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Our study compares the sensitivity, specificity and cost of visual acuity screening as performed by all class teachers (ACTs), selected teachers (STs) and vision technicians (VTs) in north Indian schools. Prospective cluster randomized control studies are conducted in schools in a rural block and an urban-slum of north India. Consenting schools, with a minimum of 800 students aged 6 to 17 years, within a defined study region in both locations, were randomised into three arms: ACTs, STs or VTs. Teachers were trained to test visual acuity. Reduced vision was defined as unable to read equivalent of 20/30. Optometrists, who were masked to results of initial screening, examined all children. Costs were measured for all three arms. The number of students screened were 3410 in 9 ACT schools, 2999 in 9 ST schools and 3071 in 11 VT schools. Vision deficit was found in 214 (6.3%), 349 (11.6%) and 207 (6.7%), (p <.001) children in the ACT, ST and VT arms, respectively. The positive predictive value of VT screening for vision deficit (81.2%) was significantly higher than that of ACTs (42.5%) and STs (30.1%), (p <.001). VTs had significantly higher sensitivity of 93.3% and specificity of 98.7%, compared to ACTs (36.0% and 96.1%) and STs (44.3% and 91.2%). The cost of screening children with actual visual deficit by ACTs, STs and VTs, was found to be $9.35, $5.79 and $2.82 per child, respectively. Greater accuracy and lower cost favours school visual acuity screening by visual technicians in this setting, when they are available. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Knowledge translation (KT) initiatives have the potential to improve prescribing quality and produce savings that exceed the cost of the KT program itself, including the cost of evaluation using pragmatic study methods. Our objective was to measure the impact and estimated savings resulting from the distribution of individualized physician portraits of statin prescribing along with therapeutic recommendations in British Columbia, Canada. Methods: A paired community design was used to study 2 725 family physicians in British Columbia. Communities were paired according to number of physicians and geographic location, with one community of each pair randomly assigned to an early (n = 1 349) or delayed (n = 1 376) intervention group. The intervention was a personalized prescribing portrait on statins that included therapeutic recommendations. The primary outcome was the impact on new prescribing (defined as statin naive) for primary prevention (defined as no diagnosis of cardiovascular disease) as recorded in the administrative claims databases of the BC Ministry of Health. Results: Compared to the delayed control group, the relative probability of a new statin prescription for primary prevention decreased by 6% in the 12 months after the Education for Quality Improvement in Patient Care (EQIP) portrait compared to the preceding 12 months (relative risk [RR] 0.94; 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.91-0.98). There was also a non-statistically significant decrease in new prescribing for secondary prevention in patients diagnosed with cardiovascular disease (RR 0.96; 95% CI 0.91-1.01). We estimated that 572 fewer patients started statins for primary prevention in the first year after the portrait was mailed compared to patients in the delayed practices. We estimated the statin cost for those patients as $465,000 in the first two years, while the KT program to provide statin portraits cost less than $100,000. Discussion: The individualized prescribing portrait had a significant beneficial effect on new statin prescribing for primary prevention but not secondary prevention. Provincial drug plan costs appear to have been reduced to a level that exceeded the cost of the program. (Contains 5 tables.)

This paper presents an alternative perspective on defensive medicine. Defensive medicine is usually understood as arising from the effect of law on medicine through fear of litigation. Of equal significance, however, is the complementary influence of medicine on law through technological innovation, and, more importantly, the way that medicine and law develop dialectically. Each shapes the other in establishing the standards of care central to both clinical medicine and to actual or potential legal action. Excessive testing owing to fear of litigation indicates that defensive medicine is being practised in a particular setting, but it does not explain why this is so. To understand why defensive medicine occurs and why it is so troubling to clinicians requires an understanding, not only of medical and legal developments, but of a political-economic system and the beliefs and values of a society. Defensive medicine is discussed in relation to hospital obstetrical scenarios commonly associated with fear of litigation: fetal oxygen deprivation ('distress'), which is detected using an electronic fetal monitor, and prolonged labor, known as 'dystocia'. The material presented is taken from a medical anthropological study of obstetrical care in rural British Columbia, Canada. Litigation fears are shown to result less from rare, albeit often devastating, allegations of malpractice than from doctors adopting a role as 'fetal champions', together with the introduction of electronic monitoring technology. The paper concludes by asserting that, rather than being in an adversarial relationship, medical practice and associated litigation primarily work together to reinforce each other, and the social conditions in which defensive medicine occurs.