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Den digitala utvecklingen i samhället påverkar synen på hur kunskapsutvecklingen sker i framtiden. Syftet med studien är att utforska grundskollärares uppfattningar om hur tekniken påverkar undervisningen i ett framtida klassrum. Studien utgår från en fenomenografisk teori om kunskapsutveckling som sen analyseras med en fenomenografisk analysmetod. Det insamlade materialet bygger på insamlade journaler från grundskollärare. I resultatet framgår det att lärarna saknar en tydlig bild av hur kunskapsutvecklingen sker i framtiden. Lärarna framställer en framtid där kontroll och teknisk kunskapsutveckling är viktigare än pedagogiska metoder. Deras undervisningsmetoder visar på ett instrumentellt sätt att undervisa. Slutsatsen är att lärarna fokuserar för mycket på de synliga problemen som den digitala utvecklingen för med sig istället för att se och lösa de bakomliggande problemen.

Resilience – the ability of a society to resist and recover from challenges to national security – constitutes the centrepiece of comprehensive security approaches of modern states. Often labelled total defence, such whole-of-society approaches are prevalent not least among small states in efforts to enhance the deterrent effect of the armed forces as well as to secure the continuous functioning of society. This paper investigates the nature of resilience in the Nordic- Baltic countries through the perspective of security culture. More specifically, the paper has three aims: (1) to analyse conceptualizations of resilience among the Nordic and Baltic countries in a comparative perspective; (2) to inquire into existing and prospective regional cooperation regarding resilience and total defence in order (3) to determine to what degree there exists a common security culture, expressed through shared norms and identities underlying security cooperation. Our analysis draws on official documents (such as government white papers and bills, national security strategies from the countries of the region as well as documents from Nordic organizations, the EU and NATO) as well as a set of interviews with civil servants in the different Nordic and Baltic countries. The investigation is directed at differences and similarities regarding the understanding and organization of resilience among the eight states in focus as well as the patterns of cooperation in the area of resilience, with an aim to assess the degree of shared security culture in the region.

This article studies perceptions of governance, trust and threats among local politicians and local civil servants responsible for Swedish crisis management and civil defence. Local politicians and civil servants have key roles in the ongoing development of Swedish civil defence, as implementation to a large extent builds on the crisis management capacity of the municipalities. The article argues that the practitioners on the local level function in a context characterized by uncertain and ambiguous governance structures and especially local civil servants assume a role akin to that of street-level bureaucrats. Uncertain and ambiguous preconditions increase the importance of trust both between levels and within the same level of governance. Based on a survey with 209 local politicians and civil servants we study percep-tions of governance, trust, and threats. The results confirm perceptions of uncertain and ambiguous governance structures within the planning for and development of civil defence. The respondents ascribe higher responsibility to local, regional and national public actors when planning for civil defence, compared to the responsibility of citizens, the private sector and the EU level. The results also show high variations regarding levels of trust in the civil preparedness of different actors. Still, the experiences from the Covid 19-pandemic have increased the trust in the preparedness of almost all actors. Perceptions of threats relate to concrete threats like disruption in supply of food, electricity and internet. Notably, the highest threat perceptions concern activities aiming to destabilize democracy.

A decade ago, Nordic cooperation on security and defence matters gained momentum, having been largely absent from the map of Nordic cooperation during the Cold War and its aftermath. This article analyses developments along three dimensions of Nordic cooperation: military defence (focusing on the Nordic Defence Cooperation), civil security (in the form of the 'Haga' process), and political cooperation (through the implementation of the Stoltenberg report). Three observations stand out as a result: First, that the three dimensions are intimately related against the background of a common Nordic conceptualization of security; second, that there is simultaneously variation in significant respects (such as driving forces, scope, and degree of institutionalization); and third, that Nordic security and defence cooperation has developed in the context of European and transatlantic security dynamics and cooperation. The second part of the analysis seeks to interpret this picture from the analytical perspective of differentiated integration. The article ends with a set of reflections on the future of Nordic security and defence cooperation in light of the Coronavirus pandemic.

Allmänhetens förtroende för samhällsaktörers hantering av coronapandemin utgör en central frågeställning vad gäller pandemin, särskilt i ljuset av Sveriges jämförbart höga förtroendenivåer i kombination med att den svenska strategin för att hantera krisen inledningsvis avvek från nordiska och europeiska grannländers strategier. I kapitlet analyseras dels allmänhetens förtroende för privata och offentliga samhällsaktörers hantering av coronapandemin, dels hur hanteringen av pandemin inverkar på förtroendet för civil beredskap inför en framtida kris. Resultaten speglar skillnaderna i förtroende mellan olika aktörer, med högt förtroende för central statsförvaltning och regioner, medan förtroendet för andra medborgare, kommuner, EU och privat näringsliv är lägre. Skillnaderna analyseras utifrån kön, ålder, inkomst, hemvist och politisk orientering. Kapitlet innefattar också en jämförelse av data från pandemins första våg (Corona-SOM våren 2020) och tredje våg (SOM 2021) som visar på såväl kontinuitet som förändring i allmänhetens förtroende, i den omedelbara pandemihanteringen och vad gäller beredskapen inför en framtida kris.

