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The language comprehension system preferentially assumes that agents come first during incremental processing. While this might reflect a biologically fixed bias, shared with other domains and other species, the evidence is limited to languages that place agents first, and so the bias could also be learned from usage frequency. Here, we probe the bias with electroencephalography (EEG) in Äiwoo, a language that by default places patients first, but where sentence-initial nouns are still locally ambiguous between patient or agent roles. Comprehenders transiently interpreted nonhuman nouns as patients, eliciting a negativity when disambiguation was toward the less common agent-initial order. By contrast and against frequencies, human nouns were transiently interpreted as agents, eliciting an N400-like negativity when the disambiguation was toward patient-initial order. Consistent with the notion of a fixed property, the agent bias is robust against usage frequency for human referents. However, this bias can be reversed by frequency experience for nonhuman referents.

A comprehensive theory of human language requires a data set that is representative of the typological diversity present in the world’s 7,000+ languages (Evans & Levinson, 2009). However, the treatment of linguistic diversity in cognitive science has been historically uneven. While many subfields of linguistics explicitly aim to describe and explain variation (e.g., linguistic typology, phonology), adjacent fields like psycholinguistics have suffered from an overreliance on English (Blasi et al., 2022; Christiansen et al., 2022a; Kidd & Garcia, 2022), mimicking cognitive science in general (Henrich et al., 2010). This large data skew prevents the field from fully explaining how humans acquire, represent, and process language, one of the core defining features of our species.

Predictive coding provides a compelling, unified theory of neural information processing, including for language. However, there is insufficient understanding of how predictive models adapt to changing contextual and environmental demands and the extent to which such adaptive processes differ between individuals. Here, we used electroencephalography (EEG) to track prediction error responses during a naturalistic language processing paradigm. In Experiment 1, 45 native speakers of English listened to a series of short passages. Via a speaker manipulation, we introduced changing intra-experimental adjective order probabilities for two-adjective noun phrases embedded within the passages and investigated whether prediction error responses adapt to reflect these intra-experimental predictive contingencies. To this end, we calculated a novel measure of speaker-based, intra-experimental surprisal ("speaker-based surprisal") as defined on a trial-by-trial basis and by clustering together adjectives with a similar meaning. N400 amplitude at the position of the critical second adjective was used as an outcome measure of prediction error. Results showed that N400 responses attuned to speaker-based surprisal over the course of the experiment, thus indicating that listeners rapidly adapt their predictive models to reflect local environmental contingencies (here: the probability of one type of adjective following another when uttered by a particular speaker). Strikingly, this occurs in spite of the wealth of prior linguistic experience that participants bring to the laboratory. Model adaptation effects were strongest for participants with a steep aperiodic (1/f) slope in resting EEG and low individual alpha frequency (IAF), with idea density (ID) showing a more complex pattern. These results were replicated in a separate sample of 40 participants in Experiment 2, which employed a highly similar design to Experiment 1. Overall, our results suggest that individuals with a steep aperiodic slope adapt their predictive models most strongly to context-specific probabilistic information. Steep aperiodic slope is thought to reflect low neural noise, which in turn may be associated with higher neural gain control and better cognitive control. Individuals with a steep aperiodic slope may thus be able to more effectively and dynamically reconfigure their prediction-related neural networks to meet current task demands. We conclude that predictive mechanisms in language are highly malleable and dynamic, reflecting both the affordances of the present environment as well as intrinsic information processing capabilities of the individual.

