gender norms, nonbelieving women were often reticent in voicing their unbelief. Nevertheless, they disseminated irreligion in a range of subtle yet powerful ways, and played a central role in the secularisation of post‐war English Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of Canadian history have been remiss in overlooking conservative religious women, especially when such women claimed to be feminists. Given the commonly shared assumption that second‐wave feminism was tied to secularism, the idea that religious women could be committed feminists seems implausible. However, some conservative Christian women, including evangelicals and Pentecostals, considered themselves to be feminists, even as they actively opposed abortion. The Rev. Bernice Gerard (1923–2008) was a Pentecostal pastor, a media personality and a municipal politician in Vancouver from 1977 to 1980. Researching her life through using her own life writing provides a case study for grappling with larger questions about conservativism and feminism. In 2000, Gerard, the self‐proclaimed feminist, was named as the most significant spiritual figure in British Columbia in the twentieth century. My biographical work about her pays particular attention to her provocative and seemingly contradictory convictions and points to how she resolved the conceptual tensions that framed her religiosity using a process of 'self‐authoring'. Theoretical frameworks from the sociology of religion challenge Western feminism's implicit biases and provide useful ways to frame the complexities and paradoxes that arise in the lives of conservative women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses labor politics in Canada, with particular emphasis given to the changing relationship between labor unions and the New Democratic Party (NDP) over time. Topics of discussion include the political party Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), the NDP's ideological shift and party-union divisions, and union support for strategic voting.

The article provides an overview of American studies in Canada from 1970 to the present. Topics include both the political and social influence of the United States on Canada, the study of American and Canadian literature, the divergence between American and Canadian universities and scholars in the approach towards interdisciplinary studies, and the history of the "Canadian Review of American Studies."

Proletarianization refers to the subordination of hired labour to the owners of capital. This inquiry assesses the extent of proletarianization of professional employees on the basis of a distinctive series of national surveys of the general labour force in Canada between 1982 and 2016. Non-managerial professional employees are distinguished from professionals in other class positions (i.e. professional employers, self-employed professionals, and professional managers) with whom they have been conflated in much of the prior research. The findings suggest increasing proletarianization of professional employees during this period in terms of declining job autonomy and decreasing participation in organizational decision-making, as well as increasing underemployment and more critical political attitudes. But there is also evidence of increasing qualifications and development of "general intellect" among more traditional working-class employees, as well as even more extensive underemployment. Implications of convergence between the proletarianization of professional employees, as a "new working class," and the qualifications and perceived working conditions of other non-managerial hired labour in emergent "knowledge economies" are discussed. More careful distinctions between non-managerial professional employees and professionals in other class positions in future studies are recommended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of U.S. racism and the U.S. civil rights movement in Canadian understanding of racism in Canada. Topics include discrimination against black and indigenous people in Canada, transnational cooperation between Black Canadians and African American activists, and the impact of racism on the international reputation of the U.S.

Introduction: Some adverse drug reactions (ADRs) may involve direct social issues, such as impaired quality of life, work productivity, or social functioning, as opposed to being social consequences of medical adverse events. Data on ADRs with a direct social impact remain scarce in the literature.Objective: Our objective was to describe the ADRs consisting of direct social issues that have been recorded in the Canadian national spontaneous reporting system (Canada Vigilance).Methods: We conducted an analysis of the online Canada Vigilance spontaneous reporting database from 1 January 1965 (inception) to 31 December 2015 (last date available). We manually examined all Medical Dictionary for Regulatory Activities (MedDRA) preferred terms (PTs) found in the Canada Vigilance database to identify those that involved direct social issues. We then used those PTs to search for relevant individual case safety reports (ICSRs). We conducted a descriptive analysis of the following ICSR characteristics: patient and reporter characteristics, type of ADR, seriousness (as assessed by the reporter and according to the International Conference on Harmonisation criteria of seriousness), and suspected drug(s). We compared the characteristics of ADRs with and without direct social impact.Results: Among the 11,946 MedDRA PTs recorded in Canada Vigilance, we retained 40 that had a direct social impact. Using these PTs, we