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The article examines F. M. Dostoevsky's visit to London in the summer of 1862, in the course of his first trip abroad, which resulted in the writing of Winter Notes on Summer Impressions. A Summer-Long Feuilleton. The task to untangle the impact of numerous impressions on Dostoevsky's creative process is initiated and the newly arisen circumstances that he encountered on his return to St. Petersburg highlighted. Winter Notes is viewed as a groundbreaking work in Dostoevsky's canon that contains the seeds of future great works, though not primarily in accordance with the multiple ideologically based readings that have sought to define it. Instead Winter Notes is recognised for its author's aesthetic explorations into poetics within the confines of Tsarist censorship which required that 'Official Nationality', the imperial ideological doctrine be upheld. Dostoevsky's visit to the 1862 International Exhibition and its art galleries is addressed for the first time on the basis of his brother Mikhail's letters and other evidence. The exhibition building and the works of William Hogarth, John Martin and J.M.W.Turner are singled out. Their imprint on Dostoevsky's feuilleton is observed through the stages of impressions gained via intermedial interplay. It affirms that pre-existing notions in the 'discourse of Englishness' were absorbed and reinvented by Dostoevsky with the use of figurative language, clarifying the origin of metaphors used in the text, together with literary and biblical allusions. A list of Russian and British artists exhibiting in the International Exhibition of 1862 is included. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, I dealt with the first beginnings of the god Baal and how he was mythically ascended to the god El, and also detailed in the research the attempt of the god El to deter the god Baal in order not to be unique in the universe, so he wanted his son Yam and then died in order to reduce him It also reviewed the position of his wife Anan, who was the second factor in fertility and how she stood with her husband in times of distress and did not abandon him, although she was stronger than him as appears in the text of the research, but all credit is attributed to him Finally, Baal became the chief deity and singular from the rest, especially since the two strongest of the two are the ancient god El and the god Mut, whom no one could stand in front of.

The traditional stance is that לשׁוא in Jeremiah (2:30; 4:30; 6:29; 18:15 and 46:11) denotes futility, mostly translated as “in vain.” This study, the second of a sequel, scrutinises the last two texts (Jer 18:15 and 46:11) in an effort to substantiate and modify a recent hypothesis that the term is instead a reference to the god Baal, “The Vain/Worthless One.” Jeremiah 18:15 has an interpretative tradition that acknowledges לשׁוא as a referent to the (worthless) idols. The present study offers a basis for this interpretation. As Egypt (in Jer 46) can hardly be connected to Baal worship, 46:11 modifies the notion that לשׁוא functions as an identifier of the god Baal per se and confirms the wisdom of ancient translators of Jer 18:15 who labelled לשׁוא as unspecified deities. The traditional stance that לשׁוא denotes futility, could only be refuted in 46:11 by a search for intertextual clues, alertness to connecting metaphors and accompanying gender switches. These are the very same rhetorical devices illustrated in Mary Shields’ study of Jer 3:1–4:4. The title of her work harbours the insight that לשׁוא in 46:11, and by implication in all MT Jeremiah texts, serves as a dense metaphor circumscribing the prostitute-in-covenant-relationship with her (collective or individual) overlord/s (ba‘al/be‘alîm). https://doi.org/10.17159/2312-3621/2022/v35n1a9

