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Governments, economists and intellectuals have called for common European bonds or increased own EU funds to address the recession induced by Covid19. Unfortunately, the German government, joined by the other members of the “Frugal Four” (Austria, Finland, the Netherlands), has categorically rejected to look into any such measures and favours using the ESM. This reaction created a déjà vu experience for citizens and governments of the heavily affected southern Member States of the EU. The proposal to use the ESM raises fears of another wave of austerity amounting to yet another lost decade for economic, social, and ecological development in Europe.

Corona bonds are feasible and important to preserve the European project. We set out a number of principles that might serve as a blueprint for the European institutions. Importantly, Corona bonds could be issued through a new public law entity and include all the safeguards required for the protection of the fundamental values of the EU. This proposal is pragmatic in the sense that it facilitates the choice European leaders have to make now; necessary to secure the resilience of the European Union. The political risks are significantly higher now than in 2010. The gargantuan challenge of tackling the combined impact of climate change, migration, digitalization, geopolitical shifts, and the spread of autocracy, requires leadership and joint action by the Council and the Eurogroup.

Today, constitutional courts in Central and Eastern Europe can decide almost upon all significant social issues. Their de jure competence, which enables them to cancel decisions of democratically elected legislative bodies, is, comparatively seen, very broad. Slovenian Constitutional court belongs to the most activistic constitutional courts in Central and Eastern Europe. Its broad constitutional and legal authority is also intrepreted broadly and the Court with its decisions frequently intervenes in (cancels) decisions given by democratically elected body - parlament. Such position of a constitutional court in democratic society raises a question of so called "counter-majoritarian difficulty" - i.e. a situation in which a body without direct democratic legitimation (constitutional court) cancels decisions of democratically elected parlament. There is an important question in political theory, namely, what is the legal basis for constitutional court to cancel decisions made by a body, which has more powerful and more direct democratic legitimation. The article deals with and critical analyses the meaning of different legal means in solving the "counter-majoritarian difficulty" in contemporary democratic society.

Volitve v zvezni parlament Zvezne republike Nemčije septembra 2017 so predstavljale mejnik v povojni zgodovini te države. Prvič po drugi svetovni vojni se je namreč neki desni populistični stranki, Alternativi za Nemčijo, uspelo prebiti v zvezni parlament. Obdobja pred letom 2017 so v Nemčiji zaznamovali predvsem volilni neuspehi tovrstnih strank, kar postavlja Nemčijo v edinstven položaj nasproti drugim evropskim državam, kjer so bile desne populistične stranke prisotne že dlje časa. Magistrska naloga poskuša pojasniti razloge za kasnejši razvoj populizma v Nemčiji in odgovoriti na hipotezo, da je razlog za drugačno pot Nemčije njeno aktivno spopadanje s travmo druge svetovne vojne. Magistrska naloga skuša ta cilj v prvem delu doseči z obravnavo pojmov populizma, liberalne demokracije in demokratičnega nazadovanja. Populizem je predstavljen kot tanka ideologija, ki se razglaša za edinega predstavnika ljudstva proti eliti. Populizem kot tak nima svoje lastne ideologije, lahko nagovarja tako desni kot levi politični pol. Kljub temu pa vsak populizem ne predstavlja grožnje liberalni demokraciji, to prestavlja avtoritarni populizem, medtem ko poskuša emancipatorni populizem ljudem približati demokracijo. Kot možno sredstvo proti demokratičnemu nazadovanju, ki ga povzroča avtoritarni populizem, je predstavljena militantna demokracija, ki pa ne more nuditi celovitega varstva pred zdrsom v avtokracijo. V boju proti avtoritarni retrogresiji najbolj učinkovito vlogo odigra politična kultura, v kateri politične stranke s svojim nesodelovanjem populistom