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This article explores the Spanish colonization of the Philippines and their colonial culture and society as portrayed in the comic strips by Ignacio del Villar, a Spanish cartoonist who drew for Philippine colonial magazines in Spanish. His pictures, whose principal audience was the Spanish-speaking community of Manila in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, satirize the alienation of the Western individual in the Philippines. His mockery of the generalized colonial attitude of “monarch of all I survey” links del Villar with dissident colonial accounts, as discussed by Mary Louise Pratt in Imperial Eyes. This article inquires on the reasons why del Villar seemingly veered away from traditional colonial discourses, resulting in the mockery of the self-image of social superiority that Spanish residents in the Philippines strived to maintain in a complex society where class and origin were difficult notions to define.

In this contribution, I consider some appreciative links and qualified connections between Raewyn Connell’s work and my own. In particular, I use the example of sport, a key area in the making of boys and young men in many parts of the world, with special reference to body, practice, and theoretical and empirical conceptualizations of masculinity.

The author presents the socio-cultural perspective of learning aggression and violence with a main reference to sports culture. The problems of aggression and destructiveness are analyzed in the light of the concepts of Aronson, Fromm and other theorists. The historical perspective of sport brutalization and institutional acceptance was also shown. A discussion was initiated regarding the accuracy of the aggression phenomenon. From the theory of human destructiveness of Erich Fromm, the author proceeds to its application – a proposal to counteract aggressiveness using the means of physical culture. Well, the “Humanistic Theory of Martial Arts”, complementary to the concept of Fromm, and the same skillfully taught martial arts in their traditional form are ways to counteract aggressiveness and a good way to prevent violence.

The basic idea of this paper was generated by some motion pictures shot on October events of 1918. This, at that time fundamentally novel media of mass communication can be considered as a visual interpretation of the moral behavior and the role attributed to the contemporary university youth in the series of revolutions after the ‘Great War’. Young people, many of them from universities, collected shocking experiences in the war that generated their moral and behavioral transition. At the time of the turn of the century there were development processes initiated in the Hungarian higher education, however, the war caused a break in these processes and, there were also certain structural changes introduced during and immediately after the end of the war which resulted in chaotic circumstances that kept on deepening the stress of students. Both the traditional press together with other printed documents and the contemporary newsreel have provided us with the sources being necessary and enough for making an attempt to answer, in what here follows, the questions: how the drastically changed, consequently chaotic situation within the Hungarian higher education along with the declined activity of student associations influenced the students, as well as how the most highlighted phenomena, such as the impact of war on everyday life and economy, the emergence and spread of violence, the reactions to the increased admission of female and Jewish students at universities affected the entire society and within this the university circumstances immediately after the armistice, and why the violence, radicalization, and “brutalization” of the so-called “war generation” became featuring at demonstrations.

This article investigates the relationship between history, memory and testimony literature in Boris Schnaiderman and his work, Guerra em Surdina. In this work, the author describes the experiences of Brazilian troops in Italy, through fiction. In order to understand why it presents itself as fiction, we investigate the author and the work. The first stage of the research is to present the contexts and the influence on the author's writing based on Dominick LaCapra (2015). In a second step, we reflect on the fictional aspect of the work with contributions from Walter Benjamin (2012) and Marcio Seligmann-Silva (2013), in order to understand the reasons for telling the shock experiences of Brazilians in the form of literature. In a third moment, we look through the analysis of key points of the work to understand its dynamics in the argument of the brutalization of man and the fight against the myth of war.

Slasher films are known for their graphic depictions of sex, brutalization and death. Many argue that these films sexualize and punish female characters. A content analysis of 48 influential slasher films from the 1960s to 2010s was conducted to evaluate the presentation of women in these films. Sexualization (measured via specific acts and total sexualization), strength, flaws, brutalization, and fate were coded for 252 female characters. Results indicate that purity was significantly related to lower brutalization and lower rates of death for all women. Within each role (hero, killer, and potential/actual victim), unique portrayals of sexuality and related repercussions emerge. Female killers were most commonly portrayed having sex, heroes were most sexually dressed, and actual/potential victims were brutalized and killed most for their sexualization. These messages reinforce ideas of gender roles, stereotypes, and relationship expectations by punishing female sexualization and demonizing female sex. Issues of violence against women, toxic masculinity, rape culture, and the normalization of combining violence and sex are discussed as significant concerns.

