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Objective/context: Studies on nationalism have recently evolved toward a growing interest in nationalization. In particular, greater attention has been paid to the construction of national identities "from below" and to the multiple ways in which, in their daily lives, individuals reproduce, contest, or re-signify nationality. Starting from the theoretical framework of "everyday nationalism," the main objective of this article is to offer a historiographical overview of the approaches to the study of nationalization and to gauge the usefulness of the theoretical contributions of everyday nationalism for different territories and chronological contexts. In particular, this paper highlights the relevance of directing attention to historical subjects' individual agency and experiences of nationhood to understand key issues such as identity construction and the nationalization of society in their daily lives. Originality: This article evaluates the theoretical and methodological contributions of the so-called "everyday nationalism" as a way to connect the "micro" and "macro" levels and to capture, through subjectivities, the complexities inherent to the processes of construction of national identity and the multiple ways in which individuals received, answered, or re-signified the discourses and policies of nationalization promoted from power. Conclusions: This paper concludes by highlighting the potential of the "everyday nationalism" approach to gauge nationalization processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study discusses how ordinary people experienced and reproduced Taiwanese nationhood in response to the ambivalent heritage of the Japanese colonial era. Heritage serves as a crucial instrument to convey the national imagining; nevertheless, it is unclear how ordinary people could gain a national meaning from the colonial-era heritage of hegemonic discourse. By interconnecting the theoretical ideas of 'imagined community' and 'banal nationalism', semi-structured interviews were conducted in this study to explore how ordinary people appropriated the colonial-era heritage as the notion of a 'historic territory' shared by a 'national we'. Their discussions revealed intelligence attachments, local characteristics, personal memories, and political statements as scenarios from which they obtained gratification and admiration. The results also revealed that these social narratives extended the official narrative to reshape the colonial-era heritage associated with one particular group and era as the property of all Taiwanese, emphasising the recreation of nationhood through a bottom-up force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that children's media can be a powerful source for embedding nationalist assumptions from an early age, by looking at Avatar: The Last Airbender and its sequel The Legend of Korra. In the shows, the world is divided into four discrete nations. Drawing on Billig's concept of banal nationalism, I intend to explore how, despite being critical of nationalism, they nevertheless reinforce and communicate core tenets of national ideology: that nations are the natural way of organising the world. This then leads to wider conclusions about how children's media can communicate and embed these ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sport plays an important role in the conception of Australian national identity. Much of the scholarly work on this topic has concentrated on professional, high-profile sports and athletes. In this article, we draw attention to a highly symbolic aspect of popular sporting culture—school sports houses—and the prominent historical figures and motifs that they project through their team names, mascots and colours. School sports houses are potent examples of banal nationalism, whereby elements of Australianness are reinforced through the tradition of school athletics and swimming carnivals. Here, we highlight the overlap between the school-based agenda of encouraging group identity and the broader notion of the nation as an imagined community. Using a comprehensive dataset of Queensland high school sport houses in 1969 and 2023, we observe several trends, such as the persistence of houses named after colonial explorers and the disparity between houses with women's and men's namesakes. We consider the role of school sports houses as "identity primers", or scripts, that encourage schoolchildren to identify with specific historic figures, landforms, animal totems, character traits and other qualities as indicators of the region and nation in which they live. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I explore the relationship between religion and nationhood among contemporary Lithuanian migrants in Norway. The central puzzle is the lack of an open national feeling in the religious setting. However, academic literature has well documented the tight connection between the Catholic Church and Lithuanian nationhood. Interpreting the empirical data from qualitative interviews and participant observations through the lens of everyday nationalism, I argue that seeming lacklustre national sensibilities among Lithuanian Catholics do not signal Catholicism's demise as the vehicle for reproducing Lithuanian nationhood. Instead, it is an expression of the resilience of banal forms of nationalism reproduced via the institutional framework of the Catholic Church and the practices of the clergy and laity. I suggest that the case of Lithuanian Catholics in Norway intimates the need for a more nuanced approach to the concept of individual agency as opposed to a strict agency vs. banality dichotomy in everyday nationhood scholarship. Scrutinising habitual, banal forms of nationhood, together with the conscious ones, is pivotal in comprehending the complex relationship between religion and nationalism in empirical cases where visible displays of national sensibilities may be subtle but nonetheless meaningful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Robert Schertzer and Eric Taylor Woods' book analyses tweets posted by Donald Trump, Marine Le Pen and Brexit supporters in 2017 from a historical perspective in order to reveal the deep roots of white ethnic nationalism. This commentary questions