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Copyright of Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay analyzes the Dual Containment metaphor of the Clinton administration, which reconciled President Clinton’s internationalist post-Cold War rhetoric with aggressive treatment of Iraq and Iran. I argue that the Clinton administration deployed the Dual Containment metaphor to redefine these two Persian Gulf states in line with Cold War topoi of enemyship and threat, symbolically and militarily confining them so that they could not endanger the project of democratic enlargement after the fall of the Soviet Union. While the Dual Containment label eventually fell out of circulation, its core elements saturated Clinton’s presidential rhetoric throughout his time in the White House and laid the rhetorical groundwork for George W. Bush’s foreign policy, culminating with his freedom agenda and military misadventures in the Gulf. In making this case, this essay shows how metaphors offer a useful device through which to assess the constitutive force of presidential rhetoric across diachronic, institutional, and articulatory contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Przedmiotem analizy jest model odpowiedzialności prawnokonstytucyjnej prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych w świetle najnowszych doświadczeń jego zastosowania wobec prezydentów: Richarda M. Nixona, Billa Clintona i Donalda Trumpa. W centrum uwagi autora znalazła się kwestia, w jak dużym stopniu mamy tu do czynienia z upolitycznieniem tej procedury w sytuacji, gdy akt oskarżenia formułuje Izba Reprezentantów, a sądzi Senat. Przeprowadzona analiza nie pozwala jednoznacznie odpowiedzieć na to pytanie. Elementy upolitycznienia, choć niewątpliwie obecne, nie pozwalają na zrównanie tej procedury z modelem odpowiedzialności politycznej, występującej w systemach parlamentarno-gabinetowych.

In Ben Lerner's 2019 novel The Topeka School, which is largely set in 1990s Kansas, the aggressive demeanor of protagonist Adam Gordon, a champion high school debater, closely resembles the confrontational style of Newt Gingrich. Yet Adam also draws on Clinton's strategy of triangulation in an attempt to synthesize two sides of his personality: the hypermasculine front he presents to his friends, and the sensitive pro-feminist harboring poetic ambitions. Lerner applies geopolitical terminology drawn from the recently ended nuclear threat and from the "end of history" concept, to the descriptions of violence and anomie among the novel's teenage boys; this further underlines Adam's internal conflict regarding his masculinity. Adam eventually grows disillusioned with these hypermasculine norms, and when he reflects back on this period two decades later, he draws some stark parallels between the combative political tactics of 1990s Republicans, which his teenage friends had sought to emulate, and the licensing of extreme behaviors under Trump's presidency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the controversy surrounding the Elizabethtown Area School Board's decision to remove a policy regarding sexual orientation from their district's policy catalogue in the mid-1990s. The board's actions, including highlighting disagreements with the theory of evolution and opposing pro-homosexual concepts in the curriculum, sparked backlash from teachers, Planned Parenthood, and community members who felt the board was pushing a personal agenda. Students organized protests and presented a survey showing that the resolution was considered discriminatory. The board eventually adopted a revised policy, but the issue led to a shift in the composition of the school board in subsequent elections. The article highlights the importance of local elections and community engagement in shaping educational policies. [Extracted from the article]

The violence perpetrated against Ukraine has raised questions regarding the direction of U.S. grand strategy since the end of the Cold War, with the Clinton administration's decision to pursue a policy of democratic promotion in central and eastern Europe coming under specific scrutiny. Was this, as critics suggest, a strategic blunder that prompted Moscow's apparent attempt to re-establish control over its former satellites, or, as was believed at the time, a necessary step towards political and economic reform of the European continent following the Cold War? This paper reveals how the Democracy Promotion pillar of the Clinton administration's policy of Engagement and Enlargement aided the development of Ukraine without antagonizing the Kremlin, and the lessons that the Biden administration could glean from this policy thirty years later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Luridica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes Clinton's decision to intervene in Bosnia in 1995. The methodology used is a historical analysis of primary and secondary source material and an interpretation of that material. The available evidence shows that after not intervening in Rwanda, Clinton evolved toward a more assertive foreign policy. Clinton eventually fought against pressures to employ a containment strategy in Bosnia, pushed to lift the arms embargo on the Bosnian Muslims, and strike at the Bosnian Serbs. After multiple failed attempts at diplomacy to accomplish these goals, Clinton managed to achieve his objectives through indirect methods. He set the stage for a major military offensive against Bosnian Serb forces before the massacre at Srebrenica, which is an important correction to the traditional narrative on the topic. Clinton then initiated a massive U.S.-led bombing campaign, achieved military objectives, negotiated a peace agreement, and deployed U.S. troops to enforce the peace agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, there has been increased interest in the role of emotions in decision‐making, with new theorizing to highlight how leader decisions often differ from rational choice and purely cognitive models. To date, however, existing theories have not adequately explained why emotions drive decisions in some situations and not others. This article posits that the variation in emotion's role in leader decision‐making likely results from currently undertheorized connections between leaders' stress arousal levels, stress loads, and emotions. It explores how leaders' neurobiological windows of tolerance to affect arousal influence their capacity to regulate their emotions and make decisions. It introduces the mediating role of leaders' self‐regulatory capacity—their capacity to regulate stress and emotions so that these phenomena do not drive resulting decisions—as an explanation for variation in emotion's influence on decision‐making. Finally, it formally illustrates the argument put forth by comparing two decisions made by U.S. President Bill Clinton as his window of tolerance varied over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflict in Northern Ireland was resolved with the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 and with the great involvement of the Clinton administration. The paper explores how the United States (US) efforts in the Northern Ireland peace process contributed to the US grand strategy of liberal hegemony, approaching the subject from a realist perspective and using the method of a case study. It concludes that the Clinton administration saw the potential for a peaceful resolution of this conflict as an important part of its broader efforts to establish a liberal world order in the wake of the ending of the Cold War. This factor was a major motivation for the increased interest of the Bill Clinton administration. The positive outcome of the peace process, which was sponsored and mediated by the US, has become an important foundation for the justification of further engagements supposed to contribute to the liberal hegemony that Clinton’s foreign policy aimed to construct.