This article argues that the West’s neoliberal ‘dignity promotion’ in other parts of the world is counter-productive and leads to the resurgence of a primordial culture of honour, a concept too often an ignored in international relations research. The author shows how the West has hijacked and neoliberalized the concept of dignity to include abstract notions of individual freedom and, above all, property rights and free trade. The concept of dignity is thus deprived of any social content. The strategy of dignity promotion, i.e. the effort to spread the idea of every individual’s inherent, inalienable worth, is based on the conviction that this will lead to a more secure world. However, sociological and anthropological research on moral cultures and honour has shown that security shapes moral cultures, not the other way round. The rise of dignity culture in the modern West was possible only when security, including social security, was provided. Conversely, honour dominates in insecure environments and resurfaces quickly when security disappears. The case study is Russia, where radical neoliberal restructuring in the early 1990s led to an anarchic brutalization of society, giving rise to a widespread culture of honour in Russian politics. On another level, Western dignity promotion in the former Soviet Union, epitomized by its support for ‘colour revolutions’, is perceived as an affront threatening Russian security by damaging its reputation for resolve. Within the culture of honour, the only moral answer to this is aggressive counter-attack.

RESUMEN: Esta investigación recupera el estudio de la tensión entre tan polarizados agentes de construcción del orden en las sociedades preindustriales como fueron, por un lado, las milicias cívicas o rondas nocturnas ciudadanas y, por otro, las milicias que aspiraban a expresar la monopolización de la violencia legítima y experimentaban un proceso de modernización etiquetados como revolución militar. Sin embargo, pone su énfasis en algunos de los protagonistas tanto de orden como de conflicto, especialmente en la soldadesca, dispuesta para sofocar problemas, pero, a su vez, foco y agente de otros. La perspectiva analítica de la soldadesca desde enfoques singulares y episodios vitales ofrece facetas y características inusuales e ineludibles en el debate historiográfico de fenómenos como los de brutalización, estrés postraumático, posmemoria, cultura soldadesca e incluso revolución militar, que son destilados en las páginas de este artículo. ABSTRACT: This research analyzes the tension between the highly polarized agents of construction of order in pre-industrial societies such as, on one hand, the civic militias (night watch o rondas nocturnas) and, on the other, the militias that aspired to express the monopolization of the legitimate violence and undergoing a modernization process known as military revolution. However, it puts its emphasis on some of the protagonists of both order and conflict, especially the soldiery, ready to quell problems and in turn to produce others. The analytical perspective of soldiering from singular approaches and vital episodes offers in this research unusual but also ineludible facets and characteristics on the scientific debate on phenomena such as brutalization, post-traumatic stress, postmemory, soldiering culture and even military revolution. These are this article concerns in focus. Esta investigación ha sido realizada dentro del proyecto PGC2018-093841-B-C32 financiado por MCIN/ AEI /10.13039/501100011033/ FEDER “Una manera de hacer Europa” y converge con objetivos del proyecto THEMIS (EIN2020-112239) de la FECYT.

The research aimed to identify the differentiation of meanings of work among beauty salon workers, considering the work contracts and the functions performed (hairdressers and manicurists), in a context of pejotização and functions’ internal hierarchy. We applied questionnaires to 171 manicurists and hairdressers with the following types of links: employee, informal, MEI pejotizado and MEI não pejotizado. The results indicated that employees perceive with greater intensity the work as a responsibility and as a way of being socially included, and more proportionality in social and financial retribution. They also indicated that manicurists experience with more intensity the characteristics of brutalization, discrimination and demand. Resumo A pesquisa teve como objetivo identificar a diferenciação do significado do trabalho entre trabalhadores de salões de beleza segundo os vínculos de trabalho e as funções exercidas (cabeleireiros e manicures), em um contexto de pejotização e hierarquia interna das profissões. Para tanto, aplicamos questionários estruturados em 171 manicures e cabeleireiros, com os seguintes vínculos: empregado, informal, MEI pejotizado e MEI não pejotizado. Os resultados indicaram que os empregados percebem com maior intensidade o trabalho como responsabilidade e como maneira de ser socialmente incluído, além de perceberem maior proporcionalidade na retribuição social e financeira. Indicaram também que as manicures vivenciam mais intensamente características de embrutecimento, discriminação e demanda.

