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This paper focuses on a nonnormative linguistic practice involving ideophones (nyaudzosingwi) among a Shona-speaking adolescent community of practice in urban Zimbabwe. Ideophones occupy a special position in Shona's ethnolinguistic repertoire; they are culturally and linguistically salient, and highlighted in Shona classroom instruction. The perspective of Zimbabwe's educational establishment is at odds with the on-the-ground situation, in which ideophones are exclusively the purview of older rural speakers. This dynamic puts young Shona speakers in a difficult situation: to succeed educationally, one is required to use ideophones, yet they are not a natural part of youth language. To balance these competing demands, young Shona speakers have developed a new use around ideophones that highlights the incongruity of balancing between being a "good Shona student" (fluency in "deep" Shona that eschews English influence) and a modern Shona subject (proficiency in English, upwardly socially mobile) by using them for unserious, comedic effect, where the humor deliberately derives from the idiosyncrasy of a young Shona speaker using ideophones. We also find a reduction in the morphosyntactic environments in which ideophones appear, in that they are always required to be introduced by a verbal element, and always the active form -ti, never the passive form -nzi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an overview of the distribution of reflexive-reciprocal syncretism in Eastern Bantu languages spoken in Tanzania. Most Bantu languages encode reflexive and reciprocal constructions by means of two distinct verbal affixes. However, the Tanzanian Eastern Bantu languages under study have developed reflexive-reciprocal syncretism, in which the originally reflexive prefix has developed into a polyfunctional morpheme coding both reflexive and reciprocal constructions, to the detriment of the original reciprocal suffix. In a sample of 79 languages, reflexive-reciprocal syncretism is attested in 27 neighboring languages, thus constituting a clear areal feature. We propose that reflexive-reciprocal syncretism is not a language-internal innovation but was rather adopted from neighboring non-Bantu languages and subsequently spread out to its current distribution. We locate the heart of this contact-induced spread in the Tanzanian Rift Valley, a convergence zone in north-central Tanzania where languages from multiple African language families are spoken and have been in contact for an extensive period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Silozi is one of Zambia's seven national languages, and is also spoken in parts of Botswana, Namibia, and Zimbabwe. At its heart the language can fairly be characterized as a "Shift and Double" one, where an underlying High tone shifts to the following TBU and then doubles onto the next one in defined prosodic domains. Both infinitival forms as well as a range of finite forms in various TAMs are examined. The Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) plays an interesting role in that while it motivates various processes of High tone deletion, it only rarely constrains the core processes of Tone Shift and Tone Doubling. Some of the High tone deletions are general while others only apply in specific TAMs. As in most Bantu tone languages, Silozi exhibits Melodic High tones which help express certain inflectional properties of the verb. They have two possible landing sites – the penult or the ultima. Once linked, they precipitate the deletion of various lexical High tones on the Subject Marker, Object Marker, or verb root. In all, eleven different tonal rules are described and analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Languages with applicative morphology vary in whether their applied arguments can stack, or "recurse." Focusing primarily on Bantu languages, I argue that the availability of applicative recursion in a given language depends on abstract nominal licensing—in particular, on whether the applicative heads responsible for introducing applied arguments are nominal licensers. Applicative recursion therefore provides a novel diagnostic for the presence of abstract nominal licensing, which is argued to be driven not by Case but by ϕ-feature checking. The proposed approach to applicative recursion provides evidence for the role of abstract licensing in Bantu languages and has implications for approaches to double object symmetry as well as for recursion in causatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to cross-validate the Afrocentric Self-Regard Scale (ASRS), which was previously developed and assessed in a sample of Black American adolescents. However, this study was conducted with a representative sample of 619 emerging Black adults aged 18–29 years. Participants completed a survey that included the ASRS and measured African heritage connections, Afro-cultural orientation norms, internalized negative stereotypes, career aspirations, anxiety, and depression. A confirmatory factor analysis confirmed that all the items contributed to the measurement of self-regard as a single construct and showed a good fit. The ASRS showed excellent internal reliability. Construct validity was supported via positive correlations with African heritage connections and Afro-cultural orientation norms. Discriminant validity had a weak, negative correlation with internalized negative stereotypes. Nomological validity was supported via positive correlations with flourishing and career aspirations and negative correlations with depression and anxiety. The ASRS was a reliable and valid measure of Afrocentric self-regard in emerging Black American adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the usage of the Swahili verb -pata ‘get’ as an auxiliary, shedding light on its multifaceted roles. The examination of its structural variation and functional extensions is based on data from different Swahili varieties. Drawing from a broad and versatile body of previous research on Swahili, this study posits the development of -pata from an erstwhile lexical verb to a light verb used in lexicalized constructions and further to an auxiliary. Combined with an infi nitive verb, the auxiliary -pata is shown to convey three different yet interrelated functional concepts: modal possibility, an inchoative aspect and an experiential aspect. In addition, it demonstrates correlations with purpose clauses and (negative) phasal polarity. The description and analysis of the formal, functional and historical characteristics of the acquisitive -pata in Swahili serves as the first study dedicated to this type of linguistic construction in Swahili and in Bantu languages more generally.