The extent to which the brain predicts upcoming information during language processing remains controversial. To shed light on this debate, the present study reanalyzed Nieuwland and colleagues' (2018) [Nieuwland, M. S., Politzer-Ahles, S., Heyselaar, E., Segaert, K., Darley, E., Kazanina, N., et al. Large-scale replication study reveals a limit on probabilistic prediction in language comprehension. eLife, 7, e33468, 2018] replication of DeLong and colleagues (2015) [DeLong, K. A., Urbach, T. P., & Kutas, M. Probabilistic word pre-activation during language comprehension inferred from electrical brain activity. Nature Neuroscience, 8, 1117–1121, 2005]. Participants (n = 356) viewed sentences containing articles and nouns of varying predictability, while their EEG was recorded. We measured ERPs preceding the critical words (namely, the semantic prediction potential), in conjunction with postword N400 patterns and individual neural metrics. ERP activity was compared with two measures of word predictability: cloze probability and lexical surprisal. In contrast to prior literature, semantic prediction potential amplitudes did not increase as cloze probability increased, suggesting that the component may not reflect prediction during natural language processing. Initial N400 results at the article provided evidence against phonological prediction in language, in line with Nieuwland and colleagues' findings. Strikingly, however, when the surprisal of the prior words in the sentence was included in the analysis, increases in article surprisal were associated with increased N400 amplitudes, consistent with prediction accounts. This relationship between surprisal and N400 amplitude was not observed when the surprisal of the two prior words was low, suggesting that expectation violations at the article may be overlooked under highly predictable conditions. Individual alpha frequency also modulated the relationship between article surprisal and the N400, emphasizing the importance of individual neural factors for prediction. The present study extends upon existing neurocognitive models of language and prediction more generally, by illuminating the flexible and subject-specific nature of predictive processing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human performance applications of mindfulness-based training have demonstrated its utility in enhancing cognitive functioning. Previous studies have illustrated how these interventions can improve performance on traditional cognitive tests, however, little investigation has explored the extent to which mindfulness-based training can optimise performance in more dynamic and complex contexts. Further, from a neuroscientific perspective, the underlying mechanisms responsible for performance enhancements remain largely undescribed. With this in mind, the following study aimed to investigate how a short-term mindfulness intervention (one week) augments performance on a dynamic and complex task (target motion analyst task; TMA) in young, healthy adults (n = 40, age range = 18–38). Linear mixed effect modelling revealed that increased adherence to the web-based mindfulness-based training regime (ranging from 0–21 sessions) was associated with improved performance in the second testing session of the TMA task, controlling for baseline performance. Analyses of resting-state electroencephalographic (EEG) metrics demonstrated no change across testing sessions. Investigations of additional individual factors demonstrated that enhancements associated with training adherence remained relatively consistent across varying levels of participants' resting-state EEG metrics, personality measures (i.e., trait mindfulness, neuroticism, conscientiousness), self-reported enjoyment and timing of intervention adherence. Our results thus indicate that mindfulness-based cognitive training leads to performance enhancements in distantly related tasks, irrespective of several individual differences. We also revealed nuances in the magnitude of cognitive enhancements contingent on the timing of adherence, regardless of total volume of training. Overall, our findings suggest that mindfulness-based training could be used in a myriad of settings to elicit transferable performance enhancements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human language allows us to express our thoughts and ideas by combining entities, concepts and actions into multi-event episodes. Yet, the functional neuroanatomy engaged in interpretation of such high-level linguistic input remains poorly understood. Here, we used easy to detect and more subtle "borderline" anomalies to investigate the brain regions and mechanistic principles involved in the use of real-world event knowledge in language comprehension. Overall, the results showed that the processing of sentences in context engages a complex set of bilateral brain regions in the frontal, temporal and inferior parietal lobes. Easy anomalies preferentially engaged lower-order cortical areas adjacent to the primary auditory cortex. In addition, the left supramarginal gyrus and anterior temporal sulcus as well as the right posterior middle temporal gyrus contributed to the processing of easy and borderline anomalies. The observed pattern of results is explained in terms of (i) hierarchical processing along a dorsal-ventral axis and (ii) the assumption of high-order association areas serving as cortical hubs in the convergence of information in a distributed network. Finally, the observed modulation of BOLD signal in prefrontal areas provides support for their role in the implementation of executive control processes.

