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In the early 1740s, a set of carved lacquer containers were imperially commissioned in Suzhou to hold Daoist and Buddhist scriptures transcribed by the Qianlong emperor. Decorated with numerous deities in bas-relief, these understudied luxury objects shed new light on Buddhist and Daoist material cultures at the High Qing court and offer a glimpse of the imperial patron's religious cosmology. Focusing on Qianlong's two miniature pantheons and tracing the life history of objects in Qing palaces, this article explores the key role played by sacred images in elevating devotional objects of religious significance. As the most important offerings to Daoist and Buddhist deities, the lacquer boxes containing imperially transcribed scriptures were set on altars in different temples in the Forbidden City, even after Qianlong's death. Characterized by rich religious symbolism, the Daoist and Buddhist icons designed for the containers embody visual efficacy that elevated the concealed scriptures and complemented the sacred spaces where they were enshrined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on discourses presented in the Pāli literature of Buddhism. Particular focus is given to topics including interpretations of the biblical literature, the narrative strategies of religious scriptures in Buddhist literature, and an overview of recitations of a Buddhist scripture Dīgha Nikāya.

According to Dignāga, the word 'cow' makes one understand all cows in a general form by excluding non-cows. However, how does one understand the non-cows to be excluded? Hattori (Buddhist Thought and Civilization: Essays in Honor of Herbert V. Guenther on His Sixtieth Birthday, 1977, p. 48) answers as follows: 'On perceiving the particular which is endowed with dewlap, horns, a hump on the back, and so forth, one understands that it is not a non-cow, because one knows that a non-cow (e.g., a horse, an elephant, or the like) is not endowed with these attributes.' Hattori regards observation of a dewlap, etc. as the cause of excluding non-cows. Akamatsu (Tetsugaku Kenkyu, 540, 87-115, 1980) presents a view similar to Hattori's. Tanizawa (Shinshu Daigaku Jinbungakubu Jinbun Kagaku Ronshu Ningenjoho gakka hen 32:3-19, 1998), however, criticises Akamatsu by pointing out that then the apohavādin would have accepted positive elements such as a dewlap as defining characteristics of a cow. Stating that X is not a cow because it is not endowed with a dewlap, etc., amounts to accepting that the dewlap, etc. are the defining characteristics of a cow. Instead of a real universal cowness the apohavādin would have accepted a dewlap, etc. Akamatsu's understanding of apoha, if it was correct, implies Tanizawa, would destroy the essence of the Buddhist theory of apoha. Continuing the view of Hattori and Akamatsu, Yoshimizu recently published two articles on Dignāga's theory of apoha. He claims that 'the word 'cow' excludes all horses by virtue of the fact that horns are never seen on them.' Thus, 'the word 'cow' can exclude all of them collectively by virtue of the fact that none of them has all the members of the set of characteristics that form the worldly definition of 'cow'.' Horns, one of the characteristic features of cows, are indeed mentioned by Dignāga in PS(V) 5:43. Yoshimizu understands Dignāga's semantics as being parallel to the modern semantics of componential analysis. A question arises: what does Dignāga, the founder of the Buddhist theory of apoha, really think regarding this issue? The present article sheds light on the incompatibility of the two interpretations by investigating the relevant source texts. It further shows that the issue Tanizawa deals with was already discussed by Dignāga. Examining Dignāga's discussions shows that Tanizawa is right in his understanding of apoha. The interpretation by Hattori and other scholars is not supported by Dignāga's text. The present conclusion is also supported by Mādhava, Uddyotakara and Kumārila. None of them assumes Dignāga's theory to be as Hattori, etc. take it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is in five sections. After a brief introduction, I examine Johannes Bronkhorst's hypothesis that postulation of a commentarial “mindset” may help to account for the persistence of errors that occur in medieval Indian root texts and in commentaries on those texts. Although aspects of Bronkhorst's account are tenable, I argue that its overall conclusion is unhelpful and should be reassessed in light of the data provided in Buddhist commentaries and commentarial guides. In the article's third and fourth sections, I explore two instances of commentary that call into question the explanatory power of the commentarial mindset as sketched by Bronkhorst. The fifth section of the article suggests some previously overlooked resources for recovery of the conventions that governed the composition of commentaries among Indian Buddhists. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article I provide an overview of what scripture means and does in a Buddhist context. The article has three main parts. First, by way of introduction I explore the history of Buddhist scripture and a few of the different ways in which scripture was defined and classified in the early period. In the second section I use the common division into three ‘baskets’ of scripture (discourses, monastic discipline and higher teachings) to structure a closer look at some of the main genres of early Buddhist texts. Finally I examine the role of scripture in Buddhist life, as a source of teachings, a means of making karmic merit, and a vehicle of great power.In the interests of time and space I have chosen to focus largely on the earliest scriptures of Indian Buddhism. Later compositions and compilations, such as the many scriptures of Tibetan or East Asian Buddhism, are not considered here.1 Because my focus is on the early Indian scriptures I use mainly Sanskrit (Skt) terminology, with the Pāli (P.) equivalent noted where relevant. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the *Manasvi-nāgarāja-sūtra, a unique text in the rakṣā genre of Buddhist literature dating to the early centuries of the common era. In addition to exploring special features of the vocabulary and meaning of this text, the article places the *Manasvi-nāgarāja-sūtra in the wider context of Buddhist textual and ritual practice in the first, second and third centuries ce. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The cult of the sacred scriptures in early Buddhism had an impact on Chinese Buddhism, which manifested itself by the rise of the scriptural platform in the medieval period. The rise of the scriptural platform shows that in medieval China the very places associated with particular Buddhist texts and figures have become the objects of worship and pilgrimage, and they constantly appeared in Buddhist writings as the commemorative sites for particular scriptures and their commentaries. Various forms of the scriptural platforms also illustrated the rich practice of Buddhist texts in medieval China, such as translating, commenting, copying and reciting, as well as worshipping. Occasionally the scriptural platforms also appeared as the sacred places for housing sacred scriptures, which later would be replaced by the Buddhist monastic library. Practice of the Buddhist texts remained, yet the scriptural platform disappeared due to the rise of Chan Buddhist literature. This study suggests that the material culture, the rituals and the texts can barely be separated from each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As is well known, the oldest extant chronicle of Sri Lanka, the Dīpavaṃsa,1 has preserved a succession line of the foremost teachers who transmitted and taught the vinaya in India: Upāli, Dāsaka, Soṇaka, Siggava and Moggaliputta Tissa; the length of time they have been regarded as vinayapāmokkha; the dates when they ordained the next in line and when they entered parinirvāṇa. An intriguing range of dates has been inferred from an interpretation of these figures, especially for dating the death of the historical Buddha. I do not intend to rehearse the whole discussion here but cordially refer to the proceedings of the grand symposium organised by H. Bechert in 1988 at the University of Göttingen. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the flow of modern Buddhism into the Pacific World. It mentions a San Francisco, California publication "Rejoice" with text called "The Gospel of Buddha," by U. Dhammaloka from circa 1856-1914, the first "Buddhist Song Book for People," by a priest in Hiroshima in 1903 and "The Light of Dharma," by the Buddhist Mission of North America (BMNA). It also notes features of religious modernity including transfluence, transtemporality and translocation and Buddhism in the U.S.

