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Education is central to creating well-informed citizens capable of participating in social and political life. However, civic education in some liberal democratic societies has often focused on teaching students the mechanics and structure of party politics, overlooking many of the public virtues that help to sustain democratic life. In this article we examine one such virtue, i.e., civility, and its role in party politics. We focus especially on partisan 'civility as politeness,' which entails the norms of politeness and etiquette that regulate partisans' speech and behaviour during electoral campaigns and within legislatures. We analyse partisan civility as politeness and explore its connection with two other dimensions of partisan civility, i.e., 'moral civility' and 'justificatory civility.' We conclude by developing recommendations on how to advance civility in party politics by creating well-informed citizens and politicians who recognize the importance of civility in democratic life.

Abstract Like many countries, the Philippines faced severe economic, social, and political challenges during the COVID‐19 pandemic. In March 2020 President Duterte issued an executive order announcing a national state of emergency that introduced a highly restrictive system for community quarantine and lockdown. While these measures led international observers to rank the Philippinesʼ pandemic response among the worldʼs most stringent, it is unclear whether subsequent health outcomes were sufficient to justify the severity. In this article, we evaluate discrepancies between COVID‐19 policy goals and outcomes in the Philippines via a compelling but under‐utilized method of democratic deliberation, the ‘mini‐public’. The mini‐public that we held brought together a random sample of citizens who heard testimony from local public health experts and political leaders, and then used this information in conjunction with their own experiences to identify policy shortcomings and develop recommendations for policymakers. The most substantial challenges to the governmentʼs pandemic response were reported to be inadequate enforcement and under‐resourcing of government officials tasked with policy implementation. These challenges created a disconnect between policy objectives and their performance in practice. We conclude by summarizing the mini‐public participantsʼ recommendations.

Abstract Objectives This study aims to evaluate the diagnostic performance of NIHSS extinction and inattention item, compared to the results of the Oxford Cognitive Screen (OCS) heart subtest. Additionally, the possible role of the NIHSS visual field subtest on the NIHSS extinction and inattention subtest performance is explored and discussed. Methods We analysed scores on NIHSS extinction and inattention subtest, NIHSS visual field subtest, and OCS heart subtest on a sample of 118 post-stroke patients. Results Compared to OCS heart subtest, the results on NIHSS extinction and inattention subtest showed an accuracy of 72.9% and a moderate agreement level (Cohen’s kappa = 0.404). Furthermore, a decrease in NIHSS accuracy detecting neglect (61.1%) was observed in patients with pathological scores in NIHSS visual field item. Conclusions Extreme caution is recommended for the diagnostic performance of extinction and inattention item of NIHSS. Signs of neglect may not be detected by NIHSS, and may be confused with visual field impairment. Trial registration This study refers to an observational study protocol submitted to ClinicalTrials.gov with identifier: NCT03968627 . The name of the registry is “Development of a National Protocol for Stroke Rehabilitation in a Multicenter Italian Institution” and the date of the registration is the 30th May 2019.

John Rawls's political liberalism demands that reasonable citizens comply with the duty of civility, which limits the justification of state action to public reasons. However, many religious citizens in liberal democratic societies reject the exclusion of religious reasons from public debate. What can be done to encourage these citizens to endorse public reason? Rawls proposes the idea of reasoning from conjecture (RC), i.e. directly engaging with someone's comprehensive doctrine and showing them that such a doctrine actually supports public reason. In this article, we argue that reasoning from conjecture faces serious objections and that interfaith dialogue (ID) provides a better and more effective tool to encourage religious citizens to endorse public reason. More specifically, ID provides support to public reason by (i) relying on the principles of equality, sincerity and self-criticism, which are also central to public reason; (ii) leading participants to de-parochialize religion; and (iii) promoting tolerance. Moreover, ID avoids the main objections faced by RC, which undermine the latter's morality and effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past 20 years, a number of political theorists have been focusing on the just political treatment of linguistic diversity in liberal democratic societies. This body of work, known as the 'linguistic justice' literature, has mainly examined two specific categories of linguistic groups: autochthonous linguistic minorities and immigrants. However, it has entirely neglected non-resident citizens, that is, citizens of a country who reside in a different one, and their distinctive language interests and rights. In this article, we address this gap by developing a theory of linguistic justice for non-resident citizens, using diaspora institutions as a case study. More specifically, we draw on the linguistic justice literature to outline two categories of non-resident citizens' language interests and rights, that is, those related to opportunity access and to democracy. We finally suggest ways in which language-related diaspora institutions could be reformed in order to better fulfil non-resident citizens' language interests and rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political finance in liberal democracies is often regarded as a source of pathology accompanied by demands for reform. But on what principles and values should political finance reform be grounded? The existing scholarship provides no more than sketchy advice on such matters. To address this gap, this paper presents a normative framework to evaluate political finance rules, which proposes (a) that the design of such rules should take account of the party system in which the financing rules will operate; (b) that both political finance rules and party systems should be evaluated in terms of three normative dimensions of partisanship (collegiality, systemic voice, and systemic accountability); and (c) that political finance reforms ought to counterbalance the pathologies inherent to different party systems. A set of political finance rules that satisfies these three conditions is an instantiation of what we describe as the 'civic model of political finance'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The measurement of physiological parameters is fundamental to assess the health status of an individual. The contactless monitoring of vital signs may provide benefits in various fields of application, from healthcare and clinical setting to occupational and sports scenarios. Recent research has been focused on the potentiality of camera-based systems working in the visible range (380–750 nm) for estimating vital signs by capturing subtle color changes or motions caused by physiological activities but invisible to human eyes. These quantities are typically extracted from videos framing some exposed body areas (e.g., face, torso, and hands) with adequate post-processing algorithms. In this review, we provided an overview of the physiological and technical aspects behind the estimation of vital signs like respiratory rate, heart rate, blood oxygen saturation, and blood pressure from digital images as well as the potential fields of application of these technologies. Per each vital sign, we provided the rationale for the measurement, a classification of the different techniques implemented for post-processing the original videos, and the main results obtained during various applications or in validation studies. The available evidence supports the premise of digital cameras as an unobtrusive and easy-to-use technology for physiological signs monitoring. Further research is needed to promote the advancements of the technology, allowing its application in a wide range of population and everyday life, fostering a biometrical holistic of the human body (BHOHB) approach.