identified 9557 relevant ICSRs (corresponding to 6670 patients). The proportion of ADRs consisting of direct social issues increased over time, with a sharp transient peak in 2008. The majority were reported by healthcare professionals and consumers (56.7 and 37.8%, respectively). The mean age of patients was 45.4 years, and 53.3% were females. Direct social issues consisted of personality disorders and behaviour disturbances (41.6%) followed by neurological disorders (34.2%). The majority of ADRs were considered serious by reporters (76.5%), with 26.8% resulting in hospitalization. Commonly suspected health products included nervous system drugs (63.3%) and antineoplastic and immunomodulating agents (23.6%). Compared with other ADRs, those with a direct social impact were more often reported by consumers, involved patients who were on average 5 years younger, and were more frequently assessed as being serious by the reporters.Conclusions: Findings from this study support the consideration of direct social issues as ADRs in the detection of drug safety signals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada's securities markets serve an important function by (a) enabling corporations to buy, sell, trade, or otherwise use securities to generate or maintain capital, and (b) encouraging investors to participate. Protecting these markets from crime is difficult. A dialectical analysis of the decisions, extending orders, orders, settlement agreements, and official news releases from the provincial securities regulators between the years 1986 and 2012 revealed how the opportunities for and the ability to conceal such crimes are created. Institutions, power, and ideology are the underlying concepts used to explain the criminogenic nature of the markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE GOUZENKO AFFAIR IS REFERRED TO as the event that started the Cold War. This article draws on recently declassified documents that shed new light on Britain's role in this affair, particularly that of the Foreign Office and the British High Commissioner to Canada. The documents reveal how the British had a major part in directing the response to Igor Gouzenko's defection in 1945. This event revealed the need for increased counterespionage security, but it also became a spectacle that directed the public's attention away from the British connection: specifically, the role of Alan Nunn May, a British nuclear scientist who had provided the Soviets with classified information. Instead, the public's interest was centred on Soviet spies, communism as a subversive force, and the brewing Soviet-US conflict. These newly declassified sources demonstrate how it was the British intelligence services and the British government that went to great lengths to help focus the public's attention in this direction. They took great pains to direct Canadian policymaking, which included working to discourage Canada's prime minister William Lyon Mackenzie King from handling the affair privately with the Soviet ambassador, and were likely behind the infamous press leak to US reporter Drew Pearson that forced King to call a Royal Commission and publicize the affair. With the help of the British government and intelligence services, the Cold War began. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Just months before his death in June 1981, Fitness and Amateur Sport Canada (FAS) announced the first annual Terry Fox Marathon of Hope Day. This announcement built on widespread interest in commemorating Terry Fox. During and after his run, English Canadians wrote letters to politicians and newspapers suggesting that celebrating Terry Fox could be a way to bring the nation together and to recognize a person emblematic of values deemed Canadian: toughness, masculinity, courage, and ability. This essay examines the claim that Terry Fox united Canada in 1980-81 and argues that Fox was not the unifying figure that many made him out to be. Instead, he was a more complicated and contradictory icon than such narratives imply. Considering Terry Fox in the context of national unity, ability/disability, masculinity, and character reveals that there was no singular way of understanding the runner or the Marathon of Hope when he was still alive. Overtime, different meanings have been attached to Terry Fox. Fox's story has been made and remade. It speaks to patterns of historical memory, and regional and linguistic differences that are a part of the Canadian story. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between the Canadian churches that formed the Canada China Programme (CCP), from its inception in the 1970s to its demise in the new millennium. The CCP demonstrates the contacts that existed between churches in Canada and China after the expulsion of missionaries in the 1950s. The work of the CCP, in both Canada and China, reveals a previously unexplored aspect of Canada-China relations, as well as the strategies that churches employed to advance their own alternative foreign policy. Throughout its history, the CCP was the site of internal debates among its Catholic and mainline Protestant members to balance their promotion of social justice issues and requests from their Chinese partners that they remain silent and uncritical of Chinese policies. The debate created an atmosphere of competition between churches, hindering the work of the CCP because it could not present a united front in its policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the activism of Marian Sherman, a churchwoman-turned-atheist in postwar Victoria, British Columbia. Between 1946 and her death in 