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This article investigates the impact of NPM reforms on two prominent welfare state professions; medical doctors and teachers. The case study context is Sweden, where the impact of NPM led to a series of reforms in health care and education after 1990. The focus in the paper is on professional autonomy, which can be seen as a core trait in professional work. The findings in the article point to both medical doctors and teachers having lost professional autonomy as a result of NPM-reforms, particularly with regards to the dimensions of work organization and evaluation. Autonomy in individual decision-making seems to have been least affected, even if there are indications of this being infringed upon as well. Despite these broad similarities, the loss of autonomy is found to be more pronounced in the case of teachers. One reason behind this difference, which manifests itself in teachers having become subject to higher level of direct administrative control by school managers while at the same time experiencing a more distinct loss of autonomy to evaluate their work, appears to be that medical doctors have been more successful in establishing themselves as experts in relation to new public audit agencies.

How have differently institutionalized welfare regimes dealt with the Covid-19 crisis? In particular, how have they confronted the social and economic inequalities exposed by the virus? Taking three European countries-Germany, Sweden, and the UK, corresponding broadly to conservative-continental, social democratic, and liberal regime types-this paper tracks the virus response in the areas of income and employment protection and health and residential care. With attention paid to issues of "capacity" and the institutional arrangements in each case, we find that institutional histories in Germany and Sweden permitted a certain recidivistic reliance on established practices in the areas of employment and social protection. In sum, certain social and economic inequalities were mitigated as these countries set aside recent trends toward "liberalization" and mobilized longer-standing institutional capacities to protect some groups, although by no means all. Evidence of this trend is less clear in the health and residential care sectors, where Germany had existing capacity, allowing its older population to weather the crisis in better order than its counterparts in Sweden and the UK. In the UK, welfare liberalization has led to increased social and economic inequalities and funding reductions in health and residential care-all of which have reduced the country's ability to deal with severe crisis. The Covid response in this case was agile, but also chaotic, with little being done to ameliorate the positions of the most vulnerable groups.

A challenge for governments contracting out public services is holding accountable contractors who fail to meet agreed-upon standards. In social services, contract monitoring is complicated by the fact that contracts tend to be incomplete and performance hard to assess. In this study, we examine how local governments in Sweden hold private contractors accountable in nursing home care. The main finding is that a mixture of accountability mechanisms was used, but that social accountability was seen as most effective. Marketaccountability measures like contract termination and financial sanctions could not be applied as local governments lacked the capacity to enforce them

Voluntary private health insurance (VHI) has generally been of limited importance in national health service-type health care systems, especially in the Nordic countries. During the last decades however, an increase in VHI uptake has taken place in the region. Critics of this development argue that voluntary health insurance can undermine support for public health care, while proponents contend that increased private funding for health services could relieve strained public health care systems. Using data from Sweden, this study investigates empirically how voluntary health insurance affects the public health care system. The results of the study indicate that the public Swedish health care system is fairly resilient to the impact of voluntary health insurance with regards to support for the tax-based funding. No difference between insurance holders and non-holders was found in willingness to finance public health care through taxes. A slight unburdening effect on public health care use was observed as VHI holders appeared to use public health care to a lesser extent than those without an insurance. However, a majority of the insurance holders continued to use the public health care system, indicating only a modest substitution effect.

A primary care choice reform launched in Sweden in 2010 led to a rapid growth of private providers. Critics feared that the reform would lead to an increased tendency among new, profit-driven, providers, to select patients with lower health risks. Even if open risk selection is prohibited, providers can select patients in more subtle ways, such as establishing their practices in areas with higher health status. This paper investigates to what extent strategies were employed by local governments to avoid risk selection and whether there were any differences between left- and right-wing governments in this regard. Three main strategies were used: risk adjustment of the financial reimbursements on the basis of health and/or socio-economic status of listed patients; design of patient listing systems; and regulatory requirements regarding the scope and content of the services that had to be offered by all providers. Additionally, left-wing local governments were more prone than right-wing governments to adopt risk adjustment strategies at the onset of the reform but these differences diminished over time. The findings of the paper contribute to our understanding of how social inequalities may be avoided in tax-based health care systems when market-like steering models such as patient choice are introduced.

Voluntary private health insurance (VHI) has generally been of limited importance in national health service-type health care systems, especially in the Nordic countries. During the last decades however, an increase in VHI uptake has taken place in the region. Critics of this development argue that voluntary health insurance can undermine support for public health care, while proponents contend that increased private funding for health services could relieve strained public health care systems. Using data from Sweden, this study investigates empirically how voluntary health insurance affects the public health care system. The results of the study indicate that the public Swedish health care system is fairly resilient to the impact of voluntary health insurance with regards to support for the tax-based funding. No difference between insurance holders and non-holders was found in willingness to finance public health care through taxes. A slight unburdening effect on public health care use was observed as VHI holders appeared to use public health care to a lesser extent than those without an insurance. However, a majority of the insurance holders continued to use the public health care system, indicating only a modest substitution effect.

