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The article gives an account of the appearance of the Galician-Volhynian prince when he met the German Emperor Frederick II's envoys to hold talks with the Hungarian King Béla IV in Bratislava, Slovakia from the Hypatian (Galician-Volhynian) Chronicle. It also talks about the description of the prince's attire.

The authors discuss the role of mediation in political communication. They mention the issue of high power and how mediators make the connection to lower-level agents, the discovery of patterns in mediation through the use of historiographic comparative studies, and present examples form Song China, Byzantium in the 12th century, and 14th century France.

In this essay are published eleven documents of the Tirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries illustrating the relations, above all commercial ones, between Pisa and the levantine Harbours of Egypt and of the Byzantine Empire. One of these was written in 1359 in Caffa and probably is the first one known survived in original. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a report from a June 11-13, 2015 conference in Münster, Germany on the interactions of rulers and social elites in imperial orders. Topics of presentations delivered included a comparison between the military roles of Armenian elites in the Byzantine Empire and the Middle East Caliphate around the turn of the second millenium C. E., the interaction between Osman gand vizier Maḥmūd Pāšā and local elites in the 14th and 15th centuries, and the Arabic language studies of Christian clerics and converts in Muslim-ruled Córdoba, Spain.

The so-called empire of Nicaea was one of the new political entities that emerged in the aftermath of the Fourth Crusade in 1204. The raison d'être of Nicaea was the recovery of Constantinople and the restoration of the Byzantine Empire. Consequently, the Nicaean rulers were almost constantly involved in wars against the Latin empire of Constantinople. Nevertheless, west-European soldiers made up a large part of the Nicaean armies. This article examines the impact of these troops on the military ideology and military organization of Nicaea during the reign of the rulers of the Laskarid dynasty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fall of the Byzantine empire at the end of the twelfth century and the debacle of 1204 had complex causes, most of which are far beyond the scope of a short paper. However, it is very evident that military failure was a powerful element in the Byzantine collapse. The enquiry that follows seeks to establish the reasons for this failure by examining the nature of the empire's armies and the events of particular campaigns. It is evident that sweeping generalizations about military failure need considerable qualification and that the outcome of individual expeditions was influenced by particular circumstances. Yet it does appear that it is possible to see certain general factors at work undermining, or at least limiting, the military efforts of Byzantium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period of the first crusades has been intensively debated in both Romanian and foreign literature, at its various levels: religious, economic, political, social, cultural and demographic. This epoch led to the intensification of relations between the West and the Byzantine and to the rediscovery of the Byzantine Empire by the Western nations. The meeting between the two cultures and civilizations and the manner of perceiving the other are highlighted particularly by the episode of the diplomatic receptions given by the Greek sovereign at the court of Constantinople. This study is based on the general assumption that diplomatic ceremonial, as full expression of imperial Byzantine ideology, becomes the meeting place between the splendor, opulence and diplomatic strategies characteristic to Easterners and the honor, chivalrous ideal and the simplicity characteristic for Westerners. The profound implications of this protocol are reflected in the divergent interests of the two sides. The acceptance or rejection of the diplomatic ceremonial by the Latin seniors represents a proof that they understood more or less the meaning and symbolism of these diplomatic meetings. This paper analyzes the main episodes in which the West appreciated positively the imperial protocol, thus contributing to effective collaboration with the Byzantines in the spirit of the ideal Christian brotherhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A unique document of 1451 written in political verse gives an account by an anonymous Greek of his encounters with Byzantine and Venetian justice as the result of a small incident at the Nauplion fair of Agios Demetrios of 1449. Petitions from Argos and Nauplion to Venice in 1451 recount a similar incident at his same fair, and give a broader perspective of both events. Together the three documents produce a remarkable view of Nauplion and Argos intra-city hostilities and competition, social classes, and economics, and with the relationship of both with the Despotate of the Morea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A unique document of 1451 written in political verse gives an account by an anonymous Greek of his encounters with Byzantine and Venetian justice as the result of a small incident at the Nauplion fair of Agios Demetrios of 1449. Petitions from Argos and Nauplion to Venice in 1451 recount a similar incident at his same fair, and give a broader perspective of both events. Together the three documents produce a remarkable view of Nauplion and Argos intra-city hostilities and competition, social classes, and economics, and with the relationship of both with the Despotate of the Morea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article wants to analyze the way the chroniclers of the fourth crusade perceived the court ceremonial from Constantinople. The main objective of this study is to show that the anti-Byzantine propaganda was something premeditated even on cultural field. The presentation of the Byzantine court ceremonial in the Latin sources from the papacy or other political factors from the Occident was tendentious and interested. All their anti-Byzantine propaganda had a certain target: the reduction of Constantinople. The accusations that the Latin chroniclers developed against Byzantium before 1204 disappear after their victory from the beginning of the 13th century. The purpose for this silence is to justify their actions and to explain that it was their right to possess the enormous and single Byzantine wealth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses 12th-century Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Komnenos foreign policy regarding Asia Minor. Focus is given to his first military campaign against the Seljuk Sultanate of Rūm and his policies towards the Dānishmend Emirate, as well as the Emperor's relations with the European Crusader states located in Asia Minor, the County of Edessa and the Principality of Antioch. The way in which these policies eventually led to the Battle of Myriokephalon (fought in modern-day Turkey), which pitted the Byzantines against the Seljuks, is also explained. Other topics include the Emperor's policies towards Turkish nomads, the Second Crusade, and Byzantine relations with German King Conrad III and Frederick I Barbarossa, Holy Roman Emperor.