1975, Sherman promoted atheism and humanism throughout her community, province, and nation. Her secularist journey offers a useful lens on broader changes and continuities in Canada's postwar religious culture. Broader currents of secularization, including the spread of critical discourse on religion and the rise of secular humanism, contributed to Sherman's growing prominence as an atheist spokesperson during the 1960s. Responses to Sherman indicate, however, that most atheists continued to feel silenced in this era. Sherman's outspoken atheism was made possible, in part, by her specific social location, particularly her class, gender, age, and place. This article adds further texture to the picture of religious change in postwar Canada, and demonstrates the significance of women to the making of British Columbian culture in the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of Canadian Medicare is reviewed to demonstrate the extent to which non-universal alternatives almost became the norm in Canada. While this historical survey focuses on the most critical dimension of universal coverage - the drive to have all Canadians insured on the same terms and conditions - it also addresses the second and third dimensions of universality, the extent of user fees and the breadth of coverage, respectively. However, that there is no single national narrative on health coverage, in part because of the highly decentralized nature of the Canadian health system. Ultimately, public-sector health system coverage is a policy decision taken at the sub-national level by the provincial rather than the federal government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late sixties Canadian young people drew attention to global humanitarian crises through the relatively recent innovation of the hunger march. At its peak of popularity, the Miles for Millions walkathon functioned not only as a fundraising tool but as a consciousness-raising vehicle around issues of global significance, including famine, poverty, and war. Children and youth played both symbolic and material roles in the emergence of international development politics and praxis and were fundamental to making the walkathons a spectacular fundraising success. The Walk helped hundreds of thousands of young people imagine themselves belonging to a transnational community in which children mattered. At the same time, imagining global connections between children and youth became intrinsic to Canadian students' sense of nation that insisted on the importance of the country's response to international need. Empathic, emphatic, idealistic, and at times naïve, Canadian youth met the challenge of the Miles for Millions walkathon and were responsible for the millions of foundational dollars raised for the era's international development projects. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article examines the history of Glenn Gould's 1957 concert tour of the ussr as a pivotal moment in the Cold War and the evolution of Canadian cultural diplomacy. Classical music was a disarming weapon in the conduct of foreign relations because it was understood to have universal significance that transcended politics and ideology, even though the critical rhetoric of music performance often invoked notions of artistic power and triumph. Gould was the first North American pianist to perform behind the Iron Curtain, and his visit was a spectacular success artistically and politically. Western commentators played up his individualism, national identity, and modernist repertoire, describing the impact of his performances on Soviet audiences and translating the significance of that experience back home. Privately endorsed, but not officially sponsored by the Canadian government, the tour was organized by Gould's manager, Walter Homburger. Drawing on government documents about the planning of the tour, media coverage, personal memoirs, and the lectures about culture in the ussr that Gould delivered on his return to Toronto, the article explores the role of non-state actors in advancing the interests of Canadian foreign policy both at home and abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Commercial electronic distribution of software (EDS) originated in the second half of the 1970s. By the early 1980s, several North American and European companies were already distributing software using common communications networks. However, it would take two more decades before EDS would become the foremost software delivery model. This article charts the development of the early commercial EDS industry in North America, focusing on cable television-based, direct-to-home services. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Drawing on the voluminous government records as well as selective interviews in a large oral history archive created over several years, this article explores Canada's recruitment of Greek female domestics in the 1950s and early 1960s within the context of the feminist scholarship on female labour schemes as well as more recent whiteness literature on the in-between racial status of peripheral Europeans. In considering the contradictory features of a large but little-known labour scheme through which more than ten thousand Greek women arrived, many of them before their families, it documents the role of the bureaucrats - who envisioned the domestics' transformation into models of modern domesticity while portraying them as victims of their patriarchal communities and manipulators of Canadian immigration policy - and that of the women who negotiated various challenges. To account for the scheme's