the explanatory nature of the analysis, and highlights how the book inadvertently contributes to the ongoing naturalisation of nationalism, particularly in Western countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the crucial role of fashion in shaping the celebrity profile of Queen Letizia. Letizia will be scrutinized as a 'celebrity text' to expose how she became fluent in the language of clothing and accessories as a tool to fulfill her role as ambassador of the Spanish fashion industry, the tourism industry and, more broadly, of Spanish culture. In addition, she has used her ability to generate attention through fashion as an effective form of soft power to assert her status as a royal and, furthermore, to ameliorate the damaged image of the Spanish monarchic institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study explores the role flags (mainly, the Senyera and the Estelada) have when constructing national identity in a diasporic context in relation to the Casal Català of New South Wales in Australia. Dialoguing with Michael Billig’s theorization of nationalism as “banal”, the study examines how that Casal makes use of the flags differently in both the organization’s digital platforms as well as in its most important public event, the annual celebration of the Diada. This investigation identifies a tension between the symbolic representation of Catalan independentism online and its public ritualization in person following the codes of banal nationalism; and, with the help of Victor Turner’s work on rituals and shared symbolic meanings, the investigation argues that that tension results in the practice of Catalan identity in Australia distanced from an independentist proselytism, which is nonetheless sustained in theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By analyzing selected Slovene newspapers, the article discusses the role of slivovitz in the reproduction of everyday nationalism in interwar Yugoslavia. The article is based on an analysis of texts containing the word slivovka (the Slovene word for slivovitz or plum spirit) that appeared in three major Slovene newspapers and three minor Slovene pro-Yugoslav newspapers in the period 1919–1945. In the period in question, slivovitz did not (yet) have the role of a signifier of the Yugoslav state, the Yugoslav nation and other elements associated with Yugoslav identity, but it was becoming part of the "structure of national feeling" – the specific experience of life in a given time and place that was common to the Yugoslav nation. Slivovitz, frequently included in repetitive and everyday habits, practices and assumptions, began to define the Yugoslav nation through a specific culture of drinking and drinks and became a component of this everyday, largely unnoticed reproduction of the Yugoslav nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Fairclough's critical discourse analysis, this study sheds light on sports nationalism and traces changes in the media's discursive construction of the Korean national football team over time by analyzing news articles from three different World Cups. Korean sports nationalism has evolved in complex ways and has been influenced by a combination of factors, including the colonial experience, initiatives by the former military government, the hosting of mega-sporting events, local professional leagues, and the globalization of athletes on the world stage. Given the multifaceted nature of Korean sports nationalism, this study aims to examine how it has changed in response to social transformations, particularly the impact of neoliberal globalization. The findings reveal that sports nationalism is often manifested in the terms of "fighting spirit" or "sacrifice" as a core national trait. However, it increasingly incorporates and embraces a new neoliberal meritocratic culture and subjectivity that foregrounds individual success on the world stage as a new form of nationalism in an era of accelerating globalized and commodified sports elitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most research on films as sites of nation-building centers on on-screen storylines, whereas intertextual references and off-screen representations of nationhood receive less attention. This article proposes a combined approach to further explore the nation-building potential of films, using as a case study the film adaptation Kahlil Gibran's The Prophet. Through a close reading of the film in conjunction with its intertextual references and the filmmakers' media interviews, the article explores the construction and negotiation of Lebanese nationhood and history under Ottoman rule. Special attention is paid to how the film's production, funding, circulation and reception are related to nation-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this case study, the authors elaborate on the narrative structure of transnational popular media events. Drawing from Dayan and Katz's concept of media events and Julia Sonnevend's exceptional work on iconic global media events, they argue that fundamental changes in the way occurrences are being reported on and news is structured must be considered. Allowing for recent technological advancements, the role of the consumer and the compression of time in media use, the authors develop a methodological and theoretical framework fitting a more mundane and everyday life–based approach. They derive their results from the analysis of the "Podgorica Media Event," a news cycle emerging from a racist incident during an international soccer game between England and Montenegro. Based on the body of 250 international news pieces, they identify a primary mother narration and a distinctive narration as the typical ways of storytelling on a transnational level. While differing greatly in content, aspects of transnational popular media events serve to protect and reify the cultural background they are grounded in on a national level. Thus, we assume that sport, or, more specifically, soccer, may become political in media communication not by the impact of state government but by the consumers themselves choosing and developing a popular media event in the first place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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By analysing a survey