Here, we present a new perspective on an old question: how does the neurobiology of human language relate to brain systems in nonhuman primates? We argue that higher-order language combinatorics, including sentence and discourse processing, can be situated in a unified, cross-species dorsal-ventral streams architecture for higher auditory processing, and that the functions of the dorsal and ventral streams in higher-order language processing can be grounded in their respective computational properties in primate audition. This view challenges an assumption, common in the cognitive sciences, that a nonhuman primate model forms an inherently inadequate basis for modeling higher-level language functions.

The N400 event-related brain potential (ERP) has played a major role in the examination of how the human brain processes meaning. For current theories of the N400, classes of semantic inconsistencies which do not elicit N400 effects have proven particularly influential. Semantic anomalies that are difficult to detect are a case in point ("borderline anomalies", e.g. "After an air crash, where should the survivors be buried?"), engendering a late positive ERP response but no N400 effect in English (Sanford, Leuthold, Bohan, & Sanford, 2011). In three auditory ERP experiments, we demonstrate that this result is subject to cross-linguistic variation. In a German version of Sanford and colleagues' experiment (Experiment 1), detected borderline anomalies elicited both N400 and late positivity effects compared to control stimuli or to missed borderline anomalies. Classic easy-to-detect semantic (non-borderline) anomalies showed the same pattern as in English (N400 plus late positivity). The cross-linguistic difference in the response to borderline anomalies was replicated in two additional studies with a slightly modified task (Experiment 2a: German; Experiment 2b: English), with a reliable LANGUAGE×ANOMALY interaction for the borderline anomalies confirming that the N400 effect is subject to systematic cross-linguistic variation. We argue that this variation results from differences in the language-specific default weighting of top-down and bottom-up information, concluding that N400 amplitude reflects the interaction between the two information sources in the form-to-meaning mapping.

We present a new dorsal-ventral stream framework for language comprehension which unifies basic neurobiological assumptions (Rauschecker & Scott, 2009) with a cross-linguistic neurocognitive sentence comprehension model (eADM; Bornkessel & Schlesewsky, 2006). The dissociation between (time-dependent) syntactic structure-building and (time-independent) sentence interpretation assumed within the eADM provides a basis for the division of labour between the dorsal and ventral streams in comprehension. We posit that the ventral stream performs time-independent unifications of conceptual schemata, serving to create auditory objects of increasing complexity. The dorsal stream engages in the time-dependent combination of elements, subserving both syntactic structuring and a linkage to action. Furthermore, frontal regions accomplish general aspects of cognitive control in the service of action planning and execution rather than linguistic processing. This architecture is supported by a range of existing empirical findings and helps to resolve a number of theoretical and empirical puzzles within the existing dorsal-ventral streams literature. (Contains 1 table and 4 figures.)

Sometimes, the relationship between form and meaning in language is not one-to-one. Here, we used event-related brain potentials (ERPs) to illuminate the neural correlates of such flexible syntax-semantics mappings during sentence comprehension by examining split-intransitivity. While some ("rigid") verbs consistently select one auxiliary, other ("flexible") verbs do not. German speakers read sentences including rigid and flexible verbs and the auxiliaries "haben" (HAVE) and "sein" (BE). In an additional condition, flexible verbs were presented with a telicity-inducing prefix that led them to select BE via the verb-prefix combination. Auxiliary selection violations engendered an N400-late positivity response for both rigid and prefixed verbs, thus suggesting that the processing system sets up an auxiliary-based expectation for particular verb classes. For unprefixed flexible verbs, average ERPs did not show differential effects of auxiliary choice. However, additional mixed-effects analyses for these verbs including by-participant and by-item acceptabilities as covariates revealed modulations of the N400 and late positivity for HAVE-trials via by-item and by-participant acceptabilities. We argue that the N400 reflects the degree of match between auxiliary choice and the lexical class of the verb, while two distinct positivity effects correlate with (1) a well-formedness categorisation and (2) the degree to which individual participants engage in enriched composition in order to render a flexible (telic) verb compatible with a particular auxiliary choice (HAVE). These results indicate that the gradient behaviour of flexible verbs is not due to indeterminacy, but rather to a higher propensity for enriched composition that results in the coercion of aspectual specification.