The motivation for the current study is based on the existing body of research on variations in the lexical semantic properties of cook verbs, particularly in the manner and result components of meaning across languages. However, there is a notable lack of contributions regarding this subject in Bantu languages, which limits our understanding of their properties in this context. As such, this article examines the lexical semantic properties of cook verbs in Nilamba, a Bantu language spoken in central Tanzania. We employed an experimental approach to gather cook verbs from Nilamba speakers through the use of video clips, images, and real-life events. From the field, we obtained nine cook verbs. Among these, six cook verbs encode the manner component of meaning in a lexeme, while three cook verbs encode the result component of meaning, which are morphologically marked by the short causative -i-. Our findings indicate that cook verbs in Nilamba encode both manner and result meanings. Manner verbs express the resultant state within the predicate modifier, while the resultant state in result verbs is inherently part of the verb itself. Furthermore, manner cook verbs are activity verbs, whereas result verbs involve causation, which engages different means/manner of cooking. So, they are accomplishment verbs.

Based on a recently collected fieldwork corpus, this paper offers an overview of ideophones in Sena, a Bantu language spoken along the Lower Zambezi River in central Mozambique. By closely examining the different features (phonology, morphology, syntax and semantics) of Sena ideophones, this paper aims to identify the language-internal aspects of ideophones. The claim is that Sena ideophones are best treated as a distinctive word class whose members can be used in a variety of syntactic constructions. A crucial aspect of their syntactic properties is their ability to be used as holophrastic predicates.

Whilst there has recently been an upsurge in studies into self-praise on social media, and despite the fact that there exists a vast amount of literature available on speech acts such as requests, apologies and compliments, praise in traditional spoken and written English has largely escaped scholarly attention. However, it seems to form a substantial part of everyday behaviour in various linguacultures, and the Ugandan ones appear to belong to these. This paper aims at describing how praise is performed in Ugandan English. Using data collected for the Uganda component of the International Corpus of English , it examines how praise is performed linguistically, in which genres praise can be found, and which functions it seems to perform in comparison to what is the case in British English data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an overview of the distribution of reflexive-reciprocal syncretism in Eastern Bantu languages spoken in Tanzania. Most Bantu languages encode reflexive and reciprocal constructions by means of two distinct verbal affixes. However, the Tanzanian Eastern Bantu languages under study have developed reflexive-reciprocal syncretism, in which the originally reflexive prefix has developed into a polyfunctional morpheme coding both reflexive and reciprocal constructions, to the detriment of the original reciprocal suffix. In a sample of 79 languages, reflexive-reciprocal syncretism is attested in 27 neighboring languages, thus constituting a clear areal feature. We propose that reflexive-reciprocal syncretism is not a language-internal innovation but was rather adopted from neighboring non-Bantu languages and subsequently spread out to its current distribution. We locate the heart of this contact-induced spread in the Tanzanian Rift Valley, a convergence zone in north-central Tanzania where languages from multiple African language families are spoken and have been in contact for an extensive period.

