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Agricultural practices in Iron Age Phoenicia are an understudied field of research. The most recently excavated faunal evidence from Tell el-Burak, a coastal agricultural domain linked to either Sidon or Sarepta, will increase our understanding of this topic. This paper provides the first diachronic and detailed analysis of the Late Iron Age and Persian period faunal data from Tell el-Burak, and investigates the subsistence practices of its people during the late 8th to mid-4th centuries BCE. The diet of its inhabitants mainly consists of caprines, while a high percentage of donkeys and cattle remains coincide with the peak of winemaking activities at the site. The results from Tell el-Burak are then compared with faunal data from other sites in the territory traditionally known as Phoenicia, as well as with faunal data from the neighbouring regions of the Levant. The comparisons show differences between the northern and southern Levant and similarities between southern Phoenicia and the southern Levant.

It has long been proposed that during Pleistocene climatic perturbations the Balkan peninsula sustained refugial areas for fauna, flora, and potentially, hominins. In this study, we explore Middle Palaeolithic subsistence at the peninsula's southern end, Greece, and discuss how the evidence contributes to our understanding of the region's character as a refugium. We present new data from the recent reanalysis of the fauna from Asprochaliko rockshelter and the ongoing zooarchaeological investigations at Lakonis Cave 1 and compare them with published analyses from Klissoura Cave 1. We employ taxonomic abundance and diversity indices, as well as mortality profiles, to investigate hominin prey choice. Additional taphonomic observations provide further information on carcass exploitation. We examine changes in the faunal composition of the three sites in an attempt to identify the extent to which climate might have influenced resource availability and diversity in the region, stimulating resource intensification or diversification processes. Our results suggest that Middle Palaeolithic hominins consistently acquired high‐ranked prey through time. However, interregional differences in resource exploitation indicate that local topography and microclimate mediated prey choice and availability., Institute for Aegean Prehistory http://dx.doi.org/10.13039/100001182, Senckenberg Gesellschaft für Naturforschung

The Zagros Mountains represent a strategic geographic region near the junction of Africa, Europe, and Asia, and valleys within the mountain range likely correspond to migration corridors used by archaic and modern humans. Ghar-e Boof, a key archeological site in the southern Zagros, is located at an altitude of 905 m.a.s.l. in the Dasht-e Rostam region of the Fars Province, Iran. On the basis of lithic artifacts and radiocarbon and luminescence dating, the Late Pleistocene archeological record of the site spans from the Middle Paleolithic (MP) to the Late Epipaleolithic. Ghar-e Boof includes find horizons of the early Upper Paleolithic (UP) Rostamian dating to 42–35 ka cal. BP. These Rostamian-UP assemblages are typically attributed to modern humans. The high-resolution stratigraphy and microvertebrate record offer a unique opportunity for reconstructing the paleoenvironment of the southern part of the Zagros Mountains during the Late Pleistocene and contribute to a better understanding of long-term hominin settlement dynamics and cultural adaptations in this area. The current paper presents the first analysis of the microvertebrate remains recovered by the Tübingen-Iranian Stone Age Research Project (TISARP) team. All groups of small vertebrates, including fish, amphibians, squamate reptiles, birds, and micromammals, are present in the assemblage from Ghar-e Boof (NISP = 755). The key micromammal taxa used to reconstruct the paleoenvironment during the MP and UP include Libyan jird (Meriones cf. libycus), Vinogradov’s jird (Meriones vinogradovi), Indian gerbil (Tatera indica), Brandt’s hedgehog (Paraechinus cf. hypomelas), house mouse (Mus musculus), and mole vole (Ellobius sp.). Other taxa, such as amphibians (toad, Bufo/Bufotes sp.), fish (nase, Chondrostoma sp.), and squamate reptiles (agamids, lizards, Eastern Montpelier snake—Malpolon insignitus—and viper), also support the presence of an environment mainly characterized by warm, arid conditions with open, dry meadows, rocky terrain, and water sources close to the site throughout most of the sequence. During the shift from MP to UP, we record Afghan pika (Ochotona cf. rufescens), while all rodents, except very few remains of the Persian vole (Microtus cf. irani) and the Libyan jird (M. cf. lybicus) and some non-hibernating vertebrate species, are absent and reappear in later UP horizons. The presence of pikas could reflect a period of slightly colder and/or drier conditions. While the record from Ghar-e Boof is the only dataset from the southern Zagros, previous studies on microvertebrates from the central and northern Zagros show no clear change during the shift from the MP to the UP. Data from sediment cores and pollen analyses document numerous environmental and climatic fluctuations during the Late Pleistocene of the Zagros. The microvertebrate record from Ghar-e Boof improves our understanding of paleoenvironments during the Late Pleistocene and opens new opportunities to reconstruct the ecological conditions that helped to shape hominin settlement dynamics in the region.