Prior research on the neural bases of syntactic comprehension suggests that activation in the left inferior frontal gyrus (lIFG) correlates with the processing of word order variations. However, there are inconsistencies with respect to the specific subregion within the IFG that is implicated by these findings: the pars opercularis or the pars triangularis. Here, we examined the hypothesis that the dissociation between pars opercularis and pars triangularis activation may reflect functional differences between clause-medial and clause-initial word order permutations, respectively. To this end, we directly compared clause-medial and clause-initial object-before-subject orders in German in a within-participants, event-related fMRI design. Our results showed increased activation for object-initial sentences in a bilateral network of frontal, temporal and subcortical regions. Within the lIFG, posterior and inferior subregions showed only a main effect of word order, whereas more anterior and superior subregions showed effects of word order and sentence type, with higher activation for sentences with an argument in the clause-initial position. These findings are interpreted as evidence for a functional gradation of sequence processing within the left IFG: posterior subportions correlate with argument prominence-based (local) aspects of sequencing, while anterior subportions correlate with aboutness-based aspects of sequencing, which are crucial in linking the current sentence to the wider discourse. This proposal appears compatible with more general hypotheses about information processing gradients in prefrontal cortex (Koechlin & Summerfield, 2007). (Contains 5 tables and 3 figures.)

This paper demonstrates systematic cross-linguistic differences in the electrophysiological correlates of conflicts between form and meaning ("semantic reversal anomalies"). These engender P600 effects in English and Dutch (e.g. [Kolk et al., 2003] and [Kuperberg et al., 2003]), but a biphasic N400--late positivity pattern in German (Schlesewsky and Bornkessel-Schlesewsky, 2009), and monophasic N400 effects in Turkish (Experiment 1) and Mandarin Chinese (Experiment 2). Experiment 3 revealed that, in Icelandic, semantic reversal anomalies show the English pattern with verbs requiring a position-based identification of argument roles, but the German pattern with verbs requiring a case-based identification of argument roles. The overall pattern of results reveals two separate dimensions of cross-linguistic variation: (i) the presence vs. absence of an N400, which we attribute to cross-linguistic differences with regard to the sequence-dependence of the form-to-meaning mapping and (ii) the presence vs. absence of a late positivity, which we interpret as an instance of a categorisation-related late P300, and which is observable when the language under consideration allows for a binary well-formedness categorisation of reversal anomalies. We conclude that, rather than reflecting linguistic domains such as syntax and semantics, the late positivity vs. N400 distinction is better understood in terms of the strategies that serve to optimise the form-to-meaning mapping in a given language.

Conflicts in language processing often correlate with late positive event-related brain potentials (ERPs), particularly when they are induced by inconsistencies between different information types (e.g. syntactic and thematic/plausibility information). However, under certain circumstances, similar sentence-level interpretation conflicts (inanimate subjects) engender negativity effects (N400s) instead. The present ERP study was designed to shed light on this inconsistency. In previous studies showing monophasic positivities (P600s), the conflict was irresolvable and induced via a verb, whereas N400s were elicited by resolvable, argument-induced conflicts. Here, we therefore examined irresolvable argument-induced conflicts (pronoun case violations) in simple English sentences. Conflict strength was manipulated via the animacy of the first argument and the agreement status of the verb. Processing conflicts engendered a biphasic N400-late positivity pattern, with only the N400 sensitive to conflict strength (animacy). These results suggest that argument-induced conflicts engender N400 effects, (which we interpret in terms of increased competition for the Actor role) whereas irresolvable conflicts elicit late positivities (which we interpret as reflecting well-formedness categorisation). (Contains 2 tables and 1 figure.)