Mai-Ndombe is one of the southwestern provinces of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Ecologically, it can be characterised as a transition zone between a moist, broadleaf rainforest ecotone in the north and shrubland/savannah areas in the south. Linguistically, Mai-Ndombe, along with the rest of southwestern Congo all the way down to the border with Angola, is among the least well-surveyed areas of the planet. Within its borders, several different Bantu (Guthrie's zones B, C, and H) varieties are spoken, near the newly identified West-Coastal Bantu homeland, itself a hot spot of phonological diversity unlike any other in the West-Coastal Bantu domain. Phonetic and phonological accounts of its languages are particularly lacking (apart from impressionistic "grey literature" reports which seldom comply with the standards of present-day phonetic and phonological inquiry). This gap is particularly concerning as Mai-Ndombe is also an area of great anthropological diversity, with numerous hunter-gatherer Twa communities living deep in its eastern and northern forests. Their lects, collectively known as Lotwa, are severely endangered, as they face the threats of social stigma and the growing use of national and regional linguae francae. As part of the author's doctoral project (still underway), phonetic data were collected in the area between May and July 2021, specifically in Inongo (the provincial capital) and Nioki. The present contribution is intended as a brief note on the relevant results produced so far, mainly bearing on the analysis of some phenomena of interest in the languages of the region, including Sakata rhotics and labial–velars and the presence of unusual trilling/flapping realisations in Lotwa. The picture yielded by this preliminary exploration is one of striking phonetic and phonological variation, possibly pointing to earlier stages of greater linguistic diversity than previously supposed. It is also tentatively proposed that one of the specific characteristics of the phenomena attested in the present contribution is that they tend to affect more than one language at a time, working rather as areal "phonetic possibilities" than language-bound outcomes of traditional sound change rules; in this sense, it is suggested that in-depth documentation and description can help broaden our understanding of how language contact works in highly multilingual contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper relates the philosophical concept of ‘vital force,’ translated and globalized from the book Bantu Philosophy by Belgian missionary Placide Tempels, to the Bantu and Yorùbá concepts of ntu and àsẹ as conceptual ancestors, arguing that (i) although Tempels in his book did not claim anything other than to understand the philosophy of Bantu peoples, (ii) intercultural connections/crossovers with the philosophy of other African peoples can still be established. Thus, we respond to debates around the concept’s generalizing potential and colonial burden, showing lines of conceptual descent in which living structures of meaning become interconnected with abstracted translations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Verum focus has long been analysed as part of information structure, being accounted for within a theory of focus as generation of alternatives on a polarity value. Recently, however, this view has been challenged, with some authors arguing for a separation between verum and focus. The empirical debate focuses on two types of strategies: either verum is marked identically to focus (e.g., pitch accent in German, English) or through a dedicated strategy (e.g., dedicated markers in Gitksan, Bura, South Marghi). On the basis of the second type, it has been argued that the link between focus and verum is only superficial, with verum instead arising from a lexical operator VERUM. In this paper, we provide evidence in support of the traditional link between truth marking and focus, using original field data on the morphosyntactic expression of information structure in 11 Bantu (Niger-Congo) languages. By working from function to form, we show that these languages use a variety of grammatical strategies for truth expression, strategies that are used elsewhere in the information structural system for backgrounding. In this way, verum is not directly marked by focal accent but marked indirectly via backgrounding, which we formulate as the Backgrounding and Underspecification Thesis (BUT). On the basis of this Bantu evidence, we add a third type of strategy to the typology, where verum is marked indirectly via backgrounding. We use this updated typology to argue in favour of maintaining a conceptual link between verum, polarity focus, and predicated-centred focus more broadly.

Determiner spreading, the phenomenon whereby adnominal modifiers carry an ‘additional’ determiner, has been studied extensively for a variety of languages, most notably Greek, Semitic, and Scandinavian languages. Interestingly, the same phenomenon occurs in the Bantu language Rukiga. We show how the Rukiga augment is parallel to the Greek determiner in the context of modification, and how it triggers a restrictive reading when present on a larger class of modifiers than familiar so far: relative clauses, adjectives, possessives, and certain quantifiers. Considering its morphosyntactic and interpretational properties, we propose that the variation in the presence versus absence of the augment on modifiers is due to different underlying structures, applying an analysis of determiner spreading in terms of a reduced relative clause structure.

This article offers the first comprehensive study of relative constructions among the members of the Western Serengeti (WS) group, a group of closely related Great Lakes Bantu language varieties spoken in the Mara region in northern Tanzania. The study has both a synchronic and a diachronic angle. First, we offer a systematic description of the various relativization types found in these varieties with regard to the phonological (prosodic) and (morpho-)syntactic traits of both subject and non-subject relativization. Next, we situate our findings within a historical-comparative framework, with particular reference to Van de Velde’s (2021, forthcoming) Bantu Relative Agreement (BRA) Cycle. Linking the source of the main relative marker to the proximal demonstrative, we offer a fine-grained reconstruction of its development into a relativizer. We propose that the WS relative constructions instantiate Stage 1b of the BRA cycle while simultaneously showing remnants of what is either the direct reflex of the relative construction reconstructed for Proto-Bantu (Van de Velde forthcoming) or the final Stage 3b of an earlier cycle. In this endeavor we are able to zoom in to the processes at play at the turning point where an old and a new relative cycle intersect.

It is cross-linguistically common to find a distinction between “temporary” vs. “permanent” states in copular verbs, e.g., Spanish estar and ser (see Deo et al. 2017). In Mashi [shr] (Bantu, JD53; Maho 2009), a similar temporary-permanent distinction holds not only of the two copular be-verbs in the language, -li (temporary state) and -ba (permanent state), but also of the two possessive have-verbs, -dwiire and -jira; -dwiire indicates temporary possession, while -jira instead indicates permanent possession. This parallelism provides a novel argument in favor of a decompositional approach to possessive verbs (Freeze 1992, Kayne 1993, Harley 1998). The analysis is further supported through patterns of allomorphy where HAVE is realized in its decomposed form, BE + comitative, in Mashi. I analyze the patterns using a Spanning Insertion analysis (Williams 2003, Svenonius 2012, 2016, Merchant 2015).

This special issue addresses how evidentiality and mirativity are expressed in various Bantu languages. Both the notions of evidentiality and mirativity remain underexamined for the Bantu languages – the following quote is quite typical: “It appears that expressing evidentiality as a verbal affix or clitic is the most common strategy.