This chapter provides an extended look at health politics and the tax-financed, universal health system in Sweden. It traces the historical development of the Swedish healthcare system, characterized by a shifting relationship between a powerful, interventionist state and self-governing county-level governing institutions. Starting in the late 1980s, despite broad political agreement about the need to adapt the system and make it more patient-centered, there has been debate over most health reforms, particularly over the role of markets and private actors, with legislative votes largely following the left–right political party divide. Nevertheless, reforms like the introduction of private actors, mostly publicly financed and regulated, the enhancement of patient choice, measures to reduce waiting times, and other changes in the formerly nearly all-public system have taken place without seriously undermining the health system’s fundamentally solidaristic character.

Nordic welfare states are known for their universalistic and all-encompassing approach to welfare and having a long tradition for active labour market policy as tool in economic crises with adverse impact on employment. They have had a long tradition for strong egalitarian approaches and their residents are consistently among the happiest in the world. A key issue is whether a crisis like the COVID-19 outbreak is changing the Nordic welfare states. This article focuses on providing a description of what instruments the Nordic countries have taken or expect to use as part of dealing with the welfare challenges resulting from rising unemployment and greater social and economic insecurity in the wake of the crisis. The tentative conclusion is that the crisis so far has strengthened key characteristics of the Nordic welfare states by the state taking on a strong central role not only for the functioning of the market but also continued in a path-dependent way with universal and relatively generous benefits such as for those who become unemployed or have reduced income because of the crisis.

A challenge for governments contracting out public services is holding accountable contractors who fail to meet agreed-upon standards. In social services, contract monitoring is complicated by the fact that contracts tend to be incomplete and performance hard to assess. In this study, we examine how local governments in Sweden hold private contractors accountable in nursing home care. The main finding is that a mixture of accountability mechanisms was used, but that social accountability was seen as most effective. Marketaccountability measures like contract termination and financial sanctions could not be applied as local governments lacked the capacity to enforce them

Despite its broad usage, universalism as a concept is not always clearly defined. In this article, a multidimensional definition of universalism in social policy is developed, based on four policy characteristics: inclusion, financing, provision, and the adequacy of benefits. In the empirical part of the article, the feasibility of this definition is tested by an analysis of recent changes in the Swedish welfare state, which is typically described as universal but has undergone substantive reforms since 1990. Four social policy areas are examined: pensions, social insurance, health care, and family policy. The results indicate that Swedish welfare policies retain their universalistic character in some dimensions but have become less universalistic in others. This demonstrates that a multidimensional approach is best suited to capture in full the nature and implications of welfare state reform.

Elder care is one of the sectors where nonprofit organizations are most active. One exception is the Scandinavian countries, where the nonprofit sector plays a marginal role in this area. In the article, we ask why this is the case. The findings show that in Sweden, nonprofit organizations have found it hard to compete with for-profits and that this inability to compete, in turn, reflects their relative organizational weakness. A main argument in the article is that this weakness must be understood in the context of the historical development of the modern elder care system in Sweden, where social democratic reformers in the 1940s chose to create a universal public system for providing services to the elderly, thereby making the nonprofit sector redundant. Universalism in this interpretation was seen as incompatible with service delivery by private organizations, a view that has come to change in recent years.

Often portrayed as behaviour that is inconsistent with policy goals, public noncompliance poses a significant challenge for government. To explore what compliance efforts entail on the ground, this study focuses on childhood immunization as a paradigmatic case where a failure to ensure compliance poses a public health risk. The analysis draws on 48 semi‐structured interviews with frontline nurses and regional/national public health officials in England (N = 15), Sweden (N = 17) and Israel (N = 16), all of which have experienced periodic noncompliance spikes, but differ in direct delivery of vaccination provision. Compliance efforts emerged as a joint decision‐making process in which improvisatory practices of personalized appeals are deployed to accommodate parents’ concerns, termed here ‘street‐level negotiation’. Whereas compliance is suggestive of compelling citizens’ adherence to standardized rules, compliance negotiation draws attention to the limited resources street‐level workers have when encountering noncompliance and to policy‐clients’ influence on delivery arrangements when holding discretionary power over whether or not to comply.