Malignant pleural mesothelioma is an aggressive malignancy with poor prognosis. Unilateral pleural effusion is frequently the initial clinical sign requiring therapeutic thoracentesis, which also offers a diagnostic opportunity. Detection of soluble biomarkers can support diagnosis, but few show good diagnostic accuracy. Here, we studied the expression levels and discriminative power of two putative biomarkers, prosaposin and extracellular sulfatase SULF-1, identified by proteomic and transcriptomic analysis, respectively. Pleural effusions from a total of 44 patients (23 with mesothelioma, 8 with lung cancer, and 13 with non-malignant disease) were analyzed for prosaposin and SULF-1 by enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay. Pleural effusions from mesothelioma patients had significantly higher levels of prosaposin and SULF-1 than those from non-malignant disease patients. Receiver-operating characteristic (ROC) analysis showed that both biomarkers have good discriminating power as pointed out by an AUC value of 0.853 (p = 0.0005) and 0.898 (p < 0.0001) for prosaposin and SULF-1, respectively. Combining data ensued a model predicting improvement of the diagnostic performance (AUC = 0.916, p < 0.0001). In contrast, prosaposin couldn’t discriminate mesothelioma patients from lung cancer patients while ROC analysis of SULF-1 data produced an AUC value of 0.821 (p = 0.0077) but with low sensitivity. In conclusion, prosaposin and SULF-1 levels determined in pleural effusion may be promising biomarkers for differential diagnosis between mesothelioma and non-malignant pleural disease. Instead, more patients need to be enrolled before granting the possible usefulness of these soluble proteins in differentiating mesothelioma pleural effusions from those linked to lung cancer.

Conspiracism has become a topical issue in democracies around the world, eliciting debate in political theory and philosophy regarding its normative and practical implications, especially its potential negative effects on democratic systems. In this article, we analyse conspiracism through the lens of civility. The public virtue of civility plays a key role in democratic politics and in public life more generally, by helping to sustain democratic institutions and facilitating social interaction despite disagreement. If conspiracism undermines civility and contributes to incivility, as we argue in this article, that might have distinctively deleterious effects on democratic life. We begin by unpacking the concept of civility into three key dimensions: (a) civility as politeness, (b) moral civility and (c) justificatory civility. We then illustrate how conspiracism can contribute to incivility and harm democracy in each of the three dimensions but also how it can sometimes be harmless or even helpful for democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, many governments implemented social distancing requirements, lockdowns and stay-at-home orders. These caused unprecedented disruptions, especially in industries that often rely heavily on the labour of temporary migrants. As a result, temporary migrants were particularly disadvantaged by measures to safeguard population health. We critically scrutinise government policies related to temporary migrants in Australia during the pandemic. The Australian Government provided financial safety nets to individuals and families who were citizens and permanent residents, while deliberately excluding temporary migrants from such support. In contrast, efforts were made at the state level to compensate for this hardship. We trace how the Victorian Government ultimately came to provide financial support for temporary migrants. The case highlights how the interests of precarious members of society can go from being ignored to receiving the attention necessary to produce a policy change to meet their needs. With its emphasis on the role policy narratives play in shaping outcomes for temporary migrants, the analytical approach utilised here could inform future studies of migrant treatment in other contexts as well as studies focusing on other vulnerable and politically marginalised members of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Incivility in parliaments is always prominently displayed in media reports, often with the implicit or explicit commentary that the situation is getting worse. This paper processes and analyses the records of verbal interactions in the Australian Parliament for over 100 years to provide a first approximation on the evolution of civility. It provides a framework for understanding the multidimensional nature of civility that examines both 'politeness' and 'argumentation', with the latter grounded in notions of public-mindedness. The analysis focuses on the interactions between parties of the orators and the party in power, the chamber of utterance, and the year. The results indicate that instances of impoliteness have increased since the 1970s but only modestly and remain highly infrequent. Minor parties, particularly those representing right-wing and Green politics are more likely to use dismissive or offensive language than the dominant centre-left and centre-right parties, although direct insults and swearwords are the particular remits of right-wing 'system-wrecker' parties. All these minor parties, nonetheless, also display higher levels of argumentation in their interventions. This combination of aggressive language and increased argumentation highlights the pressures on minor parties to convey their points in a forceful way, a challenge that is particularly pressing in two-party systems like the Australian one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]