onemogočijo usidranje na oblasti. Ravno to je v Nemčiji odigralo ključno vlogo, v preteklosti je namreč veljalo nenapisano pravilo, t. i. »Josef Strauß dogma«, po katerem v nemškem političnem prostoru ne sme delovati stranka, ki bi bila v svoji usmeritvi bolj desna od bavarske CSU. Z izvolitvijo AfD v zvezni parlament je bilo to nenapisano pravilo prekršeno in je Nemčijo postavilo ob bok drugim evropskim državam. In September 2017, election in the Federal German Parliament represented a milestone in the afterwar history of the country. For the first time after the World War II, a right wing populist party succeeded to enter the Federal Parliament. The periods before 2017 marked electoral defeats of such parties, which positions Germany in a unique place in comparison to the other European countries, in which the right wing populist parties were present already long before. The present master thesis' aim is to clarify reasons for belated occurrence of populism in Germany. The thesis is based on the assumption that the reason for such different developments lay in Germany's active facing with its role in World War II. The master thesis tries to clarify this with the examination of notions such as populism, liberal democracy and democratic backsliding. When speaking about populism, a definition of populism as a thin ideology is used, which claims that it is a sole representative of people against the elite. Populism as such does not have its own ideology and can address both, the right and the left political sphere. Despite lacking its own ideology, not every populism is a threat to liberal democracy the so-called authoritarian populism poses a threat to liberal democracy, while emancipatory populism on the other hand tries to restore the democracy and bring it closer to the people. As a possible remedy against the democratic backsliding that is caused by the authoritarian populism is presented the concept of militant democracy, which, however cannot fully prevent democratic backsliding. In combating authoritarian retrogression, political culture plays the most efficient role, whereby political patries by not collaborating with populist parties prevent their anchoring into the power. In Germany, this played a crucial role, since the so called »Josef Strauß dogma«, a non-written rule, under which there should be no political party with more right agenda than bavarian CSU. With the election of the AfD in the Federal German Parliament, the rule was broken and set Germany in line with other European countries.

Globalna finančna kriza je leta 2008 zamajala temelje svetovnega bančnega sektorja in gospodarstva nasploh. Zaradi zloma finančnega trga so propadle številne finančne institucije, ki so sodile med največje tovrstne institucije na svetu. Takoj ob nastopu krize so se začeli iskati vzroki in odgovorne osebe. Svetovna kriza se je začela v ZDA, nato se je razširila po vsem svetu, tudi v Slovenijo. Predmetno delo skuša predstaviti celovito analizo bančne krize in iskati vzroke zanjo, pri tem pa ponuditi konkretne odgovore o odgovornosti za bančno krizo. Naloga natančneje obravnava kazensko, odškodninsko in politično odgovornost in zanjo ponudi tudi primere iz prakse v Sloveniji. Poleg tega naloga obravnava t. i. »slabo banko« in Banko Slovenije ter skuša predstaviti njuno vlogo pri nastanku in sanaciji bančne krize. In 2008, global financial crisis rocked the foundations of the global banking sector and economy in general. Due to the financial market breakdown, numerous financial institutions, which were considered the largest global institutions of this kind, failed. Immediately after occurrence of the crisis, reasons and responsible persons began to be searched for. The global crisis began in the USA and was then spread practically all over the world, Slovenia included. The thesis tries to present a comprehensive analysis of the banking crisis and looks for reasons for its occurrence, while offering actual answers regarding the responsibility for the banking crisis itself. The thesis deals with criminal, damage, and political responsibility and also offers practical examples from Slovenia. Further, the thesis also deals with “bad bank” and Bank of Slovenia, and tries to present their role in emergence and rehabilitation of the banking crisis.

