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Mourning the murder of Nahel Merzouk by the French police and the drowning of 750 human beings by the Greek coastguard's recklessness, we argue that the erosion of human rights at the EU's external borders is being co-constituted by an analogous erosion within its internal borders. To establish this connection, we re-conceptualise the EUropean b/ordering regime as a network of fractal borderscapes characterised by a selective criminalisation of mobility that reproduces longstanding racist prejudice along socio-spatial borderlines. We argue that the proliferation of these spaces of exception is degenerating into a state of exception: a polity's self-destructive tendency to replace the rule of law for legalised despotism. Such autoimmune reaction, we claim, is rooted in borderism: a spectacle that misshapes geography into spurious antagonisms epitomised by national and civilisational dichotomies ("friends" and "foes"), thus creating a hyperreality that breeds racism, spatialises apartheid and exacerbates animosity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How is undocumented migration typically mapped in contemporary cartography? To answer this question, we conduct an iconological dissection of what could be seen as the epitome of the cartography on undocumented migration, the map made by Frontex – the EU's border agency. We find that, rather than a scientific depiction of a migratory phenomenon, its cartography peddles a crude distortion of undocumented migration that smoothly splices into the xenophobic tradition of propaganda cartography – and stands in full confrontation with contemporary geographical scholarship. We conclude with an urgent appeal for more scientifically robust, critical and decidedly more creative cartographies of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyprus has been divided for more than four decades by a cease fire line known as "the Green Line". This long-standing partition has made the island infamous for the seemingly unsolvable antagonism between its "Turkish" and "Greek" inhabitants. In this article, we argue that, in order to better understand why this division has remained obstinately meaningful for Cypriots, we need to "delocalise" the Green Line that separates them. We contend that the foundation upon which the conflict between Greek and Turkish Cypriots has been built—and consequently also the location of the Green Line keeping them apart—does not lie in an indigenous hostility between the Greek-speaking and Turkish-speaking communities of Cyprus. Instead, we argue that this is the result of imperial puppeteering: Cyprus' Greco-Turkish enmity is largely based on perceptions of space, heritage and identification that were first introduced during the British colonisation and have been persistently—if not always deliberately—reinforced by chronic external intrusions and counter-productive conflict-resolution initiatives. We claim that a succession of British imperialism, Hellenic irredentism, Turkish nationalism, Cold-War geopolitics, UN conflict resolution and EU expansion have created, inculcated and reinforced cartographically organized perceptions of space, history and culture—a cartopolitics—that have invented the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots as identitary categories and perpetuated their antagonism. Thus, rather than an essentially local and binary play, the Cypriot conflict should be regarded as a glocal drama in which outside actors have been pulling the strings of the island's politics. The readjustment of the historiographical and geographical limitations to which the Cypriot conflict has been confined so far has decisive implications for the island's reunification: merely to zoom in on the hostile dichotomy at work is insufficient. Rather, to understand the persistence of the Green Line fracturing the island we need to zoom out from Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]