Historically, the idea has been constructed that the literary canon is a selection based solely on the quality of the text. Such a perspective, in addition to ignoring the undeniable power relations involved in the process, also ends up hampering the creative possibilities of many artists. In this work we will discuss some aspects of these conflicts, mainly associated with the importance of the struggle for the valorization of black litera-ture, not only as a fundamental artistic manifestation, but also as an instrument to fight the genocide of the black population, undertaken now through the defense of the miscegenation myth redemptive, the basis of the policy of whitening the Brazilian population since the end of slavery, now for the idea of a homogene-ous nationalism common to all. We understand that the best way to combat this process of extermination is to value love and the black family and only literature is capable of giving a new meaning to the centuries of brutalization and animalization of black bodies and affections.

The objective of this article is to analyze the relationships between the body, cities and technologies in interface with subject's formative processes. The central point would be to show how the referred interfaces can constitute a certain representation of the world and, mainly, to result in the way of life of the subjects who can present themselves in the ambivalence between emancipatory practices and stupidity.For such, we start from the analysis of the technical use of body as a process of social construction that establishes duality between emancipation or brutalization which is evident inside the cities in the critical theory field. To analyze the subject's formative processes, the methodology used is within the scope of the Philosophy of Education, in order to understand the critical appropriation of the citizenship concept as a result of the architectural project in which we are partly the result of the way we live in cities. It was concluded that in the subject's formative processes is found in the paradox, on one hand, the city construction by the democratic bias as a place to make up the common space in sharing the sensitive. On the other hand, authoritarianism in segregating spaces from subjects.

International audience; Already Friedrich Schiller was convinced that language mirrors a nation. If this is the case, then the often deplored ‘brutalization of language’, which has almost become a buzzword in the wake of the refugee crisis in Germany that started in 2015, points to a serious social crisis by raising questions of (national) identity and self-understanding. Based on newly introduced sociolinguistic resilience concept in line with the concept of group focus enmity (GFE) combining the dimensions of co-adaptation and co-evolution of linguistic signs, this article presents preliminary empirical evidence of a ‘classroom’ survey conducted among students in four university towns in Germany (University of Trier), and France (Sciences Po Paris, Campus Nancy, Catholic Institute of Paris and Le Mans University). Not all of our findings confirm our assumptions. Whilst the level of tolerance is equally low regarding racist and xenophobic, anti-Semitic as well as homophobic statements, German students show more tolerance for sexist and Islamophobic statements. However, there is clear-cut evidence throughout all five categories that the level of tolerance among both German and French students is higher in the private domain than in the public domain. Finally, it could be shown that the co-evolution of linguistic signs (symbols) is strongly dependent on specific society-related phenomena, such as the recent refugee crisis.

The systematic brutalization of Black people has persisted since colonization, but police murder, global anti-racism protests, and a pandemic that has disproportionately impacted racialized communities have brought anti-Black racism to the attention of the global community. The insidious nature of White supremacy has given birth to anti-Black racism, which has shaped institutions of public and post-secondary education across Canada. Institutional racism is harmful and continues to negatively impact the trajectories of Black lives. For example, Black children are more likely to be enrolled in under-resourced schools, receive harsher punishments, and be streamed into non-academic programming regardless of academic potential and capability. Moreover, Black students are less likely to attend university, despite wishing to, and Black educators remain under-represented and undervalued, despite their immeasurable contributions to academia and the Black community. These examples represent a concerted effort to guard White spaces and keep Black people from accessing equal opportunity through basic access to education. This paper is a call to action for all educators, allies, and institutions to begin to make reparations and end the racial hierarchy and systematic anti-Black oppression across Canada because Black Lives Matter.