Število razseljenih oseb, ki so po pomorskih poteh ali po zahodnobalkanski poti vstopile v Evropo, je leta 2015 preseglo milijon. Migracijski val je zaradi geografskega položaja dosegel tudi Slovenijo, kar je sprva pomenilo logistični, namestitveni in humanitarni izziv. Po umiritvi razmer pa so se v strahu pred tem, da bi država postala migrantski žep in s sklicevanjem na nacionalno varnost, ohranitev temeljnih funkcij države ter zaščito državljanov, začele odvijati zakonodajne spremembe. Dva dodatna člena Zakona o tujcih uvajata novo kategorijo – spremenjene razmere. V kolkor so aktivirane skladno s predpisanim postopkom, dajejo policiji široka pooblastila odločanja na mejnih prehodih. Vstop v državo bo tekom spremenjenih razmer omogočen le osebam, ki bodo vstopile zakonito, nekaterim ranljivim kategorijam in tistim, ki bodo v Sloveniji zaprosili za azil in so vstopili iz države, v kateri obstajajo sistemske pomankljivosti azilnega postopka oziroma obstoji tveganje, da bodo podvrženi mučenju. Taka ureditev pomeni de facto suspenz Ženevske konvencije o statusu beguncev, kršitev načela nevračanja in prepovedi kolektivnega izgona, nespoštovanje Dublinskega postopka in Schengenskega zakonika, hude kršitve Evropske konvencije za človekove pravice ter neskladje z ustavnimi določbami. Tematiko problematike množičnih migracij sta že obravnavali tudi obe evropski sodišči. Najpomembnejši sodbi vsebujeta obsodbo kršitve načela nevračanja v primeru Hirsi Jamaa in interpretacijo postopka po Dublinski uredbi. The number of displaced persons who entered Europe in 2015 through maritime routes or the Western Balkan route exceeded 1 million. Due to the geographical position, the migration wave reached Slovenia, which initially consequent to logistical, accommodation and humanitarian challenges. After the situation calmed, legislative changes took place, considering fear that the country would become a migrant pocket and with reference to national security, preservation of the basic state functions and citizens protection. Two additional articles of the Aliens Act introduced a new category of so-called changed conditions, which, if activated in accordance with prescribed procedure, gives wide decision-making powers to the police at the ports of entry. Entrance will be allowed only for persons who possess identification papers, some vulnerable categories and those who will apply for asylum in Slovenia, regarding they came from the country with systemic deficiencies in the asylum procedure or if there is a serious risk of torture. Such an arrangement constitutes a suspension of the Refugee Convention, breach of the non-refoulement principle and the collective expulsion prohibition. It also failures to comply with the Dublin Regulation and Schengen Code, European Convention on Human Rights and several constitutional provisions. The issue of migration has already been addressed by both European courts. The most important judgments include strict conviction of non-refoulement violation (Case of Hirsi Jamaa and others) and the interpretation of the Dublin procedure.

V magistrskem delu so sistematično obravnavane določbe GDPR, pri čemer se analizira njihov vpliv na položaj upravljavcev in obdelovalcev osebnih podatkov. V prvem delu se skladno z GDPR opredeli pojem »osebnih podatkov« ter kriteriji, po katerih se subjekti, vključeni v obdelavo osebnih podatkov, razvrstijo v kategorijo upravljavcev ali obdelovalcev osebnih podatkov. Sledi pravna analiza temeljnih načel, katera morajo upravljavci in obdelovalci osebnih podatkov pri obdelavah osebnih podatkov spoštovati, in sicer so izpostavljena načelo zakonitosti, pravičnosti in preglednosti, načelo omejitve namena, načelo najmanjšega obsega podatkov ter novo uzakonjeno načelo odgovornosti. V nadaljevanju se razišče, katere pravice lahko posameznik, na katerega se nanašajo osebni podatki, uveljavlja zoper upravljavce osebnih podatkov, pri čemer se podrobneje analizira ureditev novo uzakonjenih pravic, kot so t.i. pravica do pozabe ter pravica do prenosljivosti podatkov. V osrednjem delu se predstavijo nove obveznosti upravljavcev in obdelovalcev osebnih podatkov, kot so obveznosti vgrajenega in privzetega varstva osebnih podatkov, dokumentiranje obdelav, uradno obvestilo nadzornemu organu o kršitvi varnosti osebnih podatkov, izdelava ocen učinka ter imenovanje pooblaščenih oseb za varstvo podatkov. Analizira se tudi, kakšne sankcije lahko potencialno zadenejo upravljavce in obdelovalce osebnih podatkov v primeru neskladnosti z GDPR. V tem delu se potrdi prva hipoteza, da