This article presents a pilot experiment conducted to better understand how Middle Pleistocene hominins might have processed and exploited elephants using simple stone and bone tools. The experimen...

A cutmarked bear metatarsal and phalanx from the German open-air sites of Schöningen 12 II-1 and 12 B, respectively, correlated with the interglacial optimum of MIS 9 (ca. 320 ka), provide early evidence for the exploitation of bear skins. Archaeological sites with evidence of bear exploitation from the Lower Paleolithic are rare, with only Boxgrove (United Kingdom) and Bilzingsleben (Germany) yielding cutmarked bear bones indicating skinning. We interpret these finds as evidence for bear hunting and primary access since bear skins are best extracted shortly after the animal's death. The very thin cutmarks found on the Schöningen specimens indicate delicate butchering and show similarities in butchery patterns to bears from other Paleolithic sites. The Eurasian Lower Paleolithic record does not show any evidence for the exploitation of bear meat; only Middle Paleolithic sites, such as Biache-Saint-Vaast (France; ca. 175 ka) and Taubach (Germany; ca. 120 ka), yield evidence for the exploitation of both skin and meat from bear carcasses. Bear skins have high insulating properties and might have played a role in the adaptations of Middle Pleistocene hominins to the cold and harsh winter conditions of Northwestern Europe.

The Swabian Jura of southwestern Germany contains some of the oldest and richest Aurignacian assemblages in Europe and has been intensively studied for over 160 years. Sirgenstein, excavated in 1906, is one of the iconic caves in the region that in 2017 were awarded the UNESCO World Heritage status and preserves a sequence that spans the Middle and Upper Paleolithic. Here, we present the results of a comprehensive zooarchaeological study of the macro-vertebrates from the site and a new set of 16 radiocarbon dates. The analysis of the fauna shows an increase in the exploitation of birds and hares starting with the Aurignacian, contrary to the traditional view that in Central Europe the shift from the Middle to the Upper Paleolithic does not involve hunting diversification as seen in the Mediterranean basin. Carnivores and birds of prey also contributed to the accumulation of the assemblage. The radiocarbon dates not only support the antiquity of the Swabian Aurignacian, but also document a high degree of mixing of the Sirgenstein materials.

Lachish (Tell ed-Duweir) is located in the southern part of the Judean foothills, known as the Shephelah, and is one of the larger and most extensively excavated multi-period sites in the southern Levant. We present the faunal results of the first three seasons of the most recent excavations, the Austrian-Israeli Expedition to Tel Lachish. The expedition focusses on two areas of the tell encompassing the Middle Bronze Age III through the Iron Age II, area S (deep section) and area P (palace area). The aims for the faunal analysis are threefold: comparing the results between the two areas, seeing how our results compare to previous analyses, and comparing Lachish to other synchronous sites in the Shephelah. We observe differences in subsistence strategies between the areas in addition to diachronic differences. Ovicaprids dominate all assemblages, but we see shifts in the sheep to goat ratio and mortality profiles through time indicating changes in subsistence strategies. Our new results largely agree with the results from previous analyses, showing the value of previous studies and their potential compatibility with newer research. A synchronic comparison of Lachish within the Shephelah shows the occupants of the site were largely self-sufficient but possibly engaged in an exchange of resources in the vicinity.

The Swabian Jura of southwestern Germany is famous for its Paleolithic sites which have been studied since the 1860s. While there is a rich tradition of research on the Magdalenian, many of the best-known sites were not excavated using modern methods, and recently, few discoveries of new sites have been made. Thus, much of the information on this period comes from sites lacking data collected using modern standards. This has left open questions regarding the recolonization of the Swabian Jura and hunter-gatherer subsistence and settlement during the Magdalenian in the region. Langmahdhalde is a recently discovered rock shelter in the Lone Valley of the Swabian Jura that has intact, well-stratified horizons dating to the Magdalenian with associated lithic artifacts, faunal remains, and combustion features. In this paper, we present a study of the faunal materials from this new site. We use the macrofaunal remains to discuss human subsistence and a taphonomic analysis of the microfaunal remains to determine the spatial scale of our previously published paleoenvironmental interpretations. Our results on human subsistence support previous interpretations from other Magdalenian assemblages in Central Europe. Further, our taphonomic study of the microfauna suggests that our paleoenvironmental analyses are relatively local, within a maximum of 70 km2from the rock shelter. We place these results within the larger context of human paleoecology in the region and suggest that the successful resettlement of the Swabian Jura by Magdalenian peoples during the Late Glacial was probably facilitated by the presence of a higher diversity of resources on the landscape compared to regions to the west.