and elicited thematic writings, this article seeks to identify the main elements in the civil religion (CR) of Finnish Independence Day (FID) celebrations, how FID is related to CR, and the role the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland (ELCF) plays in FID. It further demonstrates the utility of an open definition of CR in which its relationship with church religion is understood as an open question and tests the various dimensions of CR presented in previous discussions. The CR of FID celebrations centres on its traditional mode in the memory of war and employs other national symbols. The negotiating mode is favoured by younger generations and distances itself from the rituals of the traditional mode, while the critical mode uses the rejection of FID celebrations as a platform for a general social critique. Membership of the ELCF, Finnish as a mother tongue, higher education levels, and an identification with higher social classes are the most important predictors for celebrating FID. In the writings the ELCF’s role is associated with the traditional mode in blending with the backdrop of other national symbols, especially those related to the war.

Researchers have shown that it is common to use nationalist appeals when marketing food products. Research has also shown that geographical places play an important role in creating feelings of national identity and national belonging. To a much lesser extent, research has shown how these "places" are represented and reproduced in the packaging of food products in specific national environments and to an even lesser extent, compared these representations and reproductions. In this article, using multimodal critical discourse analysis, we examine how butter packaging in Sweden and the UK represents nature in ways that create associations that are linked to the national identity that exists in each country. We argue that commercial interests, through their choice of packaging design, not only exploit cultural and political ideas and values but also reinforce them by connecting to prevailing national sentiments. In times of political and social change, this can be used to strengthen national affiliation and thus ally with political interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the concept of banal nationalism as often unconscious, routine processes that nations reproduce on a daily basis. Banal nationalism is recognisable in the use of national symbols but also in language and culture. The purpose of this paper is to determine whether Slovenian folk-pop music is one of these processes, and in which ways and strategies we can detect its reproductive role in banal nationalism that on a daily basis reminds its listeners of their national identities. Methodologically, the article is based on the content and a textual analysis of compositions by three of the most often listened to folk-pop ensembles, demonstrating that the national narrative can be identified in a smaller proportion of all analysed compositions in three sections: the idea of nation as an imaginary community or home(land), national (auto)stereotypes, and patriotic feelings.

This introduction to the themed section 'The history of national indifference. A critical appraisal' explores the challenges and possibilities of the concept of national indifference. It starts from the premise that national indifference remains a very useful concept to avoid falling into teleological narratives of nationalism. The central argument is that national indifference needs to be theorized as a non‐binary, relative concept that is not the complete opposite of national identification. Indeed, the contributions show that national indifference has gradations and can coexist with explicit, banal or everyday forms of nationalism, both among elites and ordinary people, both in and outside of East Central Europe, both before and after the Two World Wars. This central argument results from an engagement with three areas of debate surrounding the national indifference literature, which all relate to its (inadvertent) reproduction of binary understandings of nationalism: the dichotomous conceptualization of east versus west, nationalisation versus non‐nationalisation and elites versus masses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In 1977, Televisión Española (TVE) and the US non-profit organization Children's Television Workshop (CTW) agreed to a coproduction of a Spanish version of Sesame Street, which would eventually be called Barrio Sésamo. I draw on memoranda issued by CTW and TVE during the production process to examine the negotiations between the coproducers over the program's contents. These reveal differences of opinion between the American and Spanish partners over what was suitable for young viewers. They also reveal the problems produced by the US partner's insistence that 50% of the material be CTW-generated, which hampered the Spanish partner's wish to adapt the program to the Spanish context of the time. These ideological conflicts led to the show's termination after one season. However, Barrio Sésamo would return later in the 1980s, the era now most associated with the show. The educational conception of the program held by both coproducers allows us to see their disagreements as a case of contested pedagogies in which differing national values were at stake. The article will consider whether the Spanish version of Sesame Street can be seen as an exercise in US soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article considers the potential of language-focused online teaching platforms (OTPs) for fostering intercultural communication among their users. Drawing on interviews alongside an analysis of two OTPs websites, I argue that OTPs' webpages (re)produce banal nationalism grounded in nation-language congruence and instrumentalist language ideologies that conceive of language learning in terms of potential socioeconomic gains. However, I also find that: (1) learners' experiences can result in them questioning essentialist language ideologies; and (2) many users embrace a language ideology of conversational cosmopolitanism, which is premised on open-minded interaction with others and is consistent with the goals of intercultural communication educators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores tacit, habitual notions of nationhood within political and popular discourses that underlie the ways that ethnic minorities in Lithuania perceive themselves. This is achieved by examining official and semi-public discourses surrounding the use and status of foreign national flags in Lithuania. The main findings of the article are twofold. First, doxastic perceptions of national identity that emerged in the official discourses during the 1990s rather than those since the beginning of 2000s appeared to be present within semi-public discourses in 2015. Second, official discourses appear either less aware of, or avoid, issues of ethnic tension in Lithuania – questions that, on the contrary, were very important to focus group discussants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often assumed that psychological globalization produces tolerant, cosmopolitan outlooks, which deglobalization is now replacing with intolerance and narrow nationalism. This article argues that nationalism and cosmopolitanism, rather than being simple opposites, are entangled historically and methodologically, and that the national nature of globalization and the global nature of nationalism need to be recognized. Historically, the period of globalization coincided with the formation of the world of nation-states. Methodologically, economic calculations of globalization assume a world of nation-states. Nationalism is not only global in its reach but national consciousness is entangled with international consciousness. This entanglement may not be apparent if nationalism is equated with its extreme forms, for nationalism has everyday forms in established states. This article shows how studies of cosmopolitanism can themselves take for granted the world of nation-states within their methodologies. There are some brief suggestions about how to study banal nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Swedish preschool education is, by law, non-confessional. Yet, it is also an educational context within which most children aged 1–5 encounter traditions that carry Christian connotations. This paper explores how two Swedish preschools maintain a balance between keeping education non-confessional and paying attention to the traditions that are associated with the preparation for and celebration of Christmas – Advent. The data consist of ten videotaped observations from two preschools. The data was thematised with the help of Ninian Smart's dimensions of religious and secular worldviews. This way, we could show that the different traditions the two preschools were engaged in during the four weeks before Christmas contributed to a banal reproduction of a holiday season with roots in Lutheran Christianity. At the same time, the preschools contributed to a (re)production of traditions that evoke a national imaginery. Our results show that Advent in Swedish preschools is characterised as a non-confessional task for the institution. Thus, the principle of non-confessionality lives side by side with a banal national religion. Thereby, the Swedish preschool plays an integral part in the banal reproduction of a Swedishness that includes Lutheran Christianity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this case study, we examine a UK-based anti-halal consumer activist campaign called the Boycott Halal Campaign (BHC). Using critical discourse analysis applied to online data, we show how, by framing halal-certified products as an existential threat to the UK, BHC drew from and contributed to the institutionalized ideology of Islamophobia. Given the potential of markets and consumptionscapes in increasing the visibility of ethnoreligious markers, we show how the far right has used these mundane arenas as fertile grounds on which to reproduce its discourse through banal nationalism and exclusionary civilizationism. We argue that beyond public protests, the far right has used consumer activism as a powerful tool for recruiting members and mobilizing different groups against Islam and Muslims. We contribute to the sociological accounts of inter-group identity dynamics by showing how activists can leverage the securitization discourse to mobilize different groups for their political ends. We argue that such mobilization (aimed at reproducing a collective identity) becomes possible when a social group perceives its collective identity to be under threat by another social group. The study calls for more research on how and why different forms of exclusionary ideologies can arise and evolve over time and what tools and mechanisms they can use to transmit their agendas and recruit members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the collapse of Yugoslavia, the supranational Yugoslav identity disappeared and was replaced by strengthened national identities. While some states of the former Yugoslavia have rediscovered their Europeanness, others have further strengthened their national identity. This paper answers the question of whether, three decades after the dissolution of Yugoslavia, a so-called “regional identity” still exists among the former Yugoslav states (Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Kosovo). The authors set the initial hypothesis that belonging to a regional – in this case, Balkan – identity is more pronounced in the five candidate (Serbia, Montenegro and North Macedonia) and potential candidate countries (Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), and Kosovo) for European Union (EU) membership than in Slovenia and Croatia, which have become EU Member States. Hence, this article will provide insight into “regional identity” and the banality of “Balkanism” reproduced in state media. By examining articles on national online news portals, we will examine the linkage between symbols and deixes in media and their role in creating national and regional identity. This analysis will confirm our initial hypothesis that the term “regional identity” is much more prominent in the media of the EU candidate countries, than in those states which are already members of the EU. By analysing everyday nationalism in the media – a gap that exists in academic research – we aim to open up a discussion that can lead to some solutions for overcoming the identity dilemmas of the region.