We analyze why domestic homicide rates in a country sending troops into war increase with some international wars, but not others. Drawing from research on the brutalization effect, we first explain how war can have an effect on homicides through individuals learning acceptable behavior from the state. Second, we explain why we observe the brutalization effect with some wars, but not others. We argue that illegitimate wars are associated with increased homicide rates, while state participation in legitimate wars should not affect homicide rates. Pursuing an illegitimate war may serve as a signal to society that norms and morals have been suspended, leading to a period of moral deregulation in the form of anomie. To test our theory, we conduct time-series analyses of data for the United States between 1928 and 2014. After examining the characteristics of eleven international wars pursued by the United States, we find that a brutalization effect occurs when the country engages in illegitimate, but not legitimate, conflicts. We also examine the validity of several potential alternative explanations and provide directions for future research.

The article deals with a typical phenomenon of the interwar period: the proliferation of socio-political movements expressing their “mood” and identity via a paramilitary uniform mainly composed of a coloured shirt. The analysis of 34 European shirt movements reveals some common features in terms of colour, ideology and chronology. Most of them were consistent with the logic and imagery of interwar totalitarianisms, which emerged as an alleged alternative to the decaying bourgeois society and its main political creation: the Parliamentary system. Unlike liberal pluralism and its institutional expression, shirt movements embody the idea of a homogeneous community, based on a racial, social or cultural identity, and defend the streets, not the ballot boxes, as a new source of legitimacy. They perfectly mirror the overwhelming presence of the “brutalization of politics” (Mosse) and “senso-propaganda” (Chakhotin) in interwar Europe. O artigo trata de um fenómeno habitual na Europa de entre-guerras: a proliferação de movimentos sociopolíticos que expressavam a sua opinião e identidade através de um uniforme paramilitar composto principalmente por uma camisa de uma determinada cor. O estudo de 34 “movimentos-camisa” revela algumas características comuns em relação à cor, ideologia e cronologia. Na sua maioria eram congruentes com a lógica e o imaginário dos totalitarismos do entre-guerras, que surgiram como suposta alternativa à decadente sociedade burguesa e à sua principal criação política: o sistema parlamentar. Ao contrário do pluralismo liberal e da sua expressão institucional, os “movimentos-camisa” encaravam a ideia de uma comunidade homogénea baseada numa identidade racial, social ou cultural, e defendiam as ruas, em vez das urnas, como nova forma de legitimidade. Esses movimentos foram um reflexo fiel da esmagadora presença da “brutalização política” (Mosse) e da “senso-propaganda” (Chakhotin) na Europa de entre-guerras. Cet article s’intéresse à un phénomène propre à l’Europe de l’entre-deux-guerres: la prolifération de mouvements socio-politiques qui exprimaient leur opinion et leur identité par le biais d’un uniforme paramilitaire principalement composé d’une chemise d’une certaine couleur. L’étude de 34 «mouvements des chemises» révèle quelques caractéristiques communes quant à la couleur, l’idéologie et la chronologie. La majorité de ceux-ci se référaient à la logique et à l’imaginaire des totalitarismes de l’entre-deux-guerres, qui se présentaient comme une alternative à la société bourgeoisie décadente et à sa principale création: le système parlementaire. Contrairement au pluralisme libéral et son expression institutionnelle, les «mouvements des chemises» incarnent l’idée d’une communauté homogène fondée sur une identité raciale, sociale ou culturelle et défendent la rue, et non les urnes, en tant que source de légitimité. De tels mouvements furent le fidèle reflet de l’écrasante présence de la «brutalisation de la politique» (Mosse) et de la «senso-propagande» (Tchakhotine) dans l’Europe de l’entre-deux-guerres.