This article deals with the use of morphological plurals in divine names and titles within 1Kings 18. The passage, as part of the Elijah Cycle, displays the contest between Elijah and the prophets of Baal on Mount Carmel. Initially, some considerations are presented on the Deuteronomistic redactional activity on the passage and on the meaning of the term אלהים / האלהים, which is used here as a title reserved to Israel's national deity. A Deuteronomistic redactional suture is then identified at 1 Kings 18:18b-19. These vv. contain the only appearance of the plural בעלים in the whole passage. It is then showed how the insertion of this plural בעלים, along with its relationship with אלהים / האלהים and the singulars Baal and YHWH, radically changes the ideological implications and reshapes the meaning of the passage. Thanks to a conscious use of plurals in the narrative, the Deuteronomistic writer(s) provides a new theological reading of the passage. The Deuteronomist's vision introduces a monolatric perspective: the theological focus shifts from the contest to determine the identity of Israel's national deity to Israel's recognition of YHWH as its one true god. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The general consensus is that the abstract noun šāwʼ (שׁוא) in the HB/OT, with the basic meaning of worthlessness, inefficacy, deceit, emptiness, falsehood, lie, could refer either to these qualities in general (typically translated in the English as “in vain”), or could refer to anti-Yahweh idolatry. The choice has been rather arbitrary and inconsistent, relying on the reader’s view of what the text would want to convey. This study builds on the assumption that the definiteness of the noun determines its semantic value, and should be a major factor in determining the general versus polemic meaning of šāwʼ (שׁוא), although this grammatico-semantic distinction is unaccounted for in standard lexicons and most commentaries. The study limits itself to the book of Jeremiah, where šāwʼ only appears in its definite form, as laššāwʼ. Remarkably three other similarly defined nouns are located in the same text blocks in Jeremiah, namely haššeqer, habbošet and hahebel (mostly with prefixed prepositions). The fact that they all have indefinite counterparts in Jeremiah, strengthens the argument that the presence or absence of the definite article is not arbitrary, but noteworthy and meaningful. The fact that these four determined nouns (haššāwʼ, haššeqer, habbošet and hahebel) all function in the same broader text in Jeremiah, with the deity Baʻal also mentioned consistently and exclusively in the definite form (mostly singular habbaʻal, rarely plural habbeʻalîm) leads to the hypothesis that the defined nouns under discussion are all references to Baʻal, with a suggested rhetorical function of disparagement of the deity. The plausibility of the hypothesis is tested in this particular study by means of an exegetical exercise which zooms in on the interface of the nouns under discussion in a selected range of texts. The exegetical approach is obviously launched from the mentioned theoretical stance, seeking to discover features of the text that support interpretation in line with the hypothesis.

This paper offers some observations on the meaning the Egyptians may have assigned to the name YHWA/YHA/YH, which is attested in lists of toponyms inscribed on temple walls dated to the time of the New Kingdom (1550-1069 BCE), and in a personal name of one owner of a Book of the Dead papyrus from around the same time. The paper examines the occurrences of names of Canaanite gods in Egyptian transcription, with special attention to orthography, through which it sheds new light on the Egyptian understanding of the name YHWA/YHA/YH.

This article discusses the question of the interpretation and translation of the Hebrew ’adam in the Masoretic text of Genesis 2–3. Most often this word occurs with a definite article, but in Gen 2:20; 3:17, 21, where it is used with an inseparable preposition le, the article is absent. Does it indicate an inconsistency in the Masoretic vocalization system? Should we understand this word without the article as a “human being” or as the name “Adam”? Barthelemy compares it with similar cases that deal with terms ’élōhîm, tofet, ba’al and with the overall use of the article in Hebrew poetry. He comes to the conclusion that hâ’âdâm, which is a construction with the article, is the most ancient one. The article was used to emphasize the human being who was created by God. Le’âdâm, which is a construction without the article, was a kind of “innovation”, as it indicates that at a certain point before the LXX was created this word was already perceived as a proper name. Barthelemy suggests that ’adam can be translated in several ways. If we want to preserve the most ancient understanding of the text, we need to translate it as “the human being” regardless of presence or absence of the article. However, if we want to point out the interpretation of this text, which had arisen probably since the time of the Exile, we have to translate it as “Adam” everywhere. Barthelemy stresses that, in any case, le’âdâm cannot be translated simply as “for a human being”.

The Article deals with the explanation of Hos.2 in the context of religious polemic with the Canaanite cult. First of all, the Article deals with the cult of Baal that is related to fertility cult. The Article is trying to explain the way prophet Hosea presents the relationship of Yahweh and Israel, through metaphor of marriage as a dominant theme through the first three chapters of the book. He is comparing Yahweh with the loyal husband and Israel is presented as a deceitful woman who takes pleasure in relations with different lovers, namely with Baal(s) as an exponent of the Canaanite religion. The text takes two key narratives when speaking about the fertility cult КТU 1.16 III.2-8 and KTU 1.5-1.6, comparing them with Hos. 2 as a manifesto of the Book of the Twelve. Instead of appointing all the earthly goods to Yahweh, they are giving their gratitude to Baal. As consequence of its complexity the questions related to the fertility cult stay overlooked. The history or reception (Wirkungsgeschichte) by studying Hos.2 tried to get a trace of sacral prostitution and other sexual activities with practical sacral aspects. Further on that subject, on another occasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The presence of foreign deities in the Egyptian pantheon must be studied in the light of the openness of Egyptian polytheism and as a reflection on cultural identity. Even if Egyptian self-identity was defined as intrinsically opposed to the Other, i.e. the foreigner, Egypt always maintained contact with its neighbors, particularly Nubia and the Near East. These intercultural contacts had an effect on the religion. Since the earliest times, deities like Dedoun, Ha, or Sopdu formed an integral part of the Egyptian pantheon, so much so that their likely foreign origin is not immediately perceptible. Particularly important is the introduction of a series of Near Eastern deities into the established pantheon at the beginning of the New Kingdom, under the reign of Amenhotep II. Receiving cult from both the state and private individuals, these deities were worshiped under their foreign name while depicted in Egyptian fashion. Their principal function was providing protection. It is the very nature of Egyptian polytheism that allowed for foreign divinities to acquire the same status as the indigenous gods.