In this study, we examine the role of foxes in Palaeolithic economies, focusing on sites of the Middle Palaeolithic, Aurignacian, Gravettian and Magdalenian of the Swabian Jura. For this purpose, we used published faunal data from 26 assemblages from the region, including new information from the Magdalenian layers of Langmahdhalde. We explore how the abundance of foxes changes over time, how they were used by humans, and how they were deposited at the sites, with a special focus on fox hunting methods. To evaluate these hunting methods, we use the prey choice model of optimal foraging theory (OFT) and simulate possible hunting scenarios, which we test based on the published faunal assemblages. Our research indicates that foxes were hunted since the early Upper Palaeolithic for their meat, fur and teeth, possibly with traps. We find that the abundance of fox remains in the archaeological record of the region increased continuously starting in the Aurignacian, which cannot be explained by taphonomic factors. The trend of foxes to adapt to human-influenced environments with commensal behavior may also have contributed to them being hunted more often.

Geisenklosterle Cave, located in the Ach Valley of the Swabian Alb and one of six Swabian cave sites recently named as a UNESCO World Heritage site, has a long history of archaeological research resulting in a detailed record of human occupation. Sometime around 45,000 years ago Neanderthals seemingly vanished from the Swabian landscape, and after a period of mostly geogenic deposit at Geisenklosterle Cave we find deposits containing characteristically Aurignacian artifacts dating to as early as 42,500 years ago. These Aurignacian groups brought with them complex symbolic expression and communication including bone and ivory beads, musical instruments, and animal and human figurines. This study examines the climatic context of this depopulation through a taxonomic and taphonomic analysis of the rodent and insectivore remains associated with these periods and provides a relatively unbiased climatic record for the period of ∼45,000–36,000 years ago in this region. Taphonomic analysis indicates that primarily the European eagle owl (Bubo bubo) and the kestrel (Falco tinnunculus) were responsible for accumulating the material, and allows us to quantify the potential taxonomic bias resulting from predator behaviour which includes a preference for voles, particularly the water vole (Arvicola terrestris). Additionally, rare taxa (which include species of murids and soricids) may have been present in greater quantities than our sample implies. The assemblage from Geisenklosterle Cave is dominated by the field and common vole (Microtus arvalis/agrestis), the narrow-headed vole (Microtus gregalis), and the root/tundra vole (Microtus oeconomus). Overall, the Middle Paleolithic landscape included significant woodland and forested areas while a high proportion of species restricted to cold tundra environments likely indicate punctuated cold and arid periods. The signal from the nearly geogenic layer overlying the Middle Paleolithic material includes a moderate shift in the proportion of cold tundra adapted species, suggesting that the tundra expanded leading up to the Neanderthal depopulation, but no period of drastic climatic change is recognizable. The Aurignacian was significantly colder and drier than the preceding period, with cold tundra expansion reaching its apex (for the time period studied). Based on these results the Swabian landscape first encountered by Aurignacian groups was significantly less hospitable than that known to the earlier Middle Paleolithic populations. These results correlate well with past paleoenvironmental reconstructions based on sedimentary, botanical, and faunal assemblages. There is no evidence in the small mammal record that climatic pressure drove Neanderthals from the Ach Valley, instead it seems likely they enjoyed a more temperate environment than later Aurignacian groups. Ongoing work focused on greater resolution of these climatic oscillations at similarly well-dated Swabian sites will shed further light on the timing and speed of this climatic shift and the response of the biological communities affected, including early human groups.

Lakonis I (ca. 100,000-40,000 BP) is a collapsed Middle Palaeolithic cave on the coast of the Mani Peninsula of southern Greece. The site contains three distinctive components: a hearth context, upper bone breccia, and lower bone breccia. The bone breccias contain concreted deposits and large numbers of lithic and faunal materials, though the upper bone breccia preserves more evidence of dumping from hearth features. The hearth context is comprised of hearth lenses interspersed with mixed ashy sediments, which we interpret as the remnants of raked out and trampled combustion features. Bones and lithics in the hearth context have higher rates of burning, and the lithics are smaller and more broken. The large numbers of burned bones are probably not the result of accidental burning or the use of bone as a fuel source, rather they seem to relate to site maintenance. The incorporation of multiple lines of evidence points to two different site maintenance strategies at Lakonis: (1) the intentional burning of food refuse and (2) the cleaning of hearths, and dumping remnant deposits elsewhere at the site. We therefore consider Lakonis I to be amongst the growing list of sites that contain evidence for Neandertal behavioral complexity.