Although Bantu languages are not known for having grammaticalized and obligatory systems of evidentiality, research is uncovering more and more evidential contrasts and evidential strategies, as well as expressions of related categories like mirativity. In this article, I describe, with examples from the literature and my own research, two domains in which I believe targeted investigations are likely to uncover additional examples of evidential and mirative meanings. The first domain is quotatives, which very frequently have evidential and mirative functions, but which are largely underdescribed across Bantu. The second domain is tense and aspect, which is somewhat better described, but where little is known about associated evidential functions. I especially highlight cases in which two forms have overlapping denotative temporal or aspectual meanings, and evidential and similar contrasts can arise as a result.

The paper discusses the noun prefixes ka- and na-, specifically those used to derive nouns that trigger the agreement marker traditionally associated with noun class 1 in Chichewa. The motivation for conducting this study comes from the current partial understanding of these prefixes in Chichewa and many other Bantu languages. In the existing analyses, the noun prefixes ka- and na- are taken either to be marginal or ceased to be noun prefixes in the synchronic grammars of some Bantu languages. In the present paper, I show that these two prefixes are productive in the synchronic grammar of Chichewa. I provide three types of evidence to support this view, namely (i) Chichewa neologisms, (ii) Chichewa names of places and persons, and (iii) nominal lexicon evidence from the Chichewa Monolingual Dictionary. I conclude that ka- and na- are not marginal prefixes in noun class 1 but productive prefixes of present-day Chichewa grammar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tjhauba, spoken in northwestern Botswana, is a regional variety of the Bantu language Kgalagadi. Tjhauba exhibits a number of striking linguistic differences with respect to other, previously described Kgalagadi varieties, some the result of language-internal changes, but mostly due to contact with different surrounding Khoisan and Bantu languages. Making use of newly collected field data, this paper shows that Tjhauba has an extensive inventory of click phonemes, contrasting different click accompaniments and, in the speech of elderly speakers, also different click types. Tracing the sources of Tjhauba click words shows that these originate in different Khoisan languages, but also in the Bantu click language Yeyi. Semantically, click words, but also loanwords that do not contain clicks, cluster in the domain of flora and fauna, particularly species found in or close to water. These linguistic findings also shed light on the history of Tjhauba speakers. The adoption of a large number of click phonemes suggests intensive language contact, as still evidenced by ongoing Tjhauba/Khwe bilingualism. A number of the likely source languages for Tjhauba click words are no longer spoken in the area, suggesting contact situations that are no longer ongoing. Furthermore, clicks occur in loanwords, but unlike in neighbouring Bantu click languages, there is no evidence that clicks were also extended to inherited Tjhauba words. This suggests that the sound symbolic or identity marking functions of clicks as posited for other Bantu click languages do not play a role in Tjhauba.

Within the context of microvariation in Bantu, three processes are examined in Setswana – object marking, inversion constructions and diminutive marking. Setswana morpho-syntactic structures for these constructions present instances that distinguish Setswana from Eastern Bantu languages and yet also cases of similarity with patterns more commonly attested in Eastern rather than Southern Bantu languages. Using a comparative-parametric approach Setswana is shown to pattern with Southern Bantu in its default agreement and diminutive marking patterns while its flexibility in allowing multiple object markers with free ordering is more closely related to Eastern Bantu, suggesting complex historical patterns of contact.

