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The concept of national boundaries has been employed extensively in the social sciences, with most research focusing on the host society's perspective. This study innovates by measuring immigrants’ perceptions of how boundaries of their host nation are drawn and examining how such perceptions impact their national identifications in a multinational context, more specifically in the province of Quebec in Canada. It relies on a stratified sample of first- (n = 1129) and second-generation immigrants (n = 1286) as well as non-immigrants (n = 1472). We show that boundary perceptions impact the availability and attractiveness of different identity options, including identification with Quebec, the country of origin, and Canada. First, while perceptions of ascriptive boundaries to Quebec push first- and second-generation immigrants away from Quebec identity, the reactive effect of strengthening identification with the country of origin and Canada is limited. Second, although the second generation perceives Quebec boundaries as more ascriptive than the first generation, it is not more strongly impacted by their boundary perceptions in their identifications. Third, perceptions of attainable boundaries promote all three national identifications, but only for the first generation. Finally, we demonstrate that attention to boundary perceptions adds important explanatory leverage beyond the impact that discrimination has on national identifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although most liberal democracies have abandoned preferences for national origins in immigrant selection policies, large segments of the local populations continue to prefer immigrants that they perceive to be of similar cultural, religious, and ethnic backgrounds as them. What remains unknown is whether governments can count on the promotion of successful economic integration to ensure acceptance of the greater ethnocultural and religious diversity of immigrants that now settles in host-countries through what has been identified as building a middle-class nation. Relying on an original survey experiment of 2400 respondents in Quebec, we compare reactions to immigrants of different professional status and two national origins (France and Algeria) to investigate if certain types of economic immigration can reduce origin-based preferences. Our results show that origin-based preferences shared by majority group members can be attenuated, but not eliminated by selection based on social class. That said, expectations that immigrants will contribute to Quebec's economy translate into greater acceptance of immigrants of all national origins and social classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This study assesses gender gaps in political participation within the host country and in transnational activities among immigrants, using a survey of more than 1000 immigrants in Quebec (Canada). More specifically, the study examines whether premigration experiences with gender equality shapes immigrants’ political participation. We find no evidence of gender gaps in political activities in the host country, but observe a gender gap in transnational political activities varying in size depending on levels of gender equality in immigrants’ countries of origin. The analyses suggest that structural opportunities, more than political socialization, might account for this gender gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrant participation in protest politics in Canada and Australia and the related impact of immigrants' pre-migration political repression are assessed. Findings show immigrants from repressive regimes abstain from protest politics, the higher the degree of repression in the country of origin, the more likely immigrants are to abstain from protest politics and some groups of immigrants abstain from protest politics even after living for 30 years in the host country.

The consequences of the strategy of prolonging the period of data collection used to increase response rates when using mail questionnaires on the Australian Election Studies is examined. Australian investigators are unsure about when to stop the field work period for their mail election surveys so it is best they choose between non-response error and measurement error.