In many parts of the Mediterranean Basin, the Late Glacial was a dramatic time in terms of demographic, cultural, and technological change. One region that illustrates this especially well is southern Greece, where Upper Paleolithic lifeways transitioned to the Mesolithic with the onset of the Holocene. Previous archaeological research in this area has documented an intensification of meat resources as foragers widened their diet breadth to include more low-return prey animals, eventually shifting their focus to the Mediterranean Sea. In this paper, we synthesize and expand on these previous analyses by combining new data from Kephalari Cave with two other published sites in the Argolid (Peloponnese), Franchthi Cave and Klissoura Cave 1. These three sites provide an ideal case study for examining changes in meat procurement strategies because they have overlapping Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic chronologies and are located within about 45 km of one another. We consider each of the sites within their local environmental contexts, including the contraction of the coastal plain and moving shorelines after the Last Glacial Maximum. Changes in the composition of ungulate prey track local environmental and ecological conditions. The use of low-return species supports an overall picture of resource intensification in the region over time. At Klissoura, the most inland of the three sites, small terrestrial prey increases over the course of the Upper Paleolithic, particularly in the Late Glacial, and until the site was abandoned in the Mesolithic. At both Franchthi and Kephalari, small game are abundant in all Upper Paleolithic layers, but there is no overall trend. However, fishing appears in the Upper Paleolithic (most likely the Gravettoid phase) of Kephalari and during the Epigravettian at Franchthi. Fishing increases dramatically in later layers at both sites. At Franchthi, this trend culminates in open-water fishing of large-bodied tunny in the Upper Mesolithic. Interestingly, the use of Klissoura declined at about the time that fishing became a critical part of the economy at Franchthi, and possibly Kephalari. These subsistence shifts reflect a combination of factors, including growing human populations on a regional level and local responses that included changes in mobility patterns and site use, and more diverse toolkits, as well as changes in Pleistocene shorelines that brought an additional ecosystem closer to two of the sites. These internal and external factors allowed foragers in southern Greece to successfully move into a new ecological niche at the end of the Pleistocene.

Subsistence patterns during the Early Bronze Age I through the Iron Age II (3600-586 BCE) are the topic of many archaeobotanical and zooarchaeological studies. The results of these two disciplines are usually published separately, depriving us of an all-encompassing view of subsistence and agriculture during this time period since people did not solely make use of animal or plant products. In this paper, our goal is to integrate faunal and botanical lines of evidence and study developments in subsistence using multivariate statistics. By analysing individual and integrated datasets of botanical and faunal remains, we aim to better understand the role of diverse variables, such as chronology, mean annual precipitation, and elevation within the composition of our datasets. We see chronological differences, a distinction between sites at higher (400–600 mm) and lower (200–400 mm) precipitation ranges and differences between sites at different elevations (0–100 m and 500–600 m). We also highlight methodological issues intrinsic to differences in genesis and quantification of archaeobotanical and zooarchaeological datasets. We conclude that to obtain a complete understanding of subsistence during the Bronze and Iron Age in the Southern Levant, archaeobotanists and zooarchaeologists need to work on integrating their data on a site-specific level. This will allow us to obtain a holistic understanding of subsistence and agricultural practices on both a site and regional level and allow us to develop a stronger framework for understanding social and political developments that occurred during these time periods.

Changes in subsistence patterns during the Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic at Klissoura Cave 1 in southern Greece indicate that some shifts track local climatic changes, while others do not. Specifically, increases in ungulate species diversity correlate with wetter periods, and greater abundance of certain dry-loving small game animals (e.g., great bustard) might correspond with dry periods. Other large-scale diachronic shifts, such as the increased importance of low-return hares and partridges, occur over the occupation of the site irrespective of environmental conditions. We hypothesized previously that this relates to local human population growth over the course of the Paleolithic. New data from a nearby site, Kephalari Cave, augment this hypothesis. The site complements the Aurignacian and Gravettoid occupations at Klissoura and also contains a robust late Upper Paleolithic component. Ungulate species diversity is high at Kephalari, and there is a greater reliance on low-return small animals (including fish) than at Klissoura. In this paper, we examine changes in the faunal spectra alongside preliminary charcoal data from the two sites. These data are analyzed in the context of regional environmental change in order to determine the extent to which climatic change or population growth drove subsistence shifts in southern Greece during the Late Pleistocene.