Certain ancient cultures have, at the base of their cosmogony, the concept of 'chaos': the primordial disorder, which the divinity organizes, giving rise to the 'cosmos', the order. The Hebrew Biblical texts present the ordering of chaos by YHWH, which share the cosmogony imagery of other cultures, such as Mesopotamian and Ugaritic. That said, this article aims to discuss chaos in Ugaritic mythology, specifically in the Cycle of Baal and Anat, as well as to analyze the resonances of this imaginary in the texts of the Hebrew Bible, now, attributing to YHWH the deeds of Baal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hipogrifo: revista de literatura y cultura del siglo de oro is the property of Hipogrifo: revista de literatura y cultura del siglo de oro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article compares the appropriations of the divine names El and Baal into the Yahwistic faith in ancient Israel with the Christian use of the word "Allah" in contemporary Indonesia. This study finds that, like El and Baal, "Allah" can function as both an appellative and personal name in contemporary Indonesia. However, the term "Allah" in Indonesia is at a crossroads to develop either to be more generic, like El, or to be more personal, like Baal. Learning from the peaceful appropriation of El as a generic name and the polemical appropriation of Baal as a personal name in ancient Israel, Indonesian Christians need to advocate the use of the name Allah as an appellative because it may prevent unnecessary conflicts in the Christian–Muslim relationship in Indonesia. Furthermore, the use of the common word "Allah" in Indonesia to refer to the supreme being is crucial for promoting interreligious dialogue between Islam and Christianity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Semici starożytnego Bliskiego Wschodu w sposób dość podobny wyobrażali sobie gniew bóstw świata podziemnego. Przede wszystkim ów gniew miał być śmiercionośny zarówno dla ludzi, jak i dla bogów. W takim kontekście często używanym obrazem jest przedstawienie czy to samych bóstw, czy to ich demonicznych pomocników, czy wreszcie pozostających pod ich rozkazami zmarłych jako pożerających swe ofiary (bogów albo ludzi). Gniew boskich władców podziemia nie jest przedstawiany jako nieodwołalny i można go ułagodzić poprzez składanie ofiar, modlitwę czy też wysławianie konkretnych bogów. Pewne elementy tego obrazu, choć zmodyfikowane ze względu na monoteistyczne tło, można znaleźć także w Biblii.

Copyright of Antiguo Oriente is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Presentamos un análisis arqueoastronómico de la orientación de seis santuarios y edificios de carácter público protohistóricos en sitios arqueológicos situados en el mediodía de la Península Ibérica (Coria del Río, El Carambolo, Saltillo, Mesa de Setefilla, Tejada la Vieja y El Oral). El estudio, el primero de este tipo que se realiza sobre una muestra de santuarios del Hierro Antiguo en esta área geográfica, se basa en la medida precisa de las orientaciones definidas por los edificios y el análisis del horizonte que les rodea y revela claros vínculos astronómicos. En particular, los edificios de culto muestran unas características similares y una orientación hacia un acimut de 55°. Las regularidades encontradas parecen sugerir la posible existencia de credos y rituales religiosos relacionados con posiciones singulares de los astros principales visibles a simple vista, como el Sol, la Luna o Venus.

This paper's aim is to put in evidence the presence of Punic and Libyan institutions in the historiographic and epigraphic data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Das Stück Baal des jungen Brecht enthält eine Anspielung auf Brasilien. Aus der Interpretation des dort vermittelten Brasilienbildes kann sich eine nützliche Diskussion entwickeln, um das Theater Brechts im Unterricht einzuführen und den Schüler zur Beschäftigung mit ihm zu motivieren. Der vorliegende Aufsatz will dazu anregen, die Auseinandersetzung mit Brecht mit seinem Erstlingsstück zu beginnen, und skizziert dazu einen möglichen Weg.