This article explores the anarchists' multilayered theoretical and practical engagement with the concepts and performance of nations, nationalism and national belonging, by applying the frameworks of banal nationalism (understood as an ideology) and everyday nationhood (the daily practices in which nation and nationhood are enacted) as analytical categories, to investigate the Italian and French anarchist exile groups in London between 1870 and 1914. Adopting these theoretical categories proves fruitful in probing the anarchists' perception and enactment of the idea of nation and national belonging, contributing to the literature on the relationship between pre‐1914 socialist movements and (inter)nationalism and highlighting the specificity of anarchism therein. Using Fox and Miller‐Idriss's four categories of everyday nationhood, we show that while the anarchists explicitly subverted the everyday performance of nationhood, redeploying it along internationalist lines, some forms of attachment to the national did endure and were in fact not always contradictory with anarchist internationalism. Looking at the exilic rituals of this intensely diasporic group thus complicates the simplistic but still pervasive view of a monolithic ideological internationalism and rejection of the national on the part of anarchists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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From a constructionist perspective, this study analysed the extent to which sports coverage arouses public identity of belonging to a specific nation, focusing specifically on newspaper coverage of the 2023 World Baseball Classic in Japan, and clarified the type of ‘discourses of nationalism’ were evoked in the coverage. Three types of nationalistic discourse were identified: those centered around ‘us’ (1), discussions concerning the ‘other’ (2), and dialogues involving the ‘internal other’ (3). First, regarding (1) the ‘us’ discourse, we focused on comments about the style of play of Japanese players and the Japanese national team, which was dominated by the term ‘small baseball’ prior to the WBC 2023. ‘Small baseball’ is an offensive style of play based on the assumption that Japanese players are physically weak and that they score runs by hitting singles and aggressive base running rather than hitting home runs. As the tournament progressed, however, commentary on ‘small baseball’ diminished and the ‘power’ of the Japanese players was emphasised instead. At the same time, ‘togetherness’ was emphasised, and many episodes reinforcing this were reported. Next, with regard to (2) the ‘other’ discourse, we looked for comments that stereotyped the opposing nation. However, we did not find symbolic boundary-drawing expressions of self and other, or overtly hateful expressions towards the ‘other’, as is the case in British newspapers. However, this does not mean that there was no bias against the ‘other’ in the Japanese press. Japanese coverage of the WBC 2023 easily stereotyped certain nations by bringing in characteristics of other sports, and naively stereotyped nations such as Italy and Mexico based on the very broad regional characteristics of Latin culture. Such stereotypical commentary was more common in the sports press than in the general press. Finally, with regard to (3) the ‘inner other’ discourse, we focused on the representation of Lars Nootbaar, who was selected for the Japanese national team for the WBC 2023. Before and during the tournament, his dedication, courage and ‘uniquely Japanese’ style of play, as well as his attempts to assimilate into Japanese culture in various aspects, were positively reported. Such commentary was intended to underline his moral qualifications for the national team, and the term ‘samurai’ was used to bestow upon him a symbol of approval. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the last two decades have seen a vast increase in studies that analyse banal nationalism in media, there is one medium that has largely been ignored in these discussions: video games. This article fills part of this gap by analysing the way in which the historical strategy game Civilization V represents the Past and what role it gives nations within historical processes. This video game was marketed globally by an American company, but it evokes Spanish, Japanese, and English nationalist narratives and imagery. Although globalization and nationalism are often framed as opposing forces, this is hardly the case here. This paper will combine insights of Game Studies and Nationalism Studies to illustrate how the elements that conform Civilization V incentivise and enable players to re‐enact a narrative that portrays essentialised nation‐states as the only relevant