Paleoenvironmental and climatic reconstructions are reported for latest Pleistocene (Paleolithic) contexts from the Swabian Jura of southwestern Germany. In particular, we focus on the late glacial interval, ~18,000 to 11,600 cal yr BP, using faunal remains from Langmahdhalde, a recently excavated Late Magdalenian site in the Lone Valley. We use two different proxies for reconstruction: (1) stable isotope analysis (δ13C and δ15N) of bone collagen from reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) and horse (Equus ferus) and (2) the application of a bioclimatic model to the micromammal assemblage from the site. We use these results to discuss the environmental context of Magdalenian hunter-gatherers in the Lone Valley and argue that, although they generally lived in tundra environments, their landscape was heterogeneous and likely had pockets of trees and/or denser vegetation. Our study documents warmer winter temperatures, increased precipitation, and longer vegetative activity periods than those of modern tundra environments.

The animal remains found at the fourteenth-fifteenth century Hof van Leugenhaeghe are crucial to reconstruct the life of the noble inhabitants, as all buildings were destroyed with the construction of a later estate on the property called the Blauwhof. The diet confirms the high social status of this nobility with the suspected consumption of pig skulls, a possible sign of wealth in late-medieval Flanders. Other signs of a noble diet are found as well: juvenile cattle, a diverse spectrum of game, partridge and grey heron. The observed pattern of a wealthy diet is consistent with the zooarchaeological assemblages found at other noble sites in late-medieval Flanders.

Fox (Vulpes vulpes and Vulpes lagopus), wolf (Canis lupus) and dog (Canis lupus familiaris) remains are commonly found in the faunal assemblages of Magdalenian sites in Central Europe. However, little is known about their ecology in terms of food preference and niche partitioning. We hypothesize that domestication leads to a new trophic niche for dogs and even for commensal animals, such as foxes, compared to their wild counterparts (i.e. wolves and wild non-commensal foxes). To test our hypothesis, we used stable isotope analysis (δ13C, δ15N) of bone collagen extracted from canid bones from several Magdalenian sites in southwestern Germany and Switzerland (between 17,000 and 13,000 years ago). We then ran Bayesian statistic systems (SIBER, mixSIAR) to reconstruct the trophic niches and diets of Magdalenian canids. We conclude that a significant niche partitioning of canids is reflected in their carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition. Furthermore, we were able to distinguish between the niche of dogs and individual commensal foxes on the one hand, and wolves on the other hand. We suggest that while wolves had permanent, unrestricted access to all types of dietary resources coming from a diversity of prey species, the diet of dogs was controlled by humans. Most of the foxes built their own niche with a diet primarily comprised of small mammals. However, some red foxes showed commensal relationships in their reconstructed diet to dogs and wolves.

This paper evaluates a long sequence of zooarchaeological remains from Klissoura Cave 1 (southern Greece) within the paradigm of evolutionary ecology. The prey choice, central place foraging, and patch choice models are applied to the dataset in order to understand subsistence shifts related to local resource depression and changes in the intensity of site use from the Middle Paleolithic through Mesolithic. Major trends in prey choice indicate that Middle Paleolithic hominins tended to focus on high-ranked large game resources, while Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic occupants shifted to lower-ranked small game, fast-moving animals in particular. Overarching shifts in prey use do not correspond to environmental change, so they likely reflect human impacts on local prey populations. Reconstructions of body part profiles indicate that hunters exploited large game animals locally, possibly as they passed through the gorge or drank at a nearby stream. Occupation intensity at the site was highest at the beginning of the Aurignacian, which is reflected by an increase in material culture such as lithics and hearth features, as well as different subsistence strategies. Specifically, bone marrow processing is more important, evidenced by ungulate transport decisions that focus on marrow-rich elements, and an overall increase in marrow processing intensity. Environmental data indicate that conditions in southern Greece were particularly favorable at the beginning of the Aurignacian, which supported rich ungulate faunas and larger populations of their hominin predators in the area. In general, faunal data from Klissoura Cave 1 fit within larger trends found in the Mediterranean over the course of the Late Pleistocene, which indicate that human hunting pressures were on the rise. However, many aspects of prey use are specific to Klissoura Cave 1, reflecting unique environmental and cultural circumstances of southern Greece at various phases in the occupation of the site.

