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The AU Kampala Convention aims to ensure that the states that have signed the treaty protect and assist internally displaced persons (IDPs) in their regions to establish geopolitical security, which is threatened by the inevitability, volume, and heterogeneity of forced displacement. This article interrogates the link between the Kampala Convention and the minimisation of interstate conflict through a political will to tackle the challenge of forced displacement amongst member states, the cooperation and integration of which would contribute to geopolitical security. Thus, using secondary data, the author determines how addressing large-scale forced displacement in the region can improve geopolitical security. Thus, based on an extensive review of relevant IDP issues in Africa, attention is paid to displacement trends on the continent, factors precipitating displacement and the flow of IDPs across the region, a current analysis of the AU Kampala Convention framework, the challenges to African geopolitical security, and responsibility sharing amongst African states. The authors concludes that there should be synergy between host and displaced communities for integration and the provision of opportunities for IDPs to regain their livelihoods. Therefore, African states need to adapt and implement, as a matter of urgency, national, regional, and international policies to solve the challenges of internal displacement in Africa and ensure geopolitical security. Keywords: internally displaced persons, Africa, conflict, governance, African Union, 1. introduction The AU Kampala Convention was formulated to ensure that African nations protect and assist their internally displaced persons (IDPs). Moreover, by signing the treaty the member states are [...]

In this paper, we examine the livelihoods and daily challenges of internally displaced women (IDW) in the New Kuchingoro Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camp in Abuja, Nigeria. We discuss strategies that have the potential to help create successful livelihoods, and we listen to the views of displaced women on how effective they think these strategies might be. We also examine the social and economic factors forcing IDW to develop resilience and highlight the dire social burdens which these women carry with them. Previous studies concerning livelihood activities of IDW in IDPs camps have emphasized distress, hardship, neediness, deprivation, and general inability to cope with prevailing conditions. Although we stress the resilience of these women, our research reveals failure by the government and other agencies to adequately support strategies employed by IDW to support themselves and their families. Keywords: Livelihood, Internally Displaced Women (IDW), Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), New Kuchingoro camp, Nigeria, Introduction The Internally Displaced Women (IDW) discussed in this paper are women residing in the New Kuchingoro camp, in the Nigerian capital of Abuja. These women arrived in the camp [...]

This article situates the notion of ethnicity as one key defining component upon which communities within Nigeria appear to divide and sustain themselves, particularly in light of the current fear of insurgency. In doing so, reference is made to the concept of the ‘other’: being ethnically, culturally and religiously distinct from the major ethnic groups within the country. Some key implications of this trend in terms of fear and societal exclusion are explained. The discussion is situated within the broader context of community, ethnicity and insurgency within Nigeria. The following is not a discussion of insurgency; rather, it is an exploration of issues that galvanize some communities whilst provoking an attitude of suspicion toward others. It is argued that attempts to deconstruct diversity in favor of enforcing a singular cultural identity inherently links difference to fear and, by doing so, risks further polarizing communities within Nigeria.