The rich morphological systems and discourse-based syntactic structures of a range of modern Bantu languages have attracted the attention of many linguists. The present contribution takes articles in a volume on the reconstruction of Proto-Bantu grammar edited by Bostoen et al. (2022. On Reconstructing Proto-Bantu Grammar, Niger-Congo Comparative Studies 4. Berlin: Language Science Press. 808 pp. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7560553) as a basis, in order to address the origin of these grammatical properties. More specifically, historical as well as synchronic features of Bantu languages are compared with Tima, a related language spoken in the Nuba Mountains, Sudan, and classified as a member of the Kordofanian family within Niger-Congo by Greenberg. Contrary to a popular view, it is claimed here that subject inversion and corresponding (extended) ergative alignment marking with transitive verbs is not only a property of Tima as a Niger-Congo language, but also of several Niger-Congo languages classified as Bantu. Tima consequently may perform a role similar to that of Tocharian in the history of Indo-European studies. The present contribution also raises methodological issues related to lexicon-based Bayesian phylogenetics as against Greenberg's method of multilateral comparisons, and the historical-comparative method. In addition, it addresses the question of the extent to which the spread of typological features coincides with so-called "belts" postulated in the typological literature on African languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the formal correspondences between the members of verb pairs participating in the noncausal/causal alternation in Kagulu, a Bantu language from Tanzania. Our investigation shows that Kagulu has a predominance of equipollent verb pairs, with the anticausative and causative correspondences following close behind. We argue that, diachronically, the causative correspondence was much more prominent than it is in present-day Kagulu. However, due to morphophonological changes triggered by the historical causative suffix *-i, a significant number of verb pairs that are diachronically causative can be synchronically reanalyzed as equipollent. This study highlights the complexity of diachronic morphology in synchronic analyses of comparative-typological phenomena such as the noncausal/causal alternation, and contributes to the growing body of research on noncausal/causal verb pairs in African languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My doctoral dissertation is aimed at gaining a better understanding of how the Kikongo Language Cluster (klc) as we know it today was shaped through time, with a special focus on Cabinda, Angola. It does so by adopting a historical-comparative linguistic approach to phonological, morphophonological and morphological variation which current-day language varieties manifest, both among each other and with regard to historical varieties for which documentation is available. This diachronic study spanning nearly four centuries complements earlier studies on the history of the klc within the BantUGent research group, especially the lexicon-based phylogenetic classifications. It has relied on the vast, multifaceted and long-range documentation on the klc accumulated since the KongoKing project (2012–2016) and continued during the BantuFirst project (2018–2023). The PhD thesis is cumulative, including four articles pertaining to (1) Bantu spirantisation and 7 > 5 vowel reduction, (2) progressive vowel harmony involving verb derivational suffixes, (3) the broader morphophonology of the verb ending *-ide, and (4) diminutive marking. These articles are preceded by an introduction including several original-language maps of Cabinda and other data from several fieldwork missions. The conclusion offers answers to the dissertation’s four main research questions, three pertaining to the historical development of the klc and one to the planned promotion across Cabinda of the standardised language Ibinda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the middle voice in Kagulu, a Bantu language of Tanzania. Although not traditionally recognized in Bantu languages, recent research has asserted that middle voice is attested in some Bantu languages. We propose that of eight affixes that might be considered middle markers, Kagulu has two affixes that are part of the middle voice system, each one coding two different detransitivizing voices. We argue that, from a diachronic viewpoint, the underdeveloped voice syncretism of Kagulu's middle markers is the result of competing morphology and minimal functional innovations towards voice syncretism in the derivational system of Kagulu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: Land ownership norms are well documented and play a central role in social–ecological systems. Yet only recently has the spatial and temporal distribution of land ownership been examined using biogeographical and evolutionary approaches. We incorporate biogeographical and evolutionary modelling to test associations between land ownership and environmental, subsistence and cultural contact predictors. Location: Africa. Taxon: Bantu and Bantoid ethnolinguistic groups (73 societies). Methods: Based on ethnographies for 73 societies, we coded land ownership norms as none, group, kin or individual. We paired these data with language phylogenies, and measured phylogenetic and geographical signal and modelled alternative evolutionary trajectories using maximum likelihood methods. We tested the influence of environmental, subsistence and cultural predictors on spatial variation in land ownership, using a multi‐model inference approach based on logistic regression. Results: Bantu land ownership norms likely evolved on a unilinear trajectory (i.e. societies progress or regress along a series of ownership types), but not one requiring consistent increase in exclusivity (i.e. restrictions towards ownership by smaller groups) as suggested by prior theory. Our biogeographical analyses suggest land ownership is more likely where neighbours also own land and resource productivity is predictable. Reliance on agriculture has relatively small effect sizes and low importance in the model. Main Conclusions: We find support