The Pleistocene hominin site of Makuyuni, near Lake Manyara, Tanzania, is known for fossils attributable to Homo and Acheulean artifacts (Ring et al., 2005; Kaiser et al., 2010; Frost et al., 2012). Here we describe the fossil primate material from the Manyara Beds, which includes the first nearly complete female cranium of Theropithecus oswaldi leakeyi and a proximal tibia from the same taxon. The cranium is dated to between 633 and 780 Ka and the tibia to the Pleistocene. The T. oswaldi lineage is one of the most important among Neogene mammals of Africa: it is both widespread and abundant. The size of the dentition, cranium, and tibia all confirm the previously recognized trend of increasing body size in this lineage and make their taxonomic assignments secure. The morphology of this specimen provides new insights into the evolution of this lineage through time, as well as its geographic variation and sexual dimorphism. The cranium also shows damage consistent with a mammalian carnivore, most likely a felid. The identification of this material as representing T. o. leakeyi agrees with the Middle Pleistocene age estimates for the MK4 locality in particular and the Manyara Beds in general.

Two deeply stratified cave sites in southern Greece show how the relations between material input rates and human prey choice may reflect local site function and regional food supply effects simultaneously. The Upper Paleolithic through Mesolithic faunas at Klissoura Cave 1 and Franchthi Cave on the Argolid Peninsula (Peloponnese) provide clear evidence of diet expansion with time, based on increasing use of costly small animals. These cases also reflect, albeit to very different degrees, variation in occupation intensity as determined from sediment and artifact accumulation rates. Centrality is a critical issue for residential sites, and consistency (or the lack of it) in use provides a relative indication of site “importance” in the overall territory of foragers. Changes in site importance explain much of the variation in material inputs in Klissoura Cave 1, with the heaviest use of the site during the Upper Paleolithic and lighter use in the later periods. Small game data from Klissoura 1 nonetheless present a single general trend toward greater resource intensification with time. At Franchthi Cave, the intensity of occupations of the cave increased in tandem with intensified use of animal and plant resources. The parallel trends are explained by greater temporal consistency in the central importance of the latter site on the Pleistocene and early Holocene landscape.

In many parts of the Mediterranean Basin, resource intensification occurred across the Middle to Upper Paleolithic transition, and again before the beginning of the Mesolithic. Central to understanding resource intensification is distinguishing human demographic pressures from environmental factors. This paper examines the intensification of vertebrate resources at Klissoura Cave 1 in the Peloponnese, Greece, from marine oxygen isotope stage (MIS) 5a until the early Holocene (from about 80,000 to 10,000 years ago) against the backdrop of changing environments. Occasional fluctuations in large game resources, as well as changing proportions of certain small game (e.g. great bustard) correlate to environmental shifts in the eastern Mediterranean during the Late Pleistocene. Prey choice models are used to understand human demographic pressures and resource intensification. Small game animals are ranked according to these models, with slow-moving species (e.g. tortoises) classified as higher-ranking and fast-moving species (e.g. hares and birds) categorized as low-ranking. Two major shifts are apparent in the sequence. The first is an overall increase in the use of small game animals in the Upper Paleolithic and later diets as compared to ungulate prey. The second is a decrease in higher-ranked small game and a corresponding increase in low-ranked small game animals. These trends are evident using either number of identified specimen (NISP) counts or proxy measures of prey biomass. An application of diversity indices indicates that there is no temporal trend in prey evenness, though fluctuations in evenness values have different meanings for ungulate and small-bodied prey. An increase in evenness of ungulate species typically correlates with climatic amelioration. Increasing evenness values for small game animals, however, are related to environmental factors in some instances, and changes in human exploitation patterns in other cases.

Starkovich B.M. & Stiner M.C. 2009. — Hallan Cemi Tepesi: High-ranked Game Exploitation alongside Intensive Seed Processing at the Epipaleolithic-Neolithic Transition in Southeastern Turkey. Anthropozoologica 44(1): 41-61.

Klissoura Cave 1 in southern Greece preserves a long archaeological sequence that spans roughly 90,000 years and includes Middle Paleolithic, Uluzzian, Upper Paleolithic, and Mesolithic deposits. The site provides a unique opportunity to examine diachronic change and shifts in the intensity of site use across the Late Pleistocene. There is an overall picture of the intensified use of faunal resources at the site, evidenced by a shift from large to small game, and to small fast-moving taxa in particular. This trend is independent of climatic change and fluctuations in site use, and most likely reflects a broader, regional growth of hominin populations. At the same time, multiple lines of evidence (e.g., input of artifacts and features, sedimentation mechanisms, and intensification of faunal resources) indicate that the intensity of site use changed, with a sharp increase from the Middle Paleolithic to Aurignacian. This allows us to address a fundamental issue in the study of human evolution: differences in population size and site use between Neandertals and modern humans. At Klissoura Cave 1, the increase in occupation intensity might be related to population growth or larger group size, but it might also be due to changes in season of site use, more favorable environmental conditions at the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic, and/or changes in the composition of people occupying the site. These explanations are not necessarily mutually exclusive, and indeed the data support a combination of factors. Ascribing the increase in occupation intensity to larger Upper Paleolithic populations more broadly is difficult, particularly because there is little consensus on this topic elsewhere in Eurasia. The data are complicated and vary greatly between sites and regions. This makes Klissoura Cave 1, as the only currently available case study in southeastern Europe, a critical example in understanding the range of variation in demography and site use across the Middle to Upper Paleolithic transition.