The Soviet Union dissolved in December 1991, and George Bush declared that the United States of America (USA) was a superpower with the "New World Order". Then, Bill Clinton from the Democratic Party was elected president. Clinton forged a roadmap in accordance with the requirements of the New World Order. Bush administration embraced realist parameters. Contrary to this approach, Clinton pursued idealist policies on security and terror. Clinton regarded it as a transition from "hard power" to "soft power" on the axis of international organizations, allies, and other states. In this context, since the Gulf War that started in August 1990, Turkey-USA relations have been maintained with the understanding of a "common ally". They have progressed within the framework of "close cooperation" during the Clinton era. Turkey's active role in the Iraq War and its siding with the USA within North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) brought the relations to a "strategic partnership" level, although some sections did not accept it. This study aims to evaluate the positions of Turkey and the USA during the presidency of Clinton through making foreign policy analysis in line with the realist constructivist analytical perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Created in 1920, the London-based 'British Institute of International Affairs' (in 1926 renamed the Royal Institute of International Affairs) has for a century been at the forefront of an ongoing 'Anglo-American' conversation about world politics. Yet even though the Institute was regarded from the outset as the institutional expression of a very 'special relationship' between the UK and the United States, it did very little independent research of its own on US foreign policy. This however began to change in the 1990s when the United States appeared to have become a 'superpower without a mission'. It then took on a more organized form following the attack of 9/11. At this critical juncture Chatham House decided to establish a new Study Group—the 'United States Discussion Group' (USDG)—which went on to discuss US foreign policy in depth. What this article sets out to do is outline the origins of the USDG, the main contours of what was discussed within the Group, the degree to which these discussions were different to those then underway within the US itself, and finally assess the contribution it made in helping encourage further debate on the United States within Britain's foremost foreign policy Think Tank. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores implications of such social divisions as race, class, as well as gender in politics in the United States during the 1990s and sheds new light on Bill Clinton's rationale for welfare reform. The present study is an attempt to figure out to what extent racism, classism, and sexism influenced Bill Clinton's decision to sign Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) in 1996. In our analysis, we draw upon primary sources, written documents, or records such as President Bill Clinton's autobiographical memoir My Life, his book with Al Gore Putting People First, and other texts from his political speeches. Our paper endeavors to fill gaps in the existing literature on welfare reform concerning implications of race, gender, and class issues in welfare reform legislation in 1996. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research analyzes Clinton's decision to not intervene in the Rwandan genocide. The methodology used is a historical analysis and interpretation of primary and secondary source material. Clinton admitted that not intervening in the Rwandan genocide was one of the greatest regrets of his presidency. There was not a substantial amount of domestic support for an intervention into Rwanda and Clinton did not attempt to use his influence to change that disposition. Clinton did not attempt to change domestic sentiments due to his priorities of reduced funding for foreign operations and the avoidance of 'mission creep.' The most common fault in the current historiography is the claim that Clinton did not intervene in Rwanda because of the failed mission that had recently occurred in Somalia, which does not align with the available evidence. Upon leaving office, he accepted ownership of his poor decisions and expressed sincere regret. 本研究分析了克林顿总统在卢旺达大屠杀中采取的不干预决策。使用历史分析法并对原始资料和次级文献加以诠释。克林顿承认，未干预卢旺达大屠杀一事是其在位期间最大的遗憾。彼时就干预卢旺达大屠杀一事并没有大量的国内支持，并且克林顿没有试图使用其影响力来改变这一倾向。鉴于其将重点聚焦于减少外交行动所需资金和避免"使命偏离"，克林顿也没有试图改变国内情绪。当前历史编篡学中最常见的错误论断则是，克林顿因之前在索马里的行动失败而并未干预卢旺达大屠杀，但这与可获得的证据不一致。任期结束时，克林顿承认了其糟糕的决策并表达了由衷的遗憾。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]