Due to it being a subject of a judicial copyright dispute, Frank Castorf's staging of Brecht's Baal raises the question about what needs to be protected: copyright or theatre practice. Castorf's stagings are known for their text montages and various shifts in space and time, which is what he did again in his latest performance, where he combined Brecht's Baal with Francis Ford Coppola's Apocalypse Now, concentrating a number of female figures into one and moving the action to theVietnam War. After the premiere, Brecht's heiress, Barbara Brecht-Schall, procured an injunctionprohibiting the piece. This was her last public act: she died a few months later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like all ancient societies, Israel had several ways of consulting God. In the patriarchal tales, the interpretation of dreams was Joseph's forte. In the Israelite cult, the casting of sacred dice enabled the priest to determine God's will. The most important of his ability means, as messenger prophet, a man thought to have received a direct call to speak or act for God. The word prophet (navi) came into use during the time of Samuel as a synonym for man of God and seer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following paper provides a purely lexicographical analysis on the root rhm in the North-West Semitic context and, specifically, in Ugaritic and biblical literature. Beyond the generic acknowledgement of the human “visceral” aspect, this study demonstrates through some Ugaritic texts the semantic evolution of the root. It won’t refer to motherhood as a compassionate “visceral” condition, rhm is connected with the idea of “virginal womb”. In fact, the word rhm in Ugaritic is metonymically translated by “girl” and the use of the noun as goddess Anat’s epithet, “the virgin”, would seem to be a tight connection. This meaning urges us to reconsider the semantic history of the term “mercy” that denotes a “feminine childhood”, for which mercy becomes the "naive" aptitude of whom can forgive the unforgivable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new West Semitic inscription from Khirbet Qeiyafa is presented. It was incised in Canaanite alphabetic script on a pottery storage jar before firing. Radiometric dating of the relevant layer has yielded a date of ca. 1020-980 B.C.E. The last few years have seen the publication of several new Semitic alphabetic inscriptions dated to the late 11th-10th centuries B.C.E. and originating at controlled excavations in Israel (Khirbet Qeiyafa, Beth Shemesh, Tell eṣ-Ṣâfi, and Jerusalem). The new inscription is an important addition to this corpus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Water is critical to all of life and played a key role in the OT. Elijah’s encounter on Mount Carmel with the prophets of Baal in 1 Kings 18 is well known for the miraculous fire sent from heaven to consume his sacrifice. Three aspects of water are often overlooked but were also important in this miracle: over three years of drought leading up to the miracle, evaporation of a large quantity of water used to saturate the sacrifice, and the muchneeded rain sent at the conclusion of the miracle. Yahweh displayed complete control over water in direct contrast to the impotence of Baal, the supposed god of rain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israelites have deviated from the monotheistic faith in a significant period of their time. Baal, the pagan god of fertility deeply influenced the religious beliefs of the people of ancient Israel for a long time. In Ugarit, the most important information was obtained about the cult of Baal in archaeological inscriptions in the first quarter of the last century. This information sheds light on the understanding of the cult of Baal, which the Israelites had shared once in the Jewish sacred text. At the same time this information also explains the criticism of the Qur'an about the worshipping of Baal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Calvert Watkins definitively illustrated the connections between the Vedic slaying of the dragon Vrtra by the thunder-god Indra and the storm-god dragon-slaying myths of the both ancient Iran (Azi Dahaka) and Indo-European Hittites (Illuyanka). But there are actually two Hittite dragon-slaying myths - the other, Hurrian in origin, concerning the storm god Teshub - and the relationship between the two remains unclear. The Hurrian-Hittite myth clearly underlies the Canaanite storm-god dragon slaying, but the connection of the latter to an independent Semitic dragon-slaying myth is also unclear. Is there a separate Semitic myth at all, or does the dissemination of these mythological motifs all go back to Indo-European Hittites and Indo-Europeans among the Hurrians? And if there is a Semitic myth, did it disseminate from the Levant southeastward to Mesopotamia with the spread of the Amorites in the early 2nd millennium or was there an originally-Sumerian dragon-slaying myth already in Southern Mesopotamia? And what are we to do when specific motifs of the earliest Mesopotamian form reappear in the late Iranian Shahname? This essay tracks the dragon across the ancient Near East, as similar myths fed into each other, their elements interweaving and combining in new forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]