The exceptional preservation at Sch€oningen together with a mixture of perseverance, hard work, and sheer luck led to the recovery of unique finds in an exceptional context. The 1995 discovery of numerous wooden artifacts, most notably at least 10 carefully made spears together with the skeletons of at least 20 to 25 butchered horses, brought the debate about hunting versus scavenging among late archaic hominins and analogous arguments about the purportedly primitive behavior of Homo heidelbergensis and Neanderthals to an end. Work under H. Thieme's lead from 1992 to 2008 and results from the current team since 2008 demonstrate that late H. heidelbergensis or early Neanderthals used sophisticated artifacts made from floral and faunal materials, in addition to lithic artifacts more typically recovered at Lower Paleolithic sites. The finds from the famous Horse Butchery Site and two dozen other archaeological horizons from the edges of the open-cast mine at Sch€oningen provide many new insights into the technology and behavioral patterns of hominins about 300 ka BP during MIS 9 on the Northern EuropeanPlain. An analysis of the finds from Sch€oningen and their contexts shows that the inhabitants of the site were skilled hunters at the top of the food chain and exhibited a high level of planning depth. These hominins had command of effective means of communication about the here and now, and the past andthe future, that allowed them to repeatedly execute well-coordinated and successful group activities that likely culminated in a division of labor and social and economic patterns radically different from those of all non-human primates. The unique preservation and high quality excavations have led to a major paradigm shift or “Sch€oningen Effect” that changed our views of human evolution during the late Lower Paleolithic. In this respect, we can view the behaviors documented at Sch€oningen as a plausible baseline for the behavioral sophistication of archaic hominins of the late Middle Pleistocene and subsequent periods. The exceptional preservation at Schöningen together with a mixture of perseverance, hard work, and sheer luck led to the recovery of unique finds in an exceptional context. The 1995 discovery of numerous wooden artifacts, most notably at least 10 carefully made spears together with the skeletons of at least 20 to 25 butchered horses, brought the debate about hunting versus scavenging among late archaic hominins and analogous arguments about the purportedly primitive behavior of Homo heidelbergensis and Neanderthals to an end. Work under H. Thieme's lead from 1992 to 2008 and results from the current team since 2008 demonstrate that late H. heidelbergensis or early Neanderthals used sophisticated artifacts made from floral and faunal materials, in addition to lithic artifacts more typically recovered at Lower Paleolithic sites. The finds from the famous Horse Butchery Site and two dozen other archaeological horizons from the edges of the open-cast mine at Schöningen provide many new insights into the technology and behavioral patterns of hominins about 300 ka BP during MIS 9 on the Northern European Plain. An analysis of the finds from Schöningen and their contexts shows that the inhabitants of the site were skilled hunters at the top of the food chain and exhibited a high level of planning depth. These hominins had command of effective means of communication about the here and now, and the past and the future, that allowed them to repeatedly execute well-coordinated and successful group activities that likely culminated in a division of labor and social and economic patterns radically different from those of all non-human primates. The unique preservation and high quality excavations have led to a major paradigm shift or "Schöningen Effect" that changed our views of human evolution during the late Lower Paleolithic. In this respect, we can view the behaviors documented at Schöningen as a plausible baseline for the behavioral sophistication of archaic hominins of the late Middle Pleistocene and subsequent periods.

The evidence for the slow development from gathering and cultivation of wild species to the use of domesticates in the Near East, deriving from a number of Epipalaeolithic and aceramic Neolithic sites with short occupational stratigraphies, cannot explain the reasons for the protracted development of agriculture in the Fertile Crescent. The botanical and faunal remains from the long stratigraphic sequence of Chogha Golan, indicate local changes in environmental conditions and subsistence practices that characterize a site-specific pathway into emerging agriculture. Our multidisciplinary approach demonstrates a long-term subsistence strategy of several hundred years on wild cereals and pulses as well as on hunting a variety of faunal species that were based on relatively favorable and stable environmental conditions. Fluctuations in the availability of resources after around 10.200 cal BP may have been caused by small-scale climatic fluctuations. The temporary depletion of resources was managed through a shift to other species which required minor technological changes to make these resources accessible and by intensification of barley cultivation which approached its domestication. After roughly 200 years, emmer domestication is apparent, accompanied by higher contribution of cattle in the diet, suggesting long-term intensification of resource management.