There are six complete versions of the Pavāraṇā Sutta (Pravāraṇā Sūtra). The Ekottarika Āgama version (EĀ 32.5) differs significantly from the other five. It contains an episode involving Ānanda, a non-arhat, which is not found in the other five versions. In the five versions other than EĀ 32.5, this Pravāraṇā ceremony is depicted as an assembly of arhats, who are endowed with different “liberations”. This paper shows that such divergences are correlated with one another and that EĀ 32.5 could be earlier than the other versions. In this connection I elucidate diverse notions of liberation as developed in the textual history and discuss the possibility that sectarian stance on the issue of liberation has a bearing on the inclusion of various types of arhats in the five versions, and their exclusion from EĀ 32.5, whose sectarian affiliation is identified in this study as Mahāsāṃghika. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The recent publication of twenty shorter Buddhist sūtras in Sanskrit edited from a manuscript kept in the Potala Palace, with corresponding editions of Tibetan and Chinese translations, when available, is a noteworthy contribution to our inventory of Indian scriptural materials. The present contribution offers several suggestions for improvement to the edited texts in anticipation of their further future study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the format of the 1927 essay "Why I Am Not a Christian," by British philosopher Bertrand Russell, the author explores central beliefs of Buddhism. The Buddhist tenets discussed explore the religious nature of self and personal identity from the trilakṣaṇa, or the Three Marks of Existence, which includes the belief in anātman, or the loss of self; duṇkha, or suffering; and anitya, or impermanence. Sacred Buddhist texts referred to include "Questions of King Milinda," the "Diamond Sūtra," and the "Culamalinkya Sūtra."