ʿAbd al-Sattār Nāṣir (1947–2013) belonged to the group of Iraqi writers and intellectuals called Jīl al-Sittināt "the Sixties Generation", which dominated the cultural scene at the time. This article examines Nāṣir as a driven writer, who initially wrote out of a morally induced reaction to expose the suffering and brutalization of all Iraqi peoples and ethnicities by a controlling totalitarian regime, and as a once-incarcerated author of brave novels he hoped would someday catalyze a popular overthrow of the lawless, abusive leaders, thereby ending the fears and violence possessing Iraq’s body politic. Two themes -- the destruction wreaked by those with extraordinary power and their use of lies and deception to control the people –- are central to the three novels chosen as representative of Nāṣir’s oeuvre: Abū al-Rīsh (2002), Niṣf al-Aḥzān 'Half Sorrows' (2000) and Qushūr al-Badhinjān 'Eggplant Peels' (2007). In these three novels, Nāṣir exposes the unimaginable terror, violence and cruelty of Saddām Ḥusayn and his henchmen, as well as their propaganda, which consisted of lies and deception. Saddām is depicted as a ruler who presents himself as an inspiring revolutionary, but in fact is a tyrant who deceives the citizens, subjecting them to brutal control and leading them into deadly wars. Following George Orwell’s 1984, Nāṣir’s literary corpus attempts to rip the masks from the faces of the dictator and his lackeys, who oppress the people, deny them any freedom of thought and keep them under constant surveillance.

This article deals with the possible manifestations of the ongoing process of the celebritization of politics in the view of the language of comments that occur on gossip websites which, in fact, have become the places of the deliberate image-creation of people related to politics. The means of creation comes down to publishing content associated with the private or semi-private lives of people who are engaged in politics. In addition, we can also observe a far-reaching process of the vulgarization and brutalization of the language of comments and entries which is also a specific phenomenon. Artykuł traktuje o możliwych przejawach postępującego procesu celebrytyzacji polityki z uwzględnieniem języka komentarzy, jakie pojawiają się na plotkarskich portalach internetowych. Te ostatnie także stają się bowiem miejscem specyficznie rozumianej kreacji wizerunkowej osób/podmiotów związanych z polityką. Sam sposób tej kreacji sprowadza się do publikowania treści związanych raczej ze sferą prywatną lub półprywatną, a na pewno niemającą związku z aktywnością tych osób/podmiotów na arenie politycznej. Dodatkowo obserwować daje się także daleko posunięty proces wulgaryzacji i brutalizacji języka tych komentarzy, co również jest zjawiskiem specyficznym.

THE COMPLEXITY OF THE HATE SPEECH PHENOMENON IN TERMS OF ITS NON-LEGAL DEFINITIONAL ASPECTThe starting point is thinking that the modern political debate manifests in the degradation of the culture of discussion. One of the issues that can be observed next to this phenomenon is the brutalization of the language of public debate — hate speech is becoming more and more common. The aim of the paper is the description and the characteristic of vital aspects which appear in accordance to the designation of hate speech and its manifestations in public sphere.

Wuthering Heights can be read as a novel of warfare against women and women-associated spaces to be conquered to prove male superiority, authority and power. This paper aims to discuss how Emily Bronte challenged not only the established Victorian literary traditions but also the prevailing ideals of the Victorian society by subverting the hierarchically constructed power and gender relations with an emphasis on various strategies employed by Heathcliff and Edgar in the war they launch against nature, property and women to conquer, possess and control domestic households, external nature and female body. Their strategies include reductionism which includes the commodification and objectification of female body, separation of women from their female bond, family and female spaces, physical and emotional uprooting which causes the loss of independence, self-confidence and positive self-image, masculinization of nature and home, brutalization through which the female characters are exposed to male violence and oppression and destruction of a sense of security, commitment and resistance. The female characters are disconnected not only from their domestic households and nature but also from female bonds. The sense of placelessness and homelessness along with the lack of female solidarity is aggravated by transforming home and the natural world into an imprisoning, dominating and tyrannical web for women. Bronte ends the novel with a hope that subjugation and subordination does not have to be the inevitable destiny for women who can fight back to restructure the existing power relations and reclaim their bodies and home along with nature turned against them.

Brutalization through war and frustration of the younger generation over the missed opportunity to prove themselves on the front line are commonly cited explanations for the extreme violence by the German Freikorps in the aftermath of the First World War. Furthermore, literature often assumes a direct line from the Freikorps to later Nazi organizations and regards these forces as trailblazers of National Socialism. A statistical analysis of personal data from the members of four Freikorps shows that neither of the two explanations of the postwar violence is sufficient in itself, instead in addition other elements must also be taken into account. To consider the Freikorps as an unusually large personnel reservoir for later Nazi organizations cannot be confirmed for the units investigated here.