The 300,000 year old Lower Paleolithic site Schoningen 13 II-4 became world famous with the discovery of the oldest well-preserved and complete wooden spears. Through ongoing excavations, new archaeological discoveries of scientific importance are still being made from the same archaeological layer where the spears were found. In this context, remains of a rare carnivore species, the European saber-toothed cat (Homotherium latidens), were recovered. Here we present five teeth and one humerus fragment that are unambiguously from two individual saber-toothed cats. The humerus is a unique specimen; it shows evidence of hominin impacts and use as a percussor. The Homotherium remains from Schoningen are the best documented finds of this species in an archaeological setting and they are amongst the youngest specimens of Homotherium in Europe. The presence of this species as a carnivore competitor would certainly have impacted the lives of late Middle Pleistocene hominins. The discovery illustrates the possible day-to-day challenges that the Schoningen hominins would have faced and suggests that the wooden spears were not necessarily only used for hunting, but possibly also as a weapon for self-defense.

The “Blauwhof” is a rich estate in a rural village close to Antwerp built by the Portuguese merchant family Ximenez at the end of the 16th century. The animal remains left behind by this family reflect a wealthy diet of the 16th–17th centuries with juvenile cattle and sheep/goat, small game and a variety of birds. The clear dominance of sheep/goat is linked to the Portuguese origin of the family. Despite the fact that they were merchants, trade did not influence their diet as no exotic animals are found in the assemblage and the amount of seafood is not unusually high. Although the family was Jewish until the end of the 15th century, their diet included non-kosher animals and body parts, which is consistent with their new identity as pious Christians who donated money to the Antwerp Cathedral by the time they occupied the Blauwhof.

This paper presents the faunal remains from the new excavation area at the Lower Paleolithic site of Schoningen. The focus of the study is on the southern extension of the main find horizon (Spear Horizon South), which includes the layer that yielded the famous Schoningen spears (13 II-4). Taxonomic data corroborate previous studies, that hominins primarily hunted Equus mosbachensis, a large Pleistocene horse. Equid body part representation at the site suggests that the animals were hunted and butchered locally. There is no evidence for density-mediated attrition in the assemblage. Weathering damage is uncommon, though there is ample evidence that carnivores had access to the bone. Carnivore bite sizes were measured and compared to experimental data provided by previous authors. Based on relationships between bite size and carnivore behavior and body size, we conclude that the primary modifying agents were large carnivores (i.e., wolves or saber-toothed cats). Previous studies show that carnivores often had secondary access to the remains, after hominins. Cut marks are commonly arranged haphazardly on the bones. This may indicate that multiple hominins participated in the butchery of horse skeletons, or that they were butchered over the course of hours or days. Cut marks on axial elements are more "orderly," which probably reflects the physical logistics of orienting one's body in relation to a large carcass. These data differ from sites formed by Middle and Upper Paleolithic hominins, which might suggest that in later times, a system of organized meat provisioning was already in place. Taken together, the faunal evidence from the Spear Horizon South indicates that late Lower Paleolithic hominins using the site understood the behaviors of different prey species, hunted socially to take down large game, and successfully competed with large carnivores on the landscape for primary access to ungulate remains.

This paper reports the results of the application of a calcined bone dating protocol to samples collected from the Sanctuary of Zeus on Mt. Lykaion in southern Greece. The site is a mountaintop ash altar rich in anthropogenic sediments, burned bone, and artifacts offered to the god Zeus. Experiments involving time series hydrolysis measurements were conducted on calcined bones from stratified layers throughout the sequence to determine if any of the samples underwent surface contamination from carbonate exchange with the surrounding sedimentary matrix. It was determined that such exchange was unlikely, but samples were acid-etched before pretreatment as a precautionary measure. Paired samples of seeds, charcoal, and calcined animal bone collected from a sediment column in the altar demonstrate the effectiveness of the calcined bone dating technique in this context. The results of dating indicate that the altar was in use from the Mycenaean period through the late Classical period, though samples were not collected from the upper levels of the site due to possible mixing of surface sediments. Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR) measurements were taken and crystallinity index values calculated, confirming that the bone samples are indeed calcined. The results presented here correspond with literary accounts of ritual animal sacrifice from historical texts from the 8th century BCE, including the Homeric epics. DOI: 10.2458/azu_js_rc.55.16446