remarkable longevity, a key argument probes the mix of factors that repositioned a traditionally non-preferred Southern European group of women into a desirable white source of immigrant labour and future Canadian motherhood. Ultimately, Greek women enjoyed a racial privilege and mobility not afforded to later arriving women from the Caribbean and Philippines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The military received significant coverage on the earliest television news broadcasts in Canada. There were reports and features about the wars Canadians fought in Korea and were preparing to fight against the Soviets in the early years of the Cold War. A close examination of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation's television (cbc-tv) news coverage between 1952 and 1956 of topics ranging from the return of troops from Korea to combat training in Petawawa, Ontario, offers insight, not only into early television representations of military endeavours, but also into a formative period in cbc-tv's development. The article argues that, during the first years of transmission, cbc-tv news programs were largely uncritical and often supportive of the military. As a result, the national broadcaster reinforced the consensus on defence policy and military commitments. This did not reflect deficiencies in the cbc National News Service's journalistic ethics, but rather production contexts unique to the early 1950s: technological constraints; limited resources; strict military regulations; the cbc's established practices, policies, and program formats; the lack of debate about defence during the early Cold War; and the influence of American broadcasters, military newsfilm services, and foreign newsreel agencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In her memories of her 'life in history,' Wendy Mitchinson integrates her private life with that of her work in the academy. As a member of the first major cohort of historians researching Canadian women's history, she relates her years as a student at York University in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the rise of feminism, and the way in which her work on women and becoming a feminist altered people's view of her and her own self-image. It was an exciting period of history, and she acknowledges that life choices open to her had not existed for her mother's generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the intersection of the history of women’s movements, history of civil society, migration policy and social work, this article examines the approach that the women of the Canadian Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) took toward the issue of immigration and the work they undertook with migrants during the 1920s and 1930s. Following an initial time (from the 1870s to the post-war period), when the legal reform and the nationalization of immigration policies were predominant, a transnational approach to assisting immigrants emerged within the YWCA. In the context of the post-war period, when the federal state intervened in the reception of migrants and called for the closure of borders, the YWCA forged close ties with major international organizations rising in Europe. Transcending the imperial and national spheres, and orienting itself toward a less sectarian and no longer women-oriented action, throughout the 1930s the Canadian YWCA contributed to the emergence of a new humanitarian and transnational approach to assisting migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author argues that the continuous connection between Zimbabwean Diasporic Canadians (ZDC) and their homeland Zimbabwe is facilitated by the ZDC’s ongoing relationship and involvement with Zimbabwean African Indigenous Religion (AIR) and Zimbabwean African Initiated Churches (AICs). The two spiritual institutions are used as vehicles to alleviate cultural and racial discrimination as well as the socioeconomic challenges faced by the ZDC. The methodologies of interviews and participant observation were used. Research indicates that ZDC maintain their ties with Zimbabwe through continued engagement with AIR and AIC, who establish and assert themselves as vehicles of interaction and interdependence between Zimbabwe and the ZDC. In addition to their religious preoccupation, these institutions also play an important economic and social role in the lives of the ZDC. The conclusion is that ZDC did not make a complete break with their homeland. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Self-reported life satisfaction is increasingly measured in government and private surveys around the world. In Canada, life satisfaction questions have not been asked in a consistent manner over time, but the accumulated set of data since 1985, along with recent surveys with repeated structure, now facilitates an analysis of regional changes. Those two and a half decades reveal a significant increase in life satisfaction in the province of Quebec as compared with the rest of Canada. The scale of this increase in well-being is comparable to the imputed effect of more than a trebling of mean household income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the memoirs written by Canadian prime minister John Diefenbaker, "One Canada," and how they represent the history of Canadian-American relations between 1961 and 1963. The author compares the history within "One Canada" to archive sources, examines Diefenbaker's recollections of his relationship with the U.S. government and U.S. president John F. Kennedy, and analyzes why historians have not investigated "One Canada" further.