The objective of this article is to compare the concept of brutalization, analyzed by George Mosse, with the civilizing process, described by Norbert Elias. The intellectual life of these German-Jewish scholars will be reconstructed through the study of their relationships and their similar life experience. In this way, I’ll try to demonstrate that the apparent contrast between their different points of view is much more nuanced. Civilization and brutalization were not opposed processes that excluded one another. Therefore, a clearer understanding of the Great War can be best achieved through a combined reading of these two interconnected processes; and it is only by examining their interaction that we can understand the postwar period and the rise of Fascism and Nazism more fully.

Trata-se de uma reflexão sobre o método de emancipação intelectual exposto por Jacques Rancière e suas possíveis contribuições para a Educação Física no ensino superior. Percebemos que os métodos empregados em uma disciplina do curso assemelham-se ao método de embrutecimento, que segundo o autor não contribuem para a formação crítica dos alunos enquanto constituintes de uma sociedade democrática.

Through a materialist reading of the aesthetic, this paper explores Leviathan, a project of visual anthropology produced by Harvard University’s Sensory Ethnography Lab, in order to reflect on the urbanization of nature as it is advanced by the more-than-human scripture of power objectified in the technologized, capital-intensive spaces of transnational fishing. With its idiosyncratic and technically elaborate mode of representation, Leviathan realizes a visual testament to the forms of disfigurement, exploitation and brutalization of human and nonhuman natures that have ensued from the real subsumption of planetary space to capital. Building upon a strand of critical theory that has advanced Marx’s original, yet partially developed insights on ‘capital as alienated subject’, we contend that one of Leviathan’s most salient artistic accomplishments has been to provide a vivid portrayal of how circuits of abstraction come to life as they take possession of human bodies and instruments of production....

This article explores the origins of the historical relationship between war veterans and Fascism. Transcending the predominant paradigm of the controversial brutalization' thesis (George L. Mosse), the article relies on a transnational perspective that focuses on the interconnections between historical events and on processes of political communication and symbolic appropriation. Examining historical processes taking place in different European countries, as well as their effects on Mussolini and the Italian interventionists, the article argues that a transnational process of symbolic appropriation of the notion of the veteran', taking place between 1917 and 1919, is crucial to understand how the Fascist ideology and movement were born. This work was supported by the 'Salvador de Madariaga' Programme, Ministerio de Educacion, Cultura y Deporte (Government of Spain). The author is a member of the research project HAR2012-32539, funded by the Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad (Government of Spain).

The laws regulating the exports of arms are relatively strong in Germany. But in practice, until today all German governments, irrespective of their political affiliation, have only made weak efforts to enforce the compliance of laws and regulations and hardly any attempts to close loopholes like the uncontrolled licensed production in other countries. This is why German arms, especially small arms like machine guns from Heckler & Koch, are not only used by government agencies to which they have been officially delivered, but also, often as a result of a blowback effect, by their opponents, e.g. ISIS militia groups. The article retraces the transfer of arms to Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria in the last decades and argues that this has contributed to the prolongation and brutalization of the wars in these countries. Hence, the German export of arms must also be seen as a major factor for the ongoing migration of refugees to Europe. Finally, this raises the question, if there are tendencies to stop or at least to reduce the fatal exports.

A análise do valor da vida humana nas hipóteses de causas de justificação leva-nos a concluir que esta não assume uma natureza absoluta e completamente inviolável, desde que preenchidos apertados pressupostos. Discutimos assim se e em que medida será viável uma legitimação da pena de morte, tendo como pano de fundo a discussão em torno desta pena nos Estados Unidos da América., The analysis of the value of human life in the hypotheses of defences leads us to conclude that life does not have an absolute and completely inviolable nature, as long as certain legal requirements are fulfilled. We discuss whether and to what extent death penalty is legitimate, especially by analyzing scholarly work on the death penalty in the United States of America.