BACKGROUND: Resident satisfaction is an important aspect of nursing home quality. Despite this, few studies have systematically investigated what aspects of nursing home care are most strongly associated with satisfaction. In Sweden, a large number of processual and structural measures are collected to describe the quality of nursing home care, though the impact of these measures on outcomes including resident satisfaction is poorly understood. METHODS: A cross-sectional analysis of data collected in two nationally representative surveys of Swedish eldercare quality using multi-level models to account for geographic differences. RESULTS: Of the factors examined, nursing home size was found to be the most important predictor of resident satisfaction, followed by the amount of exercise and activities offered by the nursing home. Measures of individualized care processes, ownership status, staffing ratios, and staff education levels were also weakly associated with resident satisfaction. Contrary to previous research, we found no clear differences between processual and structural variables in terms of their association with resident satisfaction. CONCLUSIONS: The results suggest that of the investigated aspects of nursing home care, the size of the nursing home and the amount activities offered to residents were the strongest predictors of satisfaction. Investigation of the mechanisms behind the higher levels of satisfaction found at smaller nursing homes may be a fruitful avenue for further research.

When contracting out services to private actors, public authorities must be able to ensure that the quality of services provided is satisfactory. Therefore, it is important to formulate precise quality requirements, thus making them possible to monitor. In the study, 1,005 quality requirements from public procurements of nursing homes were categorized, and their degree of monitorability assessed. The analysis showed that quality requirements related to soft' areas such as social activities typically were non-monitorable. The requirements were written in an imprecise, vague manner, thus making it difficult for the local governments to determine whether or not they were met.

The professionalization of social care workers is a policy goal in many welfare states. At the same time, professionalization risks being undermined by enhanced audit. The objective of this article is to analyze whether the audit processes adopted in Swedish eldercare and childcare support or undermine the professionalization of the occupations working there, i.e., nurses, nursing assistants, preschool teachers, and preschool assistants. In particular, we investigate whether the three main forms of auditstandard-setting, inspections, and quality measurementssupport or undermine the occupations' ability to achieve professional closure and enhance their external and internal autonomy. The findings suggest that audit processes in eldercare risk undermining professionalization, while in childcare the pattern is reversed: audit appears supportive of professionalization, at least for preschool teachers. This finding suggests that audit processes do not have to be detrimental to professionalization.

Proponents of user choice argue that this type of policy arrangement improves the quality of public social services since users are expected to select the most highly performing providers. In order for users to make informed choices, however, they need quality information about the services offered by different providers. In this article, we carry out a case study, investigating whether information about service quality was presented to users of home-based elderly care in Sweden. The analysis is based on unique data regarding the information of 223 providers in 10 municipalities. The results suggest that the information was poor and lacking in important quality dimensions. This indicates a lack of real user power since it is virtually impossible for users to make informed choices without relevant information. It also makes it less likely that the general quality level of home-based services will increase as a result of the user choice.

Background A reform in 2010 in Swedish primary care made it possible for private primary care providers to establish themselves freely in the country. In the former, publicly planned system, location was strictly regulated by local authorities. The goal of the new reform was to increase access and quality of health care. Critical arguments were raised that the reform could have detrimental effects on equity if the new primary health care providers chose to establish foremost in socioeconomically prosperous areas. The aim of this study is to examine how the primary care choice reform has affected geographical equity by analysing patterns of establishment on the part of new private providers. Methods The basis of the design was to analyse socio-economic data on individuals who reside in the same electoral areas in which the 1411 primary health care centres in Sweden are established. Since the primary health care centres are located within 21 different county councils with different reimbursement schemes, we controlled for possible cluster effects utilizing generalized estimating equations modelling. The empirical material used in the analysis is a cross-sectional data set containing socio-economic data of the geographical areas in which all primary health care centres are established. Results When controlling for the effects of the county council regulation, primary health care centres established after the primary care choice reform were found to be located in areas with significantly fewer older adults living alone as well as fewer single parents – groups which generally have lower socio-economic status and high health care needs. However, no significant effects were observed for other socio-economic variables such as mean income, percentage of immigrants, education, unemployment, and children <5 years. Conclusions The primary care choice reform seems to have had some negative effects on geographical equity, even though these seem relatively minor.

Shared, or alternating, residence for children when their parents separate is increasingly common. Sweden adopted a new policy in 1998 (modified in 2006) which gave courts the mandate to order 50/50 alternating residence against the will of one parent. Since then, the 50/50 alternating residence has become the legal norm in Sweden in cases of disputed custody. In this article, we ask how Swedish policymakers reasoned in relation to the potentially conflicting values of equal parenting post-separation and the interests of children. More specifically, we investigate how they addressed some of the most common objections to court-ordered alternating residence. We found that all three issues were discussed extensively during the policy-making process, but that, in the end, none of them was seen as contradictory to the goal of promoting more equal parenting roles post-separation through the introduction of court-ordered alternating residence. This policy outcome, we argue, should be seen in light of Sweden's long-standing commitment to strengthening the role of fathers in the care of children.

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