This paper addresses one particular feature of Canada's accommodation of diversity -- the existence of French-language communities outside of Quebec and New Brunswick -- to show how there continues to be conceptual difficulties in reconciling Canada's many diversities. More specifically, we are concerned with conceptual ambiguities associated with the place of these minority communities in Canada's constitutive political sociology, and difficulties in promoting a coherent set of policies for their flourishing. Moreover, this paper will not simply rehash arguments about their forma and conceptual status. We are interested in illuminating a recent initiative that seeks to direct immigrants to these communities in the hope of maintaining their overall percentage of the Canadian population. This is a development that has received little attention to date from the perspective of the scholarship of multiculturalism and minority rights, and political theory more generally. We argue that the strategy to target Francophone minority communities as 'sites' of integration represents a false promise for both these communities and immigrants. This article will show that the federal framework of 'multiculturalism within a bilingual framework' obscures the realities confronting Francophone minority communities and thus their capacity to integrate newcomers, on both empirical and normative grounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the same time period, the United States, Great Britain and Canada all moved towards ‘counting’ mixed-race on their national censuses. In the United States, this move is largely attributed to the existence of a mixed-race social movement that pushed Congress for the change – but similar developments in Canada and Britain occurred without the presence of a politically active civil society devoted to making the change. Why the convergence? This article argues that demographic trends, increasingly unsettled perceptions about discrete racial categories, and a transnational norm surrounding the primacy of racial self-identification in census-taking culminated in a normative shift towards multiracial multiculturalism. Therein, mixed-race identities are acknowledged as part of – rather than problematic within – diverse societies. These elements enabled mixed-race to be promoted, at times strategically, as a corollary of multiculturalism in these three countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article proposes an analysis of the strategies of an employers' association in response to the multiple transformations of its environment. It focuses on the capacity of actors, viewed here as institutional entrepreneurs, to transform their work-related institutions to better reflect their needs and interests. The study presents a case study of the Men's Clothing Manufacturers Association (MCMA), which provides insight into the associative behaviour of employers and, more particularly, illustrates the potential for actors to initiate (or to impede) the process of institutional change. In this particular case, MCMA members transform their associative model in order to deal with strong external pressures toward the decentralization of their industrial relations regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conventional wisdom has been that the Canadian Citizenship Act and the British Nationality and Australian Citizenship Act demonstrated the growth of a local nationalism after the Second World War. In reality, the situation was more complicated. Both English-speaking Canada and Australia still regarded themselves as British nations. The passage of the Canadian Act was an illustration of the bicultural nature of that country, which developments during the war had brought to the fore. The Australian Act was simply a reaction to the Canadian Act, as the latter had undermined the common code of British subject status across the Commonwealth. Meanwhile, the British Nationality Act was primarily an attempt to preserve the common status of British subjects throughout the Commonwealth and maintain the integrity of this organisation during a period when it was being rapidly transformed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Higher-income neighbourhoods in Canada’s eight largest cities flourished economically during the past quarter-century, while lower-income communities stagnated. This paper identifies some of the underlying processes that led to this outcome. Increasing family income inequality drove much of the rise in neighbourhood inequality. Increased spatial economic segregation, the increasing tendency of ‘like to live nearby like’, also played a role. It is shown that these changes originated in the labour market. Changes in investment, pension income and government transfers played a very minor role. Yet it was not unemployment that differentiated the richer from poorer neighbourhoods. Rather, it was the type of job found, particularly the annual earnings generated. The end result has been little improvement in economic resources in poor neighbourhoods during a period of substantial economic growth, and a rise in neighbourhood income inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the changing policy and legal frameworks governing migration from China to Canada from 1949 to 1967. The transition period between exclusion and universal access was characterized by slow and contested change, as the Canadian state persistently resisted pressure from community actors and religious groups to facilitate the entry of Chinese migrants, concerned as it was with the domestic stability of the nation. By exploring the intersection of the campaign to expand family sponsorship rights for Chinese Canadians, led by the Chinese Benevolent Association in Vancouver, and church interest in refugee resettlement from Hong Kong in the 1960s, this article demonstrates the critical role that civil society actors played in effecting change in the face of entrenched suspicion about immigration from China and growing state intervention in all aspects of Canadian family life in the postwar period. The debates that took place over expanded family migration from China were rooted in a fundamental conflict between family reunification as a basic human right and the state's desire to control the shape and character of the Canadian nation and suggest that the liberalization of Canada's immigration system in the postwar period was far from certain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship examining public pronouncements on “mass culture” in Canada during the post-World War Two period has focused overwhelmingly on the pessimistic voices of the cultural critics who feared mass culture's deleterious effects upon national identity, democracy, and intellectual freedom. A more accurate understanding of the extent to which mass culture was contested terrain in post-war Canada requires an analysis of the optimistic pronouncements offered by business leaders and government officials. This article examines the rhetoric of Canada's leading post-war tourism promoter, Leo Dolan, and highlights the extent to which he viewed mass culture as a positive force that could achieve many of the same ends that the cultural critics endorsed. While cultural critics saw mass culture as a barrier to progress, Leo Dolan and other tourism promoters in North America championed tourism as an element of mass culture that would facilitate international understanding, strengthen national unity, and contribute to Western civilization. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines how religious and cultural stereotypes of India and Pakistan affected the perceptions and attitudes of Canadian policy-makers and the Diefenbaker government from 1957 to 1963. Canadian policy-makers initially believed that India's elites shared numerous commonalities with the West that were rooted in a shared language and a similar judicial and democratic parliamentary system. Through these 'commonalities' officials believed that India would align with the West as the Cold War intensified. Such assumptions proved to be ill-considered. The Indian government practised a doctrine of non-alignment in the 1950s, and senior Canadian officials regarded this as hypocritical and even anti-Western. By contrast, Pakistan aligned with the West and raised its anticommunist rhetoric. A growing pool of Canadian officials looked to Islam, Hinduism, and cultural stereotypes to explain why Pakistan differed from India and perceived the threat of communism in the same way as the West. These officials also re-evaluated the importance Ottawa placed on ties with New Delhi. The election of Prime Minister John Diefenbaker in June 1957 hastened this trend. Diefenbaker viewed communism in binary terms and concluded that, unlike India, Pakistan was on the 'right side' in the Cold War. The Diefenbaker era saw Ottawa relegate India to the periphery of its foreign policy interests and bilateral relations with Pakistan at their apogee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Yukon Alpine Centennial Expedition was a mass outdoor adventure to celebrate Canada's Centennial in 1967. Organized by the Alpine Club of Canada, it mobilized unifying narratives of federal nationhood through athletic exploits and sporting bodies. Funded by federal, provincial, and territorial governments, three prongs of this major expedition involved more than three hundred mountaineers and resulted in thirty-three climbs in the St Elias Range, including twenty-seven first ascents. The expedition named many geographic features and left imprints on the cultural landscape. Although the expedition officially commemorated nationhood, climbers nonetheless challenged common assumptions through their ways of knowing mountain landscapes. Looking back to the 1925 first ascent of Mt Logan and forward to the declaration of Kluane National Park in 1972, YACE represented Canadian federalist nationalism in northern mountain landscapes, situated amid the Southern Tutchone homelands. Imagining peaks in the St Elias Range as the domain of Canada's national alpine club contributed to imagining Canada's northern national parks established in the 1970s. This study considers how encounters and stories associated with the expedition might be read to place the study of commemoration and mountaineering history within discussions of local knowledge, cultural landscapes, and environmental philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a framework for developing a sociology of human rights using social movements to understand local rights cultures. The idea of human rights has historically been highly statist, but grass-roots activism has been at the heart of the most profound human rights advances in Canada. The article also raises questions about the current state of sociological writing about Canada. The author contends that there is a serious lack of engagement among English and French sociologists, and too few scholars provide genuine 'national' studies. Moreover, restrictive access to information legislation represents a serious obstacle to academic research in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we compare cohorts of mothers who had their first children between 1970 and 1999, in terms of their probability of beginning work shortly after childbearing. Using the 2001 General Social Survey, Cycle 15 on Family History, we investigate the effects of women's socioeconomic characteristics on labor force withdrawal. Our discussion focuses on the analysis of the transition as a type of life course analysis. We underline the differentiation of the transition by cohorts, educational attainment, income, et cetera. We show that since the mid-1980s, mothers with low educational attainment are dramatically excluded from the labor market within the two years following the birth of their first child. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethno-specific organizations are often criticized for threatening national unity, diluting Canadian identity, and promoting ghettoization and separatism. Drawing from two case studies, this article examines the role of Chinese ethnic organizations in responding to changing community needs in Edmonton and Calgary. The study results suggested that ethno-specific organizations can be an effective alternative in providing accessible and equitable social services for immigrants because they are more closely connected with and responsive to ethnic community needs. The study reveals the salience of ethnicity as both an important resource and a liability. On the one hand, ethnicity was utilized by the state as a way to mobilize ethnic political support to serve an ethnic-specific community; on the other hand, the same ethnicity also became a device for the state to legitimize its political agenda in multiculturizing ethno-specific organizations with an ultimate goal of assimilation. To build an inclusive society, it is imperative to treat ethno-specific organizations as an integral part of Canadian society and to adopt minority rights that recognize and accommodate the distinctive identities and needs of ethno-cultural groups and their ethnic communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]