je GDPR zaostrila položaj upravljavcev in obdelovalcev osebnih podatkov, saj vzpostavitev skladnosti z GDPR od njih zahteva obsežno revizijo in pregled trenutne prakse, neprestano spremljanje tveganj dejanj izvedenih obdelav, vpeljavo mnogih mehanizmov za varnost osebnih podatkov, znatne finančne investicije ter vlaganje v razvoj in izobraževanje zaposlenih. V zadnjem delu se obravnava praktični pristop k implementaciji in izvrševanju navedenih ukrepov, ki ga določa GDPR, in sicer pristop na podlagi tveganj. V povezavi s tem se potrdi druga hipoteza, saj se navedeni pristop predstavi kot primeren za področje zagotavljanja varnosti osebnih podatkov, ker igra ključno vlogo pri zagotavljanju, da je GDPR tehnološko nevtralna zakonodaja. The present master's thesis represents crucial GDPR provisions, focusing on the analysis of their impact on the controllers and processors of personal data. In the first part of the master's thesis, the wide definition of »personal data« is explained and the criteria under which the subjects, engaged in the personal data processing, are characterized as controllers or processors, is being represented. This is followed by a detailed analysis of the basic principles relating to processing of personal data, such as principles of lawfulness, fairness and transparency, purpose limitation, data minimization and accountability. Furthermore, it is analyzed which rights the data subjects have and a detailed analysis of the newly enacted right to be forgotten and right to data portability is conducted. In the main part of the master's thesis, the newly enacted responsibilities of the controllers and processors are being analyzed, such as the concept of data protection by design and by default, maintenance of the records of processing activities, notification of a personal data breach to the supervisory authority, data protection impact assessment and designation of the data protection officer. Moreover, it is examined what kind of fines the controllers and processors could be facing in case they are not compliant with GDPR. In connection to this, the first hypothesis is confirmed, as it is concluded that GDPR has severely impacted the controller’s and the processor’s situation, since compliance with GDPR demands an extensive revision and review of current practices, constant risk assessment, implementation of various measures for the safety of personal data, significant financial investment and further education of the employees. In the last part of the master's thesis, the practical risk-based approach to the implementation and execution of the mentioned GDPR provisions is represented. In this regard, the second hypothesis is also confirmed, as it is concluded that risk-based approach is appropriate for the protection of personal data, since it is the key factor in establishing GDPR as the technology neutral legislation.

Humanitarna kriza, ki je zaradi arabske pomladi in državljanske vojne v Siriji državljane Sirije in drugih vojnih območjih na Bližnjem vzhodu pregnala v beg, je leta 2015 z največjo intenziteto dosegla tudi meje Evrope. Prvoten odziv oblasti je temeljil na dosledni izvedbi kontingentnega načrta in distinkciji med migranti in begunci, saj so idejo o vzpostavitvi koridorja, ki bi prestop čez mejo omogočal vsem, sprva zavračale. Vlada je najprej z dejanskimi, nato pa s pravnimi ukrepi zaostrovala azilno politiko in oteževala dostop do mednarodne zaščite. V imenu preprečitve nastanka humanitarne krize na ozemlju Slovenije je vlada sprejela ukrep, ki je omogočal postavitev tehničnih ovir na meji, dopolnitev Zakona o obrambi ter spremembe azilne zakonodaje. Nevladne organizacije so ves čas opozarjale na neskladnost teh ukrepov ter vladi očitale, da so ti v navzkrižju z nacionalno in evropsko azilno zakonodajo ter pravnimi dokumenti s področja človekovih pravic. Pred vsemi vidiki je bilo v ospredju dojemanje situacije kot varnostne grožnje. Med celotnim obdobjem sodelovanja Slovenije na balkanski migracijski poti so imeli pri oblikovanju podob migrantov in migracij v slovenski javnosti ključno vlogo tudi mediji in politični diskurz. Slovenska politična strategija, ki je bila osredotočena predvsem na izvajanje uspešnih ukrepov sekuritizacije, je bila popolnoma v skladu s slovenskimi strukturami beguncev, kot so bili prikazani v medijih, in sicer kot varnostne, gospodarske in kulturne grožnje, ki jo je treba nadzorovati. The humanitarian crisis, which, due to the Arab Spring and Civil War in Syria, forced the citizens of Syria and other war zones in the Middle East