actors in the past, present, and future of humankind. Although a product of globalization, Civilization V strengthens rather than erodes national boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social Psychologist Michael defines banal nationalism as ordinary iconographies communicating a sense of nation and permeating daily existence (8). Postage stamps are vehicles of banal nationalism, as they are ephemeral and small government-issued items that seem innocuous. However, the images chosen to be on postage stamps are carefully considered and chosen, and commonly reflect the ideologies of the dominant political party at the time of production. Yet many citizens do not take the time to contemplate why a certain image has been produced on this medium of government authority. In my paper I will unpack the Bharatiya Janata Party's philosophy and rise to power in 2014 and then discuss how postage stamps issued in 2017, specifically the series on Indian food, reflects the party's implied ideologies. The government chose to depict twenty-four different foods and broke them up into four categories, two of which are tied to religious, predominantly Hindu, occasions. To print these foods on postage stamps allows the subconscious spread of BJP philosophies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Vytis (Coat of Arms of Lithuania) is a national symbol of Lithuania that typically functions within an official state frame. This paper examines how the use and functions of the Vytis had changed from the year 2013 to 2019. While presenting an analysis of the new forms of Vytis expression, a question arises: how does the intensified and atypical use of the symbol correlate with the temperature of nationalism in our society? The research, which is based on discourse theory and includes visual and textual information found in media, social media, and other non-academic platforms, allows distinguishing four new directions of the symbol’s expression: (1) commercialization, (2) transformation into a political tool, (3) transfer to everyday culture, and (4) individual practices as well as creative practices. This paper concludes that the changing use of Vytis shows elements of both cooling and heating nationalisms. We face a cooling nationalism when the symbol becomes a part of a routine that we no longer reflect. We can also detect attributes of heating nationalism in our society. They are triggered by a sense of internal or external threats and are inseparable from the temperature of our public space.

This study will examine the political use of stamps to preserve the Hashemite heritage. It will focus on how Jordanian stamps combine images of the Hashemite royal family with Arab, Islamic, and Palestine-themed symbols to strengthen the legitimacy and stability of the Hashemite monarchy and develop a Jordanian national identity. In the first period (1921–1947), stamps emphasized images of King Abdullah I, founder and first monarch of the Emirate of Transjordan, to bolster legitimacy of Hashemite rule in Transjordan and forge a bond between Transjordanians and Hashemites. In the second period (1948–1967), Palestine motifs complimented images of the Hashemites to construct a hybrid identity consisting of one Jordanian family including Transjordanians and Palestinians. In the third period (1972–1999), Transjordanian, Arab and Islamic, and military themes accompanied Hashemite images. This tumultuous period witnessed Israel’s conquest of the West Bank, the 1971 Black September insurgency between the Jordanian army and fedayeen, and King Hussein’s West Bank disengagement decision in 1988. While Palestinian and Transjordanian themes fluctuated, recurrence of Hashemite images and symbols sought to convince Jordanians that the kingdom’s long-term stability and security will always be destined with the monarchy even if its borders or relationship with the Palestinians change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early days of the Covid-19 pandemic, images of the virus molecule and 'flatten-the-curve' line charts were inescapable. There is now a vast visual repertoire of vaccines, people wearing face masks in everyday settings, choropleth maps and both bar and line charts. These 'generic visuals' circulate widely in the news media and, however unremarkable, play an important role in representing the crisis in particular ways. We argue that these generic visuals promote banal nationalism, localism and cosmopolitanism in the face of the crisis, and that they do so through the symbolic reiteration of a range of visual resources across news stories. Through an analysis of three major news outlets in the UK, we examine how generic visuals of Covid-19 contribute to these banal visions and versions