for multiple evolutionary pathways. Lack of resolution may be due to localized horizontal transfer of norms consistent with the influence of neighbours we find from biogeographical analyses. We cannot rule out other untested mechanisms. Although long‐standing theories propose links between subsistence practices and land ownership, our results suggest subsistence plays only a modest role. Our results also support resource defensibility theory (i.e. land ownership is more likely where environmental productivity is predictable). Overall, we demonstrate the value of combining analytical approaches from evolution and biogeography to test hypotheses on the spatial and temporal variation of human cultural traits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an analysis of prosodic smothering in Makonde (Bantu). Prosodic smothering is a phenomenon where certain elements require nearby elements to be phrased together with them that would otherwise be phrased apart. Prior analyses of this phenomenon must lexically specify certain elements as triggers of smothering. This article, building on previous work, derives smothering effects from a particular approach to the syntax–prosody mapping, according to which syntactic c‐command relationships between terminal nodes determine prosodic phrasing. Whether or not an element will be a trigger of smothering ends up being by and large a byproduct of the position the element occupies in the syntactic structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is no comprehensive history of Africa's philosophy for reasons including colonisation and neo-colonisation that resulted in its philosophy' neglect and under-studying compared to Eastern, Middle-Eastern and Western philosophies. In this article, the timeline of Africa's philosophy has been divided into five stages -- sankofa, tu, shosholoza, Ubuntu and umoja. Sankofa is a stage where less is known, although, by looking at the history of the different groups of Black Africans -- the Bantu, Kush, Nile-Sahara, San, Khoi Khoi, Hadza, Sandawe, Mbenga, Mbuti and Twa -- we learn that they had related values centred around the family, community, society, environment and spirituality, and probably lived in proximity. The tu stage was characterised by the expansion of their communities and new languages that named Africa's philosophy differently but closely. The shosholoza stage involved resisting the colonisation of Africa's philosophy on and off the continent. The fourth stage is Ubuntu, the current stage whe re the noun Ubuntu has become prominent as the name of the philosophy for reasons including the resilience of the Zulu Kingdom from whose Nguni/Ngoni language the noun derives from. The final stage is umoja, the stage of renaissance and African-centredness. At this stage, Ubuntu is becoming the dominant worldview for Africa. From this history, among other things, we learn that Ubuntu did not start recently, Africa is not philosophyless and that Ubuntu cannot be attributed to Bantu people alone but all Black Africa. This history contributes to a better education for Africa where scientists, researchers, teachers, social workers, development workers, even security people, politicians and business people -- become African-centred, all working for an Africa whose knowledge, innovations and capabilities compete with the rest of the world on an equal footing. It is recommended that the history of Africa's philosophy and the philosophy itself be embedded in all levels of 'formal' or 'informal' education and this will be more useful if all stages, from sankofa to umoja are included. Knowledge of Africa's philosophy would make education, research and practice more appropriate to Africa, especially in the fields of social work and development where colonial knowledge, values and practices have been dominant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mai-Ndombe is one of the southwestern provinces of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Ecologically, it can be characterised as a transition zone between a moist, broadleaf rainforest ecotone in the north and shrubland/savannah areas in the south. Linguistically, Mai-Ndombe, along with the rest of southwestern Congo all the way down to the border with Angola, is among the least well-surveyed areas of the planet. Within its borders, several different Bantu (Guthrie’s zones B, C, and H) varieties are spoken, near the newly identified West-Coastal Bantu homeland, itself a hot spot of phonological diversity unlike any other in the West-Coastal Bantu domain. Phonetic and phonological accounts of its languages are particularly lacking (apart from impressionistic “grey literature” reports which seldom comply with the standards of present-day phonetic and phonological inquiry). This gap is particularly concerning as Mai-Ndombe is also an area of great anthropological diversity, with numerous hunter-gatherer Twa communities living deep in its eastern and northern forests. Their lects, collectively known as Lotwa, are severely endangered, as they face the threats of social stigma and the growing use of national and regional linguae francae. As part of the author’s doctoral project (still underway), phonetic data were collected in the area between May and July 2021, specifically in Inongo (the provincial capital) and Nioki. The present contribution is intended as a brief note on the relevant results produced so far, mainly bearing on the analysis of some phenomena of interest in the languages of the region, including Sakata rhotics and labial–velars and the presence of unusual trilling/flapping realisations in Lotwa. The picture yielded by this preliminary exploration is one of striking phonetic and phonological variation, possibly pointing to earlier stages of greater linguistic diversity than previously supposed. It is also tentatively proposed that one of the specific characteristics of the phenomena attested in the present contribution is that they tend to affect more than one language at a time, working rather as areal “phonetic possibilities” than language-bound outcomes of traditional sound change rules; in this sense, it is suggested that in-depth documentation and description can help broaden our understanding of how language contact works in highly multilingual contexts.

