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Over the past two decades, understandings of Māori identity have been enriched through emphases on non-binary categorizations, processual 'becoming', and flexible 'routes' rather than rigid 'roots'. While this work is commendable for expanding the range of identity options for Māori, it has not accounted for the unique position of Māori adoptees. This article presents the findings of research focused on the identity-related experiences of Māori adopted into Pākehā families in Aotearoa New Zealand. The ongoing and intricate workings of colonialism, and key limitations of Māori cultural, ethnic and Indigenous identities as currently conceptualized are elucidated in this unique case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 14 November 2016, the Mw 7.8 Kaikōura earthquake and tsunami occurred in Aotearoa New Zealand, impacting the city of Te Whanganui-a-Tara (Wellington). As many people reside in apartments in Wellington, we undertook a survey followed by interviews to understand evacuation information communicated to apartment dwellers, and how residents used that information for decision-making. Immediately following earthquake shaking, some apartment dwellers stayed in their building as per official advice, while others evacuated because they felt safer outside. A small proportion evacuated because of the tsunami threat, and many of these participants did so because of the 'Long or Strong, Get Gone' evacuation advice. Others were unclear whether their apartment building was in a tsunami evacuation zone. Some returned immediately after the initial evacuation, while others with damaged apartments evacuated for weeks to months. Participants used regular information upates particularly via social media channels, to inform decisions about returning after longer-term evacuation. However, communicating with the Body Corporate or landlord was difficult, and apartment dwellers reported having trouble getting information about the damage status of their building, making decisions about returning challenging. Given the unique context of apartment dwellers, communication strategies should be honed to assist responses to a future event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The era of closed stranger adoption is a significant part of Aotearoa New Zealand's social and colonial history; some 80,000 children were legally adopted between the years 1955–1985. Māori children constituted a considerable proportion of these legal adoptions, although little attention has been given to their experiences. The relative silence surrounding this phenomenon exists alongside narratives of colonisation and a professed abhorrence by Māori to closed adoption practice, producing a narrative discrepancy. This article aims to understand and account for some of the discrepancies in public narratives by providing an accurate historical account of engagement with the 1955 Adoption Act and its 1962 amendments from a Māori perspective, and unpacking the legal, political, social and cultural aspects from a historical experience. The complexities and nuances of settler colonialism are highlighted, as well as the effects for Māori adoptees of not being publicly and historically narrated – forgotten subjects. Glossary of Māori words: Aotearoa: the Māori name for New Zealand; hapū: kinship group, clan, sub-tribe; iwi: kinship grouping, tribe; korero: to tell, say, speak, talk (verb); speech, narrative, story, discussion (noun); Māori: normal, usual, natural, common or ordinary, used to refer to indigenous New Zealanders; mokopuna: grandchild/grandchildren, descendant; Ngāpuhi: the people or tribal grouping of the Northland region; Pākehā: New Zealanders of European origin; tamariki: child/children; Te Tiriti o Waitangi: the Māori text of the Treaty of Waitangi, the founding document which enabled British settlement of Aotearoa; tikanga: culture, customs, traditions; whakapapa: genealogy, lineage, descent (noun); to place in layers (verb); whanau: family; whanaungatanga: relationship, kinship; whāngai: customary child placement, literal meaning to feed, nourish or nurture [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Aotearoa New Zealand, the precariat is populated by at least one in six New Zealanders, with Māori (Indigenous peoples) being over‐represented within this emerging social class. For Māori, this socio‐economic positioning reflects a colonial legacy spanning 150 years of economic and cultural subjugation, and intergenerational experiences of material, cultural and psychological insecurities. Relating our Kaupapa Māori approach (Māori cultural values and principles underlining research initiatives) to the precariat, this article also draws insights from existing scholarship on social class in psychology and Assemblage Theory in the social sciences to extend present conceptualizations of the Māori precariat. In keeping with the praxis orientation central to our approach, we consider three exemplars of how our research into Māori precarity is mobilized in efforts to inform public deliberations and government policies regarding poverty reduction, humanizing the welfare system and promoting decent work. Note: Aotearoa New Zealand has been popularized within the everyday lexicon of New Zealanders as a political statement of Indigenous rights for Māori. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A range of hazards such as earthquakes and fires can propel people and communities to flee or seek safety to protect or rebuild their lives. These forms of residential mobility can encompass temporary and permanent displacement, relocation, and return. They also impact on individuals, relationships, and experiences of security. Here, residential mobility research is examined with a specific focus on two events in Aotearoa New Zealand and Australia to highlight the need for ongoing consideration of residential mobility in preparation for and recovery from a disaster. Applying a push/pull lens, this article outlines critical drivers for people's movements after a disaster. Areas of interest are noted as well as considerations for future research. How and why people relocate is complex and contextual, and influences community recovery and wellbeing. As such, greater knowledge about residential mobility is essential to assist people and communities to recover well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]