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Numerous parts of the developing world are afflicted by pollution and poison from both man-made and natural sources. Efforts to mitigate these environmental contaminants are often inherently political, and it is difficult to discern if those efforts reach all intended beneficiaries. We argue that as spatial precision increases, it is likely that donors lose control of foreign aid. Using geo-spatial data, we find evidence in Bangladesh that efforts to mitigate groundwater arsenic are generally directed to broad areas with higher levels of contamination. However, within those areas, we find that mitigation measures supported by foreign aid only reduce arsenic when they are located near (politically important) exporting firms. We argue that this supports a political economy rationale wherein donors may be able to target their assistance at a mezzo level, while powerful socio-economic interests are able to capture and direct resources at a micro level, potentially exacerbating intra- country inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's emergence as a major donor and economic partner to sub-Saharan Africa has prompted questions if the aims and impacts of China's efforts in the region are driven by self-serving commercial motives. While there are strong reasons to think that the foreign aid may make a location more attractive to investment, generally, by improving the infrastructural, institutional, or human capital environment and/or by serving as a signal of a location's risk, there is also reason to suspect that Chinese aid may be "paving the way" for investment by Chinese firms. To investigate, this paper uses spatial and temporal variations in localized, geo-referenced data to find a strong overall support that local aid boosts local foreign direct investment (FDI). However, we also find some evidence that Chinese aid boosts its own FDI compared to FDI from third-party countries; but this differential effect is also visible with the Chinese FDI's response to the World Bank aid as well as in the relationship between both aid and FDI from the USA, suggesting that the Chinese FDI may simply be following any aid and that the relationship between its aid and FDI is not exceptional among bilateral donors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research report measures changes in China's public diplomacy after a May 2021 collective study session of the Chinese Communist Party Politburo. The session examined the country's global communications strategy and fuelled speculation about what might change in China's external communications, particularly with regard to its "wolf warrior" diplomats. Combining hand-coding and quantitative text analysis, we develop and validate a measure of "wolf warrior diplomacy" rhetoric and apply it to over 200,000 tweets from nearly 200 institutional, media and diplomatic Twitter accounts. Using a difference-in-difference research design, we evaluate if the session led to a noticeable change in the tweets of diplomats based in OECD countries. After the announcement, PRC diplomats in the OECD moderated their tweets in comparison to non-OECD diplomats, but we do not detect a major re-orientation of PRC communication strategies. These findings have relevance for scholars of Chinese foreign policy, nationalism and public diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sustainable Development Goal principle of "leaving no one behind" has led to increased attention being paid to patterns of intra-country allocation of foreign aid. We contribute to these efforts by considering a particular type of foreign aid, Aid for Trade (AfT), to discern allocation objectives of aid. We match a novel, geo-coded, dataset on over 11,000 Bangladeshi exporting firms to over one thousand AfT project locations in Bangladesh similarly geo-coded by AidData and expanded by ourselves. We use this matched data to employ spatial techniques that evaluate political economy logics of aid allocation, wherein AfT is functionally targeted towards exporting firms, is allocated based on prebendalism, and/or is directed to high poverty areas. Our analysis finds support that AfT is allocated based on functional or prebendalist logics. The results for poverty are more nuanced. When considered in a stand-alone fashion, poverty is associated with a smaller likelihood of allocation. However, some evidence suggests that when the other logics are present, the impact of poverty on allocation becomes positive. These findings suggest that the politics of aid allocation is a nuanced and intricate dance with multiple overlapping or competing logics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with countries in the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group are touted as a new form of equitable engagement. However, many argue that the EPAs simply substitute a different form of political and economic domination. In this paper, we consider if the siting of meetings has a substantive impact on EPA outcomes or media reporting thereof. Using a difference‐in‐difference like approach we evaluate if the tone and polarity of media reports about the EPAs during periods of 'home' meetings in the ACP countries differs from media reports during 'away' meetings in the EU. Using two different datasets we arrive at differing results, leading to inconclusive overall findings. While we suspect that the alternating meeting site norm has implications for EPA process and outcomes, further research will be needed to uncover the precise nature of these effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Questions of aid allocation have long focused on discerning the motivation of development donors. Less attention has been paid to the interests and agency of recipient state governments and even less to the interests and agency of constituencies within those states. An implicit assumption is often that the 'poor' either passively receive the patronage of their benefactors or they don't. In this paper, we instead suggest that depending on the motivation of a donor, their sensitivity to needy subnational constituencies in aid allocation also depends on the political empowerment of those groups. In particular, we take advantage of the unique socio-cultural structure in India to examine if the political agency of scheduled castes and tribes (SC/STs) can explain patterns of district-level allocation of World Bank education aid. Using district-level data on a multi-year World Bank education program, district-level proportions of SC/ST population and of members of parliament we identify poor, but empowered, constituencies. We find that SC/ST districts receive more aid, even when controlling for baseline poverty and educational performance, but that these results are strongest when these districts are politically empowered. Our findings suggest that while donors may indeed respond to recipient needs, those recipients who also speak loudly for themselves fare better, highlighting the importance of constituent agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]