This paper reports a case of NOM/ACC alignment in agreement that results from the relative timing of A- movement and φ-agreement, and not from the position of φ-probes or the sensitivity of agreement to case. The NOM/ACC phenomenon discussed here is object agreement in Ndebele, which can be characterized as the systematic inability of Voice to agree with the highest argument, despite c-commanding it. I argue that this pattern follows from a general property of Bantu languages whereby every φ-probe obligatorily co-occurs with an EPP feature. In Voice, EPP probes before φ, removing the highest argument from the probing domain of φ, which gives rise to the unique status of the highest DP in terms of agreement. I explain why the bleeding of agreement by movement cannot be undone by cyclic expansion of the φ-probe and instead leads to a rigid downward agreement pattern. Finally, I conclude that the pervasive cooccurrence of agreement and movement in Bantu languages is the result of parametric cooccurrence of EPP and φ (Baker, 2003; Collins, 2004), and is not an indication that the two operations are triggered by the same feature, nor that Agree is upward in Bantu.

The aim of the current study is to expand our understanding of cross-linguistic transfer (CLT) to new languages and settings under-represented in the research literature. Empirical evidence of CLT is almost exclusively demonstrated in studies examining European and Asian languages in high-income countries. Literacy data were collected from 3561 second-grade students in one of two languages in Uganda – Luganda and Runyankole-Rukiga – and English. Structural equation modelling was used to test a latent construct of alphabetical knowledge and a path model of bilingual reading comprehension. Findings suggest that second-grade students transfer decoding and reading comprehension skills from their first to second language, and initial evidence that the interdependence varies according to the language used in the classroom. Implications for language-in-education policies are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we offer an overview of the use of modal auxiliary verb constructions in East African Bantu (encompassing languages spoken from eastern Congo in the north-west to northern Mozambique in the south-east; viz. Guthrie zones JD, JE, E, F, G, M, N and P). Modality, here conceptualized as a semantic space comprising different subcategories (or flavors) of possibility and necessity, has traditionally been a neglected category within Bantu linguistics, which has tended to focus instead on the more grammatical(ized) categories of tense, aspect and to a lesser extent mood. Nonetheless, our survey shows that there exists a rich number of different verbs with specialized modal functions in East African Bantu. Moreover, when comparing the variety of modal verbs in East African Bantu and the wider constructions in which they operate, many similar patterns arise. In some cases, different languages make use of cognate verbs for expressing similar modal concepts, in other cases divergent verbs, but with essentially the same source meaning(s), are employed. In addition, both Bantu-internal and Bantu-external contact have played a key role in the formation of several of the languages’ inventories of modal verbs. A typologically significant feature recurrently discovered among the languages surveyed is the tendency of structural manipulations of the same verb base to indicate semantic shift from participant-internal to participant-imposed modal flavors.