The Covid 19 pandemic has put the issue of public trust at the centre of political analysis. This article inquires into the level of public trust in Sweden concerning current crisis management as well as preparedness for future crises. The empirical basis for this study consists of unique data generated through two surveys on the Covid 19 virus conducted during 2020 in Sweden. Respondents were asked to assess their trust in different actors' crisis management. In addition, the first survey asked about how the actions of different actors impact on the forward-oriented trust held in Swedish emergency preparedness for a future severe crisis. Four key findings stand out. First, the results display rather weak levels of interpersonal trust. Second, a surprisingly high level of institutional trust can be found during the initial phase of the pandemic. Simultaneously we see somewhat decreasing levels of trust later during the pandemic. The results include interesting variations across age, gender and education. Third, relating the results to earlier research on trust in Sweden, the results contain indications of stable trust levels despite the all but stable contextual conditions. Fourth, the analysis shows important variations in trust levels among different institutions and layers of government.

In 2017, the Swedish government took the initiative to conduct a country­wide information campaign with the aim of informing the citizens on what to do in the event of a serious crisis or war. In this article the effects of this information campaign are studied through a unique panel survey with identical surveys sent out immediately prior to the campaign and two weeks after the campaign. Concerning the effect, the level of responsibility for civil preparedness ascribed to different actors increased after the campaign, including the responsibility of the citizens. This effect is significant. However, the study reveals no significant effect on the lev­ els of trust with the trust in different authorities and their civil preparedness remaining on a mid­level before as well as after the campaign. Moreover, we do not see any general proof of higher risk perceptions or higher fear of threats as a result of the campaign, with the im­ portant exceptions of fear of measures to destabilise democracy and severe power cuts. In the article it is argued that despite current trends of strong individualisation with effects on media consumption and respect for authorities, the Swedish campaign illustrates that it is still possible to reach the greater part of the population with vital information and also, to at least some extent, affect attitudes.

Understanding the European Union - where it has its roots and how it works - is not easy. Still, it is an absolutely necessary skill to acquire for the individual to navigate in today's Europe.

Att söka stöd och hjälp efter internationell militär insats om det uppstått fysiska skador är för de flesta fullt naturligt och accepterat. Vid psykisk ohälsa är det tyvärr inte lika självklart att erkänna för sin omgivning att man behöver stöd och hjälp. Problematiken kan utgöras av stigma, vilket innebär att man inte vill ses som avvikande eller annorlunda, att utpekas som den som inte orkade med psykiskt. Är det så att vårdbehovet inte är känt av Försvarsmakten uppstår ett mörkertal för dem som enligt lag har uppföljningsansvar, dvs. FM. Arbetet syftar till att undersöka hur stor påverkan rädslan för stigmatisering är, efter avslutad internationell militär insats., Receiving support and help for physical injuries when returning from a military operation is natural and fully acceptable. As far as doing the same thing when having mental illness is not as likely to happen. The shame of admission in front of the people around you holds you back. The problem might be stigma; you do not want to be seen as odd or different, seen as someone who mentally could not cope with the experience. If the need for care is unknown to the Armed Forces then there will be an unknown number of individuals who do not receive the support they are entitled to by law. This thesis aims to investigate how much impact the fear of stigmatization is after an international military operation.

Physical modeling of the driveline is crucial in many areas within the commercial vehicle industries. To have an accurate model helps the understanding of physical phenomena and is important when performing computational tests and when designing, for example, traction controllers. The differential gear is often modeled as simple as possible, neglecting more complex behaviour. The main goal with this thesis is to create a model of the differential that takes into account some of these neglected properties. To be able to test and observe the behaviour of the differential, a complete driveline is modeled, extending from the engine to the wheels. The driveline model is then validated using existing measurement data. The results from the tests performed on the model show that there are minor differences on the wheel velocities if the differential is modeled using a more physical approach. Especially the differential behaviour have been shown to accurately describe some of the important features, improving model usability. Implementation of a more complex differential model depends on the area of usage of the model. In addition to driveline modeling, a novel traction controller has been developed and implemented, using the model developed. The controller has shown interesting features such as constraints and prediction, however, further investigations are required to achieve desired performance.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att presentera bakomliggande orsaker som kan påverka tjänstvilligheten att genomföra internationella militära insatser. Uppsatsen bygger på en enkätundersökning med fem kategorier människor, som antingen innehar anställning, eller är anhöriga till dem som är anställda av Försvarsmakten. Dessutom har intervjuer med anhöriga genomförts för att få en djupare insikt och förståelse. Resultatet av undersökningen skall svara på vilka faktorer som påverkar tjänstvilligheten, samt därigenom ge förslag på områden där FM och dess uppdragsgivare kan intensifiera arbetet för att göra den internationella miljön mer attraktiv. Utredningen kan ses som ett komplement till Veteransoldatutredningen som genomförts vid Försvarsdepartementet under 2008., The purpose with this essay is to present the reasons and explanations behind the decision to go or not to go on missions abroad and how obliging you can be. The essay relay on an examine of opinions due out of five categories of people, who either have an employment with or relative who is in connections with one who have an employment with the Swedish Defence Forces. Besides that two interviews have been conducted to get to know the thoughts or decisions behind for the relatives. The result is to give answer on what the main reasons are for the willingness of service abroad and what the Swedish Defence Forces and their principal can do about it to promote foreign service further more. The essay can be seen as a parallel investigation as the Veteran policies which have been conducted by the Defence ministry in 2008.