The self-referential discourse that characterizes the subgenre to which the Sūtra of Utmost Golden Radiance (Suvarṇa-(pra)bhāsottama Sūtra) belongs has led scholars to posit a “cult of the book” focused on the written sūtra as potent object. While Buddhists in various times and places have certainly revered the material text, the central role many such sūtras accord to the dharmabhāṇaka (the Buddhist preacher) demands that greater attention be paid to the role of oral performance in the actualization of the sūtra's self-proclaimed transformative potential. Through an examination of both what the sūtra has to say about its preacher, and how the preacher's performance changes the meaning of the text, this article argues for the centrality of oral performance and aural reception in the sūtra's normative vision, and for the importance of deriving an interpretive methodology from that normative vision. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper focuses on similarities between two literary characters: Śvetaketu from the Upaniṣads and Ambaṭṭha from the Dīgha Nikāya. By comparing these two characters, as well as the characters with whom they interact, I will suggest that these literary figures from competing religious traditions appear in different presentations of the same story. Both Śvetaketu and Ambaṭṭha are depicted as brahmin students who are young and arrogant as they approach the domain of a non-brahmin. In the case of Śvetaketu, he is rude in his encounter with the king; whereas Ambaṭṭha is disrespectful to the Buddha. In both cases, the young brahmin leaves the non-brahmin after being defeated in debate, without having learned from him an important teaching. Finally, both brahmins are replaced by their teachers, who in contrast are more refined and humble. As I will demonstrate, these similarities, along with other shared literary features between these stories, shed new light on the relationship between the Brahmanical and Buddhist narrative traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Lotus Sūtra repeatedly asserts the moral permissibility, in certain circumstances, of deceiving others for their own benefit. The examples it uses to illustrate this view have the features of weak paternalism, but the real-world applications it endorses would today be considered strong paternalism. We can explain this puzzling feature of the text by noting that according to Mahāyāna Buddhists, normal, ordinary people are so irrational that they are relevantly similar to the insane. Kant's determined anti-paternalism, by contrast, relies on an obligation to see others as rational, which can be read in several ways. Recent work in psychology provides support for the Lotus Sūtra's philosophical anthropology while undermining the plausibility of Kant's version. But this result does not necessarily lead to an endorsement of political paternalism, since politicians are not qualified to wield such power. Some spiritual teachers, however, may be morally permitted to benefit their students by deceiving them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the "Diamond Sutra," one of the most influential works of the Mahayana wisdom literature. The "Diamond Sutra" deals with what attitude the bodhisattvas should adopt in dealing with the world and how that attitude should guide their decisions in accordance with the dictates of Buddhist wisdom. English translations of the "Diamond Sutra" are discussed. According to the author, the concept of Buddhist wisdom is the principal idea which the reader should take from the sutra.

The article presents information about the Central- and East-Asian Buddhist apocryphal work "Sūtra of Causes and Effects" ("Shan'e yinguo jing").The article argues for the existence of an ancient Uighur translation of the work, based on a fragment of a manuscript housed in the German manuscript collection Berliner Turfansammlung. Descriptions are given of the historical significance of the text in question. Transcriptions are provided of the Chinese original version as well as of the Uighur translation.