The lived experiences of women in Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camps are poorly understood despite the centrality of this issue in discourses on victims' experiences. This study examines the travail of Gwoza women in New Kuchingoro IDPs camp in Abuja, Nigeria. It attempts to identify the survival strategies adopted by women and the possibility of their returning home, in northeastern Nigeria. The study adopted a qualitative research design utilising both primary and secondary data. Insights for data analyses were drawn from transactional theory of stress and coping strategies. The study reveals that Gwoza women rely largely on humanitarian aid from NGOs, while the federal government has largely failed to fulfil that role. Reliance on subsistence farming and humanitarian aid implies that their coping or survival strategy is only tentative. Gwoza women also regard the issue of security as a source of livelihood crucial to their survival, which they are unlikely to get should they return home where they will be exposed to attacks by the insurgent Boko Haram. Moreover, the Nigerian government has not given them any assurance on the provision of adequate security and means of livelihood upon return. They are thus compelled to remain in camp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until recently, when the frontiers of security were extended to several other issues within the existential realities in Nigeria, security was regarded as the strict purview of the military. Given the sector's "siamese" tie to means of coercion, the consensus favors the image and classification of the military as masculine and predominantly male-oriented. The extant reality births an undercurrent that privileges the distasteful neglect of the impressive role of women in the military. It is against this background that the present study investigates the high points of women's contributions to the military sector in Nigeria. The study employs both primary and secondary data; and concludes that in spite of the low population of the women in the secretive design of the military sector, their contributions should neither be silenced nor neglected; they should rather be accentuated and celebrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The politics of land rights and low or high intensity protest in the twenty-first century has produced several land-related protesters with a variety of strategies. This study focuses on the challenges of urbanization as it affects the Kpaduma community in Abuja, Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nigeria. Kpaduma, an indigenous group, has a history of protest at various times with the government over its ancestral land. The last protest in 2016 brought massive destruction of settlements and forced displacement. Quite a number of works have been written on the land protests, with particular reference to their causes and consequences. However, the post-protests situation, particularly regarding the tense relationship and urbanization process in the locality, is yet to be sufficiently explored. This study investigates the state of relations between the government and Kpaduma as well as the urbanization processes in the country's capital after the forced displacement of Kpaduma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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It is no exaggeration of the tragic events that have taken place in the country since independence, to say that all efforts to establish efficient public institutions have been frustrated by corruption. The general consensus is that all public office holders are culprits, and as such, it would be impossible to eradicate corruption. In order for this present democratic government to forge ahead in its fight against the pervasive, corrupt administration in Nigerian, and in a bid to dislodge itself from the cankerworm of corruption in public institutions, it is working tirelessly to eradicate corruption. This article discusses the curbing of the menace, corruption in Nigeria, by carrying out a critical analysis and assessment of the current Nigerian President, Muhammadu Buhari's democratic government and his anti-corruption war as enacted in the last two years, and how viable and visible it has been. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper specifically focuses on the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) in Borno State, which is a hotbed of the Boko Haram insurgency. It examines the evolution of CJTF as a local initiative response to security challenges, which can be an effective way to defeat the insurgency. On many occasions, CJTF has been useful in spotting Boko Haram insurgents, repelling attacks, and liberating towns and villages captured by Boko Haram. In addition, this group has been a vital link in the intelligence gathering network necessary for successful Special Military Joint Task Force (SMJTF) operations. The purpose of this paper is to critically analyze the contribution of CJTF in counter-insurgency operations in Borno state and investigate whether CJTF could be a useful approach to counter-insurgency in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing influence of the insurgent group known as Boko Haram is a worrisome prospect for Nigeria. It appears that the insurgent landscape of the country will become more complex and threatening after the emergence of the Shekau Bin Abubakar-led Boko Haram insurgent group in the north-eastern region. Because Nigerian insurgents do not operate in isolation, it is natural for them to draw inspiration from the IS. As insurgent group prepare to enter into another phase of ideologically and operationally transformed jihadist discourse, the implications for Nigeria's internal security are severe. Apart from security implications, this process will affect extremism discourse in the country and the behaviour of non-violent religious organisations. This article will explore how the widespread use of arms in Nigeria's north-eastern region aggravates the problem of the safety and security of lives and property, undermining stable peace. It also suggests ways by which the critical challenges posed to human security in the region can be tackled in order to realise genuine religious tolerance and peace everywhere in the north-eastern region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the role of the Civilian Joint Task Force (popularly called CJTF), a group of armed local population participating in the joint battle against Boko Haram, has become a platform for recruitment into the Nigerian security institutions in north-eastern Nigeria. CJTF members have played many roles, from mostly discrete surveillance networks in the north-eastern region of Nigeria to military combat auxiliaries or semi-autonomous fighting forces in the country. For the region's overstretched and under pressure militaries, they have somewhat filled the security gap and provided local knowledge. CJTF can be a powerful counter-insurgency tool, but there is a compelling need to confront the immediate concerns it raises, notably in terms of impunity, and to begin planning for its long-term post-conflict transformation. The article adopts Galula's theory of counter-insurgency. It reveals several lessons in how a community-based security structure can be applied to a conventional security engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Storytelling has become an acceptable intervention tool among transitional justice promoters and peace-builders because of its cathartic nature and ability to help society in transition to come to terms with a traumatic past. It has played a significant role in the area of truth finding and accountability and has been widely used in several countries in the last decade. In this article the focus is on Acholi women and girls in Acholiland, northern Uganda, who have suffered most severely from the impact of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) led by Joseph Kony. Their stories of trauma in the face of terror have not been properly acknowledged. This paper examines the role of storytelling in the healing of sexual violence survivors. It argues that constructive storytelling projects can provide an avenue for survivors of sexual violence to acknowledge trauma and attain healing, and counter the violent narrative of the group. Finally, the paper proposes a platform for a community initiative storytelling project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]