In addition to the stem and noun class prefix, the structure of nouns in Bantu languages may contain an augment. This augment typically is a vowel, but some languages show a CV augment. Interestingly, the Bantu language Kinyakyusa shows nouns with a V as well as with a CV prefix, both of which have been analysed as augments (De Blois 1970). In this short paper we clarify the formal and functional properties of the ‘CV augment’ in Kinyakyusa. First we show that it does not behave like the V augment, but is a separate marker that is attached to the noun phrase. Second, we narrow down the previous analyses of the CV marker that describe it as ‘emphatic’ (De Blois 1970, Persohn 2020): On the basis of a range of focus tests, we argue that the CV marker functions as a marker of exhaustivity. This is remarkable, as exhaustive focus is in Bantu languages typically associated with marking in the clause and not on the noun itself.

We describe and analyze a novel pattern of locative inversion, passivization, and object clitics in Xitsonga, a Bantu language of South Africa. We note that, unlike in most Bantu languages, locative inversion can take place with intransitives, transitives with active voice, and transitives with passive voice. While subject marking is obligatory, object marking is optional and indicates emphasis, although the semantic details are unclear. An interesting pattern emerges with locative inversion. Object marking is possible only with passive voice. We present an analysis in which the subject and object markers are clitics that are inserted postsyntactically. The subject clitic is triggered by agreement between T and the grammatical subject. The object clitic is triggered by theta assignment by V (which raises to Asp) to the thematic object. In locative inversion, the external argument remains in situ and serves as an intervenor between V (housed on Asp) and the object. In the passive, the external argument is suppressed or appears in a by-phrase, and the object can trigger the appearance of the object clitic on Asp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the possible predication strategies in Makhuwa-Enahara and under what circumstances each occurs. Makhuwa-Enahara (Bantu P31E) has three main copular constructions: Predicative Lowering, the invariant copulas ti (affirmative) and kahi (negative), and the verbal copulas ori and okhala. It was previously posited that the choice between predication strategies depended on the syntactic type of the predicate, but further analysis shows that deference is instead given to the semantic type of the predication. The underlying structures of Makhuwa-Enahara are identical for Equation, Predication, and Identification; Specification shows a different structure, and Locative predication yet another. Predicative Lowering and the invariant copula are argued to be different spell-outs of the Pred head, depending on its raised position within the syntactic tree and whether or not the initial element of the predicate is long enough to undergo Predicative Lowering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a number of Bantu languages, object marking is correlated with a definite or specific interpretation of the agreeing object DP, and similar claims about the semantic effects of object marking have also been made for Zulu (Nguni; S42). This paper examines these claims by applying a range of diagnostic tests for (in)definiteness and (non-)specificity to sentences with object-marked objects in Zulu. The paper's first finding is that agreeing objects in Zulu can violate the uniqueness requirement that holds for definite expressions, and can therefore appear in contexts in which definite DPs are not tolerated. The second finding is that object-marked objects in Zulu can take narrow scope in relation to intensional verbs and negation, in which case they are interpreted as (scopally) non-specific. Object marking in Zulu therefore cannot be regarded as a morphosyntactic device to mark definiteness or specificity. Rather, it is suggested that the interpretative effects of object marking follow from information structure: agreeing DPs in Zulu are obligatorily dislocated and hence appear outside the focus domain (the vP). Consequently, an agreeing object in Zulu is incompatible with semantic focus, which implies that it can (but crucially, does not have to) be interpreted as denoting a discourse-familiar referent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we present a new, lexicon-based phylogeny of 34 Southern Bantu languages, and combine it with previous insights from linguistics, archaeology, and genetics to study the history of Southern Bantu languages and their speakers. Our phylogeny shows all Southern Bantu languages to derive from a single, direct ancestor, which contrasts with archaeological evidence indicating separate migrations of Bantu speakers into southern Africa. This suggests that the Bantu languages spoken by the first migrants became extinct, and the ancestor of present-day Southern Bantu languages only emerged in southern Africa during the second millennium CE. We also map the distribution of previously established or suspected Khoisan-derived linguistic features in Southern Bantu languages onto this phylogeny. Evidence for intensive contact with speakers of Khoisan languages also comes from population genetics, which shows that Khoisan linguistic influence is mainly seen in languages spoken by populations displaying a higher degree of genetic admixture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a structure in the Bantu language Kinande, namely the so-called sociative causative, where partitive morphology occurs on a nominal without giving the nominal an NP-related partitive interpretation. We argue that the source of the partitivity in this construction lies in the co-extensiveness relation (incrementality relation) between the causing and the caused subevent. Partitive morphology on the nominal signals obligatory licensing of the theme so that it can be properly mapped to the co-extensive subevents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the production of vocative calls in (Northern) Metropolitan French (MF) and Cameroonian French (CF) as it is spoken by native speakers of a tone language, Basaá. While the results of our Discourse Completion Task confirm previous descriptions of MF, they also further our understanding of the relationship between pragmatics and prosody across different groups of French speakers. MF favors the vocative chant in routine contexts and a rising-falling contour in urgent contexts. In contrast, context has little influence on the choice of contour in CF. A melody consisting of the surface realization of lexical tones is produced in both contexts. Regarding acoustic parameters, context only exerts a significant effect on the loudness of vocative calls (RMS amplitude) and has little effect on their F0 height, F0 range and duration. A target-use of vocative calls in CF thus does not amount to target-like use of the original standard target language, MF. Our results provide novel evidence for the transfer of lexical tones onto the contact variety of an intonation language. They also corroborate previous studies involving the pragmatics-prosody interface: the more marked a prosodic pattern is (here, the vocative chant), the more difficult it is to acquire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Yaws, an infectious dermatosis is one of 17 neglected tropical diseases still present in the world despite the efforts aiming at the eradication of the disease undertaken in 2020. It is mainly found in populations living in poor hygiene conditions with a limited access to water and health care facilities. BaAka Pygmies and Bantu people inhabiting the rural areas of the Central African Republic (CAR) are still affected by yaws on a large scale. Aim: To assess the prevalence of yaws in Central Africa, treatment accessibility, and the need for implementing future health programs. Material and methods: Primary school BaAka Pygmy and Bantu children from the Dzanga Sangha region (CAR) were assessed in the context of yaws prevalence in years 2019-2020. The diagnosis was based on the clinical picture of the typical skin lesions and their location. Serologic tests were not performed. Results: Four hundred and ninety-four Pygmies and 235 Bantu children were examined, of whom 38.7% and 43.0%, respectively, presented primary yaws lesions. The mean age of Pygmy and Bantu children with lesions was 9.1 and 9.7 years old, respectively. In both ethnic groups boys predominated. The most common location of yaws lesions were lower legs, ankles, knees and feet. Conclusions: Yaws, like all other neglected tropical diseases, might become a cosmopolitan skin disease transferred from Africa to Europe and North America by tourists travelling to sub-Saharan destinations in Africa and migrants. The knowledge of tropical skin diseases and ability to make a differential diagnosis might become necessary for each dermatologist in the next 10-20 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the issue of ‘prosodic idiosyncrasies’ as it arises in the Bantu language Makonde [kde]. Recently, Bennett, Harizanov, & Henderson (2018) proposed ‘prosodic smothering’, whereby prosodic requirements of an outer morpheme override (i.e. ‘smother’) prosodic properties of inner morphemes. We extend their analysis to phrase-level phonology in Makonde. Previous description has established that whether a nominal modifier forms a single phonological phrase φ with the noun is an idiosyncratic property, e.g. a [NOUN ADJECTIVE] phrase maps to 2 phonological phrases φ(N) φ(ADJ) while a [NOUN DEMONSTRATIVE] phrase forms a single phonological phrase φ(N DEM). Prosodic smothering is seen in [NOUN ADJ DEM] sequences which form a single φ(N ADJ DEM) phonological phrase, where the ADJ has been ‘entrapped’ and its prosody ‘smothered’. We highlight three contributions which Makonde makes to understanding smothering: (i) smothering targets the lexical head, (ii) smothering is both inward-oriented (a morphological relation) and leftward-oriented (a linear relation), and (iii) a limited amount of outward smothering is parasitic on the presence of inward smothering. From the smothering facts in Makonde, we conclude that prosody is established at two stages: first, prosodic idiosyncrasies apply at spell-out (i.e. the mapping from syntax to phonology), followed by default prosodification which is established within the phonological module itself.

Kejom, the preferred autonym for the language more commonly known as Babanki, is a Central Ring Grassfields Bantu language (ISO 693-3: [bbk]) spoken in the Northwest Regionof Cameroon (Hyman, 1980; Simons and Fennig, 2017; Hammarstr¨om et al., 2017). The language is spoken mainly in two settlements, Kejom Ketinguh and Kejom Keku, also known as Babanki Tungoh and Big Babanki, respectively (Figure 1), but alsoto some extent in diaspora communities outside of Cameroon. Simons and Fennig (2017) state that the number of speakers is increasing; however, the figure of 39,000 speakers they provide likely overestimates the number of fluent speakers in diaspora communities. The two main settlements’ dialects exhibit slight phonetic, phonological, and lexical differences but are mutually intelligible. The variety of Kejom described here is the Kejom Ketinguh variant spoken by the second author.