of belonging and, in doing so, also to foregrounding the role of the state in responding to the crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Multinational corporations use nationalism as a marketing tool to promote products. Vice versa, marketing facilitates positive images of the nation. The advertising of multinational corporations therefore covertly contributes to people's understanding of identity. It is against this background that this research investigates how the relationship between nation-states and multinational corporations is established in advertising discourse. Drawing on multimodal critical discourse analysis as a theoretical framework, this study examines a marketing campaign of the multinational supermarket chain Woolworths in Australia. The main research question is "How does advertising discourse establish a link between nation-states and multinational corporations?" To address this central question, this study investigates how (1) the world is represented in advertising discourse, (2) various imagined communities are represented in advertising discourse, and (3) Australia is represented as different from all other nations in the campaign. Findings suggest that banal forms of cosmopolitanism go hand in hand with banal forms of nationalism in the campaign. Under the guise of educating customers, these ideologies serve to promote consumption and brand the company as Australian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the results of qualitative research, which the main purpose was to cognize the motivation of wearing patriotic clothing by young Poles, both men and women. The author search for an answer to the question: why patriotic clothing users choose these special clothes. Meaning of clothes that respondents attribute to these special clothing was also present. In the analytical part respondent’s motivations of wearing clothes have been recognized as an indicator of hot or cold nationalism in the understanding of Michael Billing’s banal nationalism theory. Further, the theoretical basis is the theory of late modernity by Anthony Giddens and description of globalization processes.

“Norway is like a hospital”: Vehicles for (Re-)Constructing the Nationhood Among Polish Immigrants in Oslo The article is a general anthropological survey of the complex issues of the Polish diaspora in Norway. The reflections and interpretations are based on the fieldwork conducted by the author among Polish economic immigrants in Oslo during the summer of 2009 for the interdisciplinary academic project CULCOM (Cultural Complexity in the New Norway). The main goal of the fieldwork was to examine the tools for reconstructing the nationhood in immigrants’ everyday life, as well as the particular nationalism shaped via social and economic class, gender relations and particular cultural background. The present article, however, focuses only on the first issue. Therefore, it deals with the most banal aspects of immigrants’ daily routine which at first glance seem to be irrelevant and less important. Yet, by adopting an anthropological perspective one may observe that the same daily practices involve various and complex moments of national identification. As a result, the article describes and analyzes the national praxis of Polish immigrant workers living in one of the Oslo districts. What seems to be interesting is the specific process of constructing the hermetic and national space by the immigrants in the context of Norwegian reality. This process, in turn, includes various tools of banal nationalism. „Norwegia jest jak szpital”. (Re-)konstrukcja tożsamości narodowej polskich imigrantów w Oslo Artykuł jest ogólnym spojrzeniem na problematykę polskiej diaspory w Norwegii. Podstawą refleksji są badania antropologiczne przeprowadzone przez autora wśród polskich imigrantów ekonomicznych w Oslo latem 2009 roku w ramach interdyscyplinarnego projektu CULCOM (Cultural Complexity in the New Norway). Głównym celem badań terenowych była zarówno analiza procesów rekonstrukcji tożsamości narodowej w życiu codziennym imigrantów, jak i próba spojrzenia na fenomen nacjonalizmu w kontekście kategorii społeczno-kulturowych (takich, jak klasa społeczna, gender itd.). Sam artykuł natomiast podejmuje różne, banalne wręcz kwestie codzienności polskich imigrantów, które jednak po dokładniejszej analizie ukazują wielość i złożoność procesów tożsamościowych. W konsekwencji, opisana i zinterpretowana została tu narodowa praxis polskich robotników budowlanych zamieszkujących jedną z dzielnic Oslo. Istotne wydaje się tutaj tworzenie przez moich informatorów hermetycznej, narodowej przestrzeni w kontekście norweskiej rzeczywistości, w której można zauważyć wiele narzędzi i praktyk banalnego nacjonalizmu.