This article examines several verses from the Niraupamyastava, where Nāgārjuna makes explicit references to the non-empty aspects of the doctrine of emptiness—a topic systematized and crystallized in the doctrine of Tathāgatagarbha, thought to have appeared later than his date and to have been unknown to him. Establishing the authenticity of the hymn, in addition to the criteria utilized by Lindtner, the article analyses the style and the relationship of the text with texts belonging to other schools, thus locating Nāgārjuna in his historical and temporal context. The article also brings into focus the overlooked or marginalized topics present in Nāgārjuna's texts such as the practice of devotion and visualization of the Buddha as method for realizing emptiness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the contrasting approaches to the study of Buddhism of two great early twentieth-century Buddhologists, Louis de La Vallée Poussin and Theodore Stcherbatsky. La Vallée Poussin understood Buddhism primarily as ‘religion’ and saw philosophic methods as subsumed in the religious experience of salvation; Stcherbatsky, coming from the Russian school, which had direct contact with Tibetan Buddhist scholasticism, saw Buddhism primarily as ‘philosophy’ and emphasised critical enquiry and logical consistency. The paper explores how this influenced their understanding of the place of the absolute in Buddhism generally and in Yogācāra Buddhism in particular. It compares their disagreement to differences at the heart of Tibetan scholasticism evident in the writings of Dolpopa (1292–1361) and Tsongkhapa (1357–1419) over the proper interpretation of Yogācāra. The paper also explores implications of the legacy of these two scholars for recent Western scholarship and for the understanding of Yogācāra. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article concerns itself with the Buddhist doctrine of upāya (“skilful means”). Rather than provide a historical analysis of the concept, this paper first of all outlines some of the presuppositions that affect both its working in a traditional Buddhist context and its interpretation in modern academic enquiry. It is argued that these contexts differ significantly and that they lead to quite different understandings of the role and function of the concept itself. Then, through reference to the Tibetan dGe lugs pa tradition and the background of Tibetan doxography, it is suggested that there are certain dangers in over-emphasizing the concept of upāya in isolation. Most notably, if the doctrine of upāya is simplistically posited as some sort of aphilosophical praxis against rational enquiry, then there is a danger of not taking the tradition's own scholastic endeavours seriously enough and downplaying the status of rational enquiry in the tradition itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Dhammapada is probably the most frequently translated Buddhist text in the world today. This article looks at the history of translations of the Dhammapada since it was first translated into English in the nineteenth century. I start by comparing the little known first English translation by Daniel Gogerly from 1840 with the influential 1870 translation by Max Müller. The paper then examines the main translations which have appeared since the mid-twentieth century. I show how they represent Buddhist, Hindu and other views on the Dhammapada and that they continue to be influenced by the pioneering nineteenth-century translations. I argue that translations of the Dhammapada are conditioned not only by the viewpoints of the translators but also by the existence of a tradition of translating the Dhammapada. Both factors I conclude have contributed to the importance placed on the Dhammapada as a representative Buddhist text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although a Māhāyana sūtra, the clearly contains a number of elements that seem to presage the “tantric” phase in Indian Buddhism. In particular, the sūtra contains four components worthy of note: elaborate scenes detailing what can best be understood as , a soteriology based on absolute faith in the spiritual guides, a strong insinuation of organisational esotericism, and the hint of sexual yoga. After briefly summarising some recent scholarship on the , the author addresses each of the four “proto-tantric” components in detail. Following this, the author concludes with the suggestion that despite the inherent difficulties in developing a relative chronology of Indian Buddhist literature, close readings such as provided in this article may be useful in generating data sets, which can then be used to relate Indian Buddhist texts to each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern scholarly study of women in early Indian Buddhism began over a hundred years ago, towards the end of the nineteenth century. In this article, I assess strategies that have been prominent in scholarly engagement with the texts from the period that are pertinent to this debate. The article is focused around discussion of four historical-critical hermeneutic strategies which either have figured within the debate or, as is the case in the final section, are suggested as pertinent to the debate. The four strategies are: a hermeneutics of resonance; gender-construct hermeneutics; comparativist hermeneutics; and finally revisionist hermeneutics. The first three comprise strategies which have featured significantly in the debate, from its origins to changes that have arisen particularly during the last two decades. The final strategy is, essentially, my own assertion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay draws on economic information in the colophons and catalogues of the Jiaxing Tripitaka to examine the fluctuations of its costs and price in the late Ming and early Qing. The price of the texts included in the Jiaxing Tripitaka increased from the mid-seventeenth century onwards, as did the costs for transcribing and carving wood-blocks. Relative to the value of rice in the Yangzi Delta from 1589 to 1715, the value of a volume of the Tripitaka generally rose. Yet the relative value of a book is not the same as its affordability, which is determined by the book's price, its value relative to other commodities, the real income of the purchaser, and other economic and non-economic elements. It is hoped that this investigation will contribute new views to the history of books in late imperial China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to discuss the influence of Buddhism on the origin of libraries in Sri Lanka from the third century BC to fifth century AD. Contributions made by Buddhist monks and Buddhist kings in this connection too are discussed. A developed education system and scholarly personnel are essential prerequisites for the establishment of a library tradition. Throughout much of history, education systems developed side by side with religious systems. Sri Lanka was not an exception to this regard. Arahat Mahinda introduced Buddhism to Sri Lanka in the third century BC and it soon took root in the country. With the establishment of Buddhism, Buddhist education came into existence and that education enabled Buddhist monks to hand down the Tripitaka and its commentaries orally for centuries. In the first century BC Buddhist scriptures were written and manuscripts were kept at Mahavihara centres for the first time in history. Subsequently, copies of these manuscripts were sent to other temples. Thus, depositing of the Tripitaka and commentaries can be regarded as the origin of libraries in Sri Lanka. These libraries consisted not only of the Tripitaka and its commentaries, but also other Buddhist books too. Buddhist scholars were motivated to write religious books as it was considered to be a meritorious act. Further, libraries had the reputation for production and distribution of Buddhist texts, which attracted foreign scholars to the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Antiquity, original writing, copying and translating took place through dictation. It is likely that (parts of) the Septuagint was (were) committed to writing in that way. Traditions concerning the translation of Buddhist Sutras into Chinese help us to picture that process. The hypothesis that someone recited the Hebrew text, one translated orally and one or more scribes wrote the translation down contributes to LXX research. It explains (1) characteristic features of the Septuagint noted by Soisalon-Soininen, and (2) phonetic errors on both the Hebrew and the Greek sides. (3) It is compatible with the notion that learned scribes were involved but it lends no support to the "targumic origin" theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For several decades, scholars have expressed different opinions since Chen Yinque (Multiple characters cannot be represented into ASCII text) brought forward the viewpoint that the creation of Yongming style was influenced by the translation of Buddhist scriptures. People usually pay attention only to the source of sisheng, "the four tones" (Multiple characters cannot be represented into ASCII text), but this paper tries to take a leave from this practice and make a concrete survey of the two principal activities, the translation of Buddhist scriptures and the origin of the Yongming style. This paper will then illustrate the obvious connection between the two. Both are related to music and the problems they were meant to solve are similar. Moreover, they both have similar syntatical and phonological characteristics, which are the most important evidence linking the two. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have long debated how the antinomian elements in the Buddhist Tantras are to be interpreted. Some maintain that they are to be taken literally; others that they are figurative or "symbolic." Both, however--in approaching these statements as examples of directly denotative natural language--miss the most essential aspect of the semiology of these traditions. This paper demonstrates that the Buddhist Mahāyoga Tantras employ a form of signification (theorized by Roland Barthes) called "connotative semiotics," in which signs (a signifier-signified union) from natural language function as signifiers in a higher-order discourse. Employing these semiological tools enables criticism to recognize that what is fundamentally operative--in both ritual performance and scriptural narrative--is a grammar of purity and pollution in significant dialog with both earlier Buddhist Tantras and broader Indian religious norms. This suggests that such antinomianism--far from representing either "tribal" practices or rarified yogic codes--reflects concerns native to mainstream Indian religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about the restoration of the Mukujungkwang Dharani Sutra undertaken by scholars and government of South Korea. The physical condition of the scroll was extremely poor. It was wrapped in purple silk wound by a string. Insects had damaged the outer layers of scroll. It had 12 sheets of paper.

