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ABSTRACT Gross domestic product (GDP) is frequently used as a proxy for well‐being. Such use of GDP is problematic for many reasons, for GDP excludes activities that contribute to well‐being and includes others that have a negative impact instead. As a result, a vast array of metrics has been developed to complement or replace it and put well‐being at the heart of policymaking. Nonetheless, previous research has shown that their use and impact on policymaking has been limited. This article examines the use and impact of well‐being metrics according to their own developers and intended users in the crucial cases of Scotland and Italy, focusing specifically on the two countries' official well‐being frameworks. Despite being at the forefront of the well‐being debate, both countries have never been studied in this regard before. This article fills this gap, collating views from more than 100 stakeholders, including statisticians, members of interest groups, policymakers and journalists. Findings show that the vast majority of informants could not cite any examples of cases in which either framework impacted on policymaking, or in which they themselves had used these. In some cases, this was due to them not being aware of what such frameworks were in the first place. Those who could identify some examples were those who were or used to be part of the government. Examples would, however, tend to be vague, in some instances remarkable yet merely anecdotal, and still in others the result of an ‘ex‐post rationalisation’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reaction of mer-(Ru(H)2(CO)(PPh3)3) (1) with one equivalent of thymine acetic acid (THAcH) unexpectedly produces the macrocyclic dimer k1(O), k2(N,O)-(Ru(CO)(PPh3)2THAc)2 (4) and, concomitantly, the doubly coordinated species k1(O), k2(O,O)-(Ru(CO)(PPh3)2THAc) (5). The reaction promptly forms a complicated mixture of Ru-coordinated mononuclear species. With the aim of shedding some light in this context, two plausible reaction paths were proposed by attributing the isolated or spectroscopically intercepted intermediates on the basis of DFT-calculated energetic considerations. The cleavage of the sterically demanding equatorial phosphine in the mer-species releases enough energy to enable self-aggregation, producing the stable, symmetric 14-membered binuclear macrocycle of 4. The k1-acetate iminol (C=N-OH) unit of the mer-tautomer k1(O)-(Ru(CO)(PPh3)2(THAc)) (2) likely exhibits a stronger nucleophilic aptitude than the prevalent N(H)-C(O) amido species, thus accomplishing extra stabilization through concomitant k2(N,O)-thymine heteroleptic side-chelation. Furthermore, both the ESI-Ms and IR simulation spectra validated the related dimeric arrangement in solution, in agreement with the X-ray determination of the structure. The latter showed tautomerization to the iminol form. The 1H NMR spectra in chlorinated solvents of the kinetic mixture showed the simultaneous presence of 4 and the doubly coordinated 5, in rather similar amounts. THAcH added in excess preferentially reacts with 2 or trans-k2(O,O)-(RuH(CO)(PPh3)2THAc) (3) rather than attacking the starting Complex 1, promptly forming the species of 5. The proposed reaction paths were inferred by spectroscopically monitoring the intermediate species, for which the results were strongly dependent on the of conditions the reaction (stoichiometry, solvent polarity, time, and the concentration of the mixture). The selected mechanism proved to be more reliable, due to the final dimeric product stereochemistry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite rhetorical agreement amongst all major political‐economic actors around the importance of education policy in the knowledge economy, the reform of education systems remains a complex political endeavour. The article explores the politics of education policy by focussing on its multi‐dimensionality. It argues that education systems simultaneously perform three functions: they distribute educational opportunities; they provide skills to the labour market; and they are a source of public sector employment. It is argued that policy change in one dimension is likely to trigger spill‐over effects onto the others, giving rise to complex political dynamics at the intersection of the parliamentary and corporatist arenas. It is in this context that centre‐left and centre‐right parties (try to) pursue distributional goals whilst being pressured by different interest groups. The theoretical argument is explored empirically through a detailed reconstruction of over a decade of intense reform activity in the Italian upper‐secondary education system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]