to flee, reached the borders of Europe with the greatest intensity in 2015. The initial response of the authorities was based on a consistent implementation of the contingency plan and the distinction between migrants and refugees, while the idea of establishing a corridor that would allow crossing the border for all refugees, was at first rejected. Initially, with actual then the legal measures, the government tightened its asylum policy and made it difficult to gain access to international protection. In the name of preventing the emergence of a humanitarian crisis on the territory of Slovenia, the government adopted a measure to set up technical barriers at the border, supplement the Defense Act and made changes to asylum legislation. Non-governmental organizations have always warned against the inconsistency of these measures, and the conflicts with national and European asylum legislation, as well as legal documents in the field of human rights. The situation was overall perceived as a security threat. During the entire period of Slovenia's participation in the Balkan migration route, the media and political discourse also played a key role in the creation of images of migrants and migrations in the Slovene public. The Slovenian political strategy, which focused primarily on the implementation of successful securitization measures, was fully in line with the Slovenian structures of refugees, as shown in the media, as a security, economic and cultural threat that needs to be controlled.

V magistrski nalogi sem obravnavala problematiko prenove visokošolskih sistemov v evropskem prostoru, ki jo je sprožil bolonjski proces z namenom doseči večjo primerljivost med dotlej zelo različnimi nacionalnimi visokošolskimi sistemi. Bolonjski proces je oznaka za proces vzpostavitve skupnega evropskega visokošolskega prostora, katerega namen je zagotoviti večjo učinkovitost in konkurenčnost evropskih visokošolskih sistemov, pospeševati mobilnost študentov in akademskega osebja ter spodbujati zaposlovanje evropskega prebivalstva. Ker pa dokumenti bolonjskega procesa niso pravno obvezujoči in ne določajo jasnega načina in metod implementacije bolonjske reforme, se je vsaka država prenove svojih visokošolskih sistemov lotila drugače. Posledica tega so velike razlike pri uspešnosti izvedbe reforme, kar Evropo oddaljuje od zastavljenih ciljev. V nalogi sem predstavila tudi potek slovenske implementacije bolonjske reforme in nekaj napak, za katere menim, da so odločilno prispevale k njenemu neuspehu. Eden izmed glavnih razlogov za neuspeh reforme pri nas (in v številnih drugih državah) je tudi finančna izčrpanost visokega šolstva, ki se v Sloveniji v zadnjih letih še zaostruje, saj država vsako leto visokemu šolstvu nameni manj proračunskih sredstev. Nekaj besed sem namenila tudi razmisleku o možnosti uvedbe šolnin, ki se v javnosti občasno predlaga kot ena izmed možnih dopolnitev (nezadostnemu) javnemu financiranju visokega šolstva. This master's thesis focuses on the issue of reforming higher education systems in Europe, brought on by the Bologna Process with the intention of achieving a higher level of comparability among previously vastly different national education systems. The Bologna Process is a process of establishing a common European higher education system, the aim of which is to ensure greater efficiency and competitiveness among European higher education systems, encourage the mobility of students and academic staff and promote employment of Europeans. Given, however, that the documents of the Bologna Process are not legally binding and do not determine a clear system and implementation methods of the Bologna reform, each country took a different approach to reforming their higher education systems. The consequences are big differences in success in terms of the implementation of the reform, which diverges Europe from its objective. The thesis presents the course of the Slovene implementation of the Bologna reform and some of the mistakes that have most likely contributed decisively to its failure. One of the main reasons for the reform’s failure in Slovenia (and several other countries) is the exhausted financial resources of the higher education system. This is getting progressively worse in Slovenia due to the country cutting budget allocations for the higher education system every year. Some thought is also given to the possibility of implementing tuitions, a solution presented in public as one of the possible supplements to the (insufficient) public funding of the higher education system.