In early January 1203, the majority of the leading barons of the Fourth Crusade concluded the Treaty of Zara with Prince Alexios, son of Isaak II, the deposed Byzantine Emperor, thereby agreeing to divert the crusade to Constantinople in order to place the young prince on the throne of Byzantium. The treaty was ratified, despite fierce general opposition and dissension within the crusade, which led hundreds to leave the crusading army either to make their own way to Palestine or to return home. In April 1204, a year after the crusading fleet sailed from Zara to the Byzantine Empire on the pretext of defending the ‘rights’ of the ‘legitimate heir’ to the throne of Constantinople, the crusaders attacked and conquered the Byzantine imperial capital for themselves. Through a new and close examination of the primary evidence, this paper reconsiders the motives of the crusader leaders for their decision to conclude the treaty and then to conquer Constantinople. Although the crusaders proclaimed a range of high-minded motives, which have been largely accepted by modern historians, the real reason for the diversion to the Byzantine capital in 1203 by the Venetians and the French, and their subsequent attack on the city in 1204 was a simpler and, in the crusaders' minds, increasingly pressing concern: the payment of outstanding debts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a discussion on the relations between the medieval Swabian and Byzantine empires. Particular attention is paid to the so-called oath of Thessaloniki, and the author takes note of research published on the topic by historians including Hanna Vollrath. Descriptions are given of the sacred and religious aspects of Byzantine relations with other cultures during the 12th century. Additional comments are made concerning the religious aspects of Byzantine emperors' temporal and political power. An overview of key decisions and actions undertaken by Byzantine emperors between 1148 and 1160 is included.

This article offers a detailed investigation of Byzantine and post-Byzantine perceptions of the political organization of the Italian city-states. Drawing on philosophical and historical writing produced by Byzantine and post-Byzantine authors between the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries, it identifies the main patterns and motifs that informed Byzantine discourse about the constitutional arrangements of such Italian cities as Genoa, Venice, Florence, and Milan. It shows how these come into play in the writings of major figures of Byzantine and post-Byzantine intellectual life such as Theodoros Metochites, John Kantakouzenos, Nikephoros Gregoras, George of Trebizond, Cardinal Bessarion, Laonikos Chalkokondyles, and John Kottunios. It also explores the ways in which the classical legacy of political thought was applied by Byzantine writers in their analysis of various constitutional forms. The findings of this survey provide new insights into cross-cultural exchanges between the Byzantine world and medieval and early modern Europe and the formation of Byzantine identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları is the property of Turk Dunyasi Arastirmalari Vakfi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The various groups of fortifications that were in use in Messenia during the period of the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries are examined. Five categories are distinguished based on their position, size and defensive features. It is concluded that the fortifications were directly linked to the new social and political reality that prevailed in the area between the dismantlement of the Byzantine empire in 1204 and the Ottoman conquest in the second half of the fifteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historical Review / Revue Historique is the property of Institute for Neohellenic Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The question of the respect of private property in Byzantium is examined through the analysis of a series of confiscations of real estate situated in Constantinople, which were carried out from 1082 to 1202 in favour of the Italian republics of Venice, Pisa and Genoa. It is argued that these confiscations were not arbitrary but justified by the circumstances. Finally, these expropriations are set against the developments in the system by which the state remunerated its servants in the period after the eleventh century, increasingly by land grants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well known that the historical texts composed under the Macedonian dynasty (Theophanes Continuatus, Genesios, but also Leo the Deacon, Manuel protospatharios, John Skylitzes or even Michael Psellos) display certain element, which can be seen as attempts to make a clean break with the past; the formalist style of unbroken historical narrative was largely rejected in favour of historical biography in which the influence of rhetorical methods is self-evident. It is not known which criteria tipped the balance in favour of such a development, though we would do well to consider both the influence of Antiquity, and the close ties that bound biography to hagiography, which from the empire's very beginnings ( Vita Constantini) also served as a uniquely Byzantine mode of promoting the image of the emperor. It may be legitimate to speak of a new type of historical writing which is specifically designed for the extremely beautified career of its subject and constitutes a contemporary movement which manifested itself in various cultural contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The imperial chrysobull granted to the Venetian state in 1082 provided the Venetians with considerable economic advantages throughout the Byzantine Empire, and had a major impact on the political relationship of the two powers down to the Fourth Crusade. Yet the chrysobull also granted considerable monies to the metropolitan of Venice, the Patriarch of Grado. In the decades prior to 1082 Grado had suffered from systemic poverty, and various attempts by the Doge to solve this problem failed. The grant of large sums in gold in the chrysobull was aimed at solving this problem. Even this ultimately failed, and another proviso of the chrysobull, the grant of a merchant quarter in Constantinople to Venice, eventually became a funding tool for Grado and other Venetian ecclesiastical institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the fourteenth century, a mounting crisis was faced by the Byzantine Empire. This study considers the reactions during the reign of Andronicus II of two courtiers, Theodore Palaeologus and Theodore Metochites, who can be argued to be key figures in late medieval political thought. Central to the debate that developed between these individuals was the issue of the appropriateness of introducing in Constantinople "constitutional" reforms modelled upon practices established in the city-states of northern Italy-practices that emphasised the importance of consultative rule as an ideal and insisted upon the role of conciliar or parliamentary institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes historical writings which covered the period of Byzantine history from 1118-1206. Reasons why historian Niketas Choniates' work has been claimed as one of the masterpieces of medieval Greek historiography; Ways by which emperor Manuel I Kommenos has been portrayed in Choniates' historical works; Criticism made by another historian, John Zonaras, against the leadership of emperor Manuel; Evidence of antiabsolutist sentiments during the period; Political ideology during the Comnenian period; Distinction between the public and private capacities of the emperor.