The article presents information on variant readings of the "Pāśupatasūtra," with a focus on the Sūtrapāţha as represented in three manuscripts: the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series (No. CXLII), a portion of the "Pañcārthabhāşya" in the collection of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, and a manuscript from the Sarasvatībhavana Library in Benares. The author discusses differences in language, content, and presentation.

Explores the production of Mahãyãna sũtras. Lack of reference for Mahãyãna sũtras before the 5th century; Emphasis of Mahãyãna texts on meditation; Significance of forest-dwelling to Mainstream Buddhism.

Argues that at least one of the Lidai fabao ji's false claims faithfully reflects hidden issues involved in Chan polemics of the late eighth century. Lidai fabao ji in context; Criticism of the fabrication of Bodhidharma's robe; Relation between Shenhui and the Platform Sutra; Robes of the Empress Wu Zetian; Reforms of Empreor Xuanzong.

Explores the names given to parts of the stupa in Thailand as a way to understand the meaning or meanings of the Thai chedi. Buddhist stupa; Religious symbol; Buddhist terminology.

The article traces the development of the Transmission Verses ("chuan-fa chieh") used by the six patriarchs of Ch'an (Zen Buddhism), starting with Bodhidharma in the fifth century. Disputes over the succession of the sixth patriarch, Hui-neng, are discussed, as is the ensuing split between Northern and Southern Ch'an factions. Hui-neng's "Platform Sutra" is discussed, and the texts of various versions of the Transmission Verses are then presented, with discussion of reasons for the differences among them.

The article presents an introduction to the issue, discussing feature articles on Buddhist history and theology, including examination of Buddhist modernity and Japanese nationalism, the role of Nāgārjuna in Buddhist doctrinal history, and the history of the doctrine of upāya.