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This report provides an overview of contemporary scholarship on the political geographies of oceans. While oceans were overlooked for many years as theories of sovereignty, territory, and borders focused on terrestrial politics, the significant impact of climate change resulted in a new focus on the role oceans place in global environmental and political systems. At the same time, the enclosure of over 40 percent of the oceans as territorial seas, exclusive economic zones, and extended continental shelves through the Convention on the Law of the Sea produced burgeoning literature on maritime borders and conflicts. The report proposes the concept of blue geopolitics to capture an oceanic turn in political geography theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the spatial effects of armed conflict on Sub-Saharan Africa's (SSA) economic growth, focusing on Central Africa, East Africa, and West Africa. Utilizing Spatial Durblin Model (SDM), the analysis reveals significant spatial effects of armed conflict intensity, indicating that conflict in neighboring countries influences conflict levels within a focal country. The study finds a weak or inconclusive relationship between GDP per capita (GDPpc) and conflict intensity, with East Africa showing a significant negative association, suggesting that higher economic prosperity in neighboring countries may mitigate conflict. Conversely, higher corruption levels in Central and West Africa are positively associated with increased conflict intensity, highlighting corruption's destabilizing influence. Spatial lag SDM results suggest potential benefits of regional economic cooperation in reducing conflict intensity. Moreover, significant positive spatial autocorrelation underscores the interconnected nature of conflict within SSA, with West Africa exhibiting more pronounced spatial spillover effect. Findings from Spatial Autoregressive (SAR) models confirm the weak association between GDPpc and conflict intensity but emphasize the consistent positive association between corruption and conflict intensity. Additionally, the Spatial Error Model (SEM) reaffirms corruption's detrimental impact on governance and stability. Additionally, the hypothesis of a significant difference in the effect of armed conflict across different SSA subregions is supported, with Central Africa experiencing the strongest negative impact on economic growth, followed by East and West Africa. The study highlights substantial regional heterogeneity in the economic consequences of armed conflict, emphasizing the need for regionally tailored policy interventions to address conflict-related economic disruptions in SSA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Vietnam's maritime governance capacity and its challenges in dealing with gray zone conflicts, particularly its overlapping EEZ claims with Indonesia. It emphasizes the need for a decisive strategy to address these conflicts and highlights Indonesia's efforts to establish effective occupancy in contested waters. The text also discusses the development of civilian ships and maritime governance strategies in Southeast Asian countries in response to China's actions in the South China Sea. It suggests that Vietnam should prioritize the establishment of a gray zone conflict strategy and learn from Indonesia's response to similar challenges. [Extracted from the article]

This article aims to analyze the nature and main characteristics of the discourse on borderlands and border local communities during the process of delimiting the Spanish–Portuguese boundary that took place in the middle third of the nineteenth century. It examines how both local and state actors represented conflicts and violence in border areas and how these discourses played a crucial role not only in securing the involvement of central state agencies in local conflicts but also in legitimizing state intervention in border disputes. Beyond the case studied here, this research contributes to a comparative perspective across different geographical and historical contexts on how border regions and their inhabitants have been frequently represented as problematic spaces and societies. In this regard, the article provides a critical understanding of the border-delimitation process undertaken by the Spanish and Portuguese liberal states as part of a broader national and territorial building process that, among other objectives, sought to control, normalize, discipline and integrate peripheral regions and their populations. Drawing on some of the main concepts coined by Said’s Orientalism and the contributions of Foucault in The Birth of the Clinic as well, it proposes the term borderism to describe the imaginative geographies that legitimized this kind of border-delimitation processes, not only in the Iberian context but also in other similar cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1995, a coalition of former rebel groups redrew Ethiopia's map, establishing an ethnic‐federal system. By 2017, internal border conflicts signalled federalism's potential unravelling. This article analyses expectations about federalism's future among Somalis in Ethiopia, drawing on anthropologies of time to understand how everyday processes of border‐making orient around the ‘future in the present’. Anthropologists and historians concerned with political time have focused largely on how the ‘past in the present’ shapes state‐building and political identity formation. Meanwhile, political scientists and commentators, as well as many Ethiopians living amid uncertainty, prognosticate about the future of identity politics in Ethiopia and attempt to discern whether decentralization is paving the way to state fragmentation. Foregrounding how people work to manage time at borders and through borderwork, this article analyses the roles borders play in people's collective constructions of political futures – and the role anticipations about the future play in people's engagement with borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A great challenge for African conservationists is human–wildlife conflict outside the boundaries of protected areas (PAs). This is particularly true when considering large mobile species, such as elephants, that often disperse from PAs into community land. In Zimbabwe's Hwange National Park, studies on elephant dispersal have focused on breeding herds. Here, we analyse the movements of five older, large males fitted with GPS collars. We found some dispersal outside Hwange, but large males were largely restricted to the Park, especially during the late dry season when water was scarce. Our findings may be useful to regional conservation decision makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes rethinking communication, development, and social change from a decolonial perspective through the case study of the Ticoya resguardo. It examines how the oral traditions of Indigenous elders construct a history of the territory, positioning orality as a practice of communicative and cognitive justice that transcends the dominant structures of the nation-state. Border tensions are explored both as a physical reality between Colombia and Peru and as a metaphor for identity conflicts. The theoretical framework incorporates debates on post-development, pluriverse, and southern epistemologies, challenging social inequalities. A qualitative methodology based on the praxeological method was implemented in four stages in collaboration with the resguardo's communications committee. Producing a radio series narrated by participants was crucial for gathering the elders' narratives through conversations, social mapping, and storytelling. The findings emphasize the break with linear temporality in narratives, the sense of territory beyond state borders, and the identity tensions of river dwellers. The conclusion underscores the necessity of a decolonial perspective, recognizing the impact of monocultures in obscuring diverse forms of life. The Ticoya resguardo case illustrates how communicative justice can highlight the local and everyday, considering the territory essential in the pluriverse, aligning with Escobar's and Santos' proposals on transitions toward a pluriversal world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: For the past 25 years, the Border Patrol has tracked migrant deaths along the US-Mexico border. For nearly the same amount of time, it has also faced criticisms that it failed to capture the true number of migrant deaths in its tally. This article focuses on these undercounting criticisms and asks two questions: (1) How many documented migrant death cases are left out of Border Patrol's official data? And (2) what factors lead to the Border Patrol's migrant death undercounting? In particular, the article focuses on three South Texas counties: Brooks County, Kenedy County, and Maverick County. To answer the research questions, this article relies on comparative data analysis. In particular, it compares two person-level datasets: the Border Patrol's dataset on migrant deaths from 2009 to 2017 and county-level records from the Brooks County Sheriff's Office, the Kenedy County Sheriff's Office, and Maverick County Justices of the Peace over the same period. It then attempts to match each county-level record to a recorded death in the Border Patrol's dataset. Using this process, the article quantifies migrant death undercounting in South Texas, highlights geographic and temporal trends, and tracks the uncounted cases' specific characteristics. From 2009 to 2017, this comparative data analysis confirmed that the Border Patrol was undercounting migrant deaths across the three South Texas counties. Specifically, the article finds that the Border Patrol failed to include 139 cases, which totaled 19 percent of the counties' 749 recorded migrant deaths during the study period. This undercounting ranged from 16 percent in Brooks County to 24 percent in Maverick County and 29 percent in Kenedy County, with fluctuating rates over time. The uncounted cases also had specific characteristics. In particular, they were more likely to be skeletal remains, lack an identification, and be discovered by an external entity. These characteristics highlight the various factors behind the Border Patrol's undercounting, such as issues with the Border Patrol's migrant death definition, inconsistent data collection from external entities, and the agency's low prioritization of migrant death tracking. To address and remedy the Border Patrol's migrant death undercounting requires tackling each underlying factor. First and foremost, this article recommends that the Border Patrol fully train its agents on the agency's migrant death definition and ensure consistent and standardized outreach to external entities. Further, it recommends that the Border Patrol improve its migrant death count's accuracy through additional operational changes. These proposed changes include making "accurate migrant death counts" an official objective for the Border Patrol's Missing Migrant Program, prioritizing a two-way information-sharing process with county-level officials, retroactively including missed migrant deaths in the official count, and publishing more detailed person-level data on migrant deaths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do bilinguals mix adjectives and nouns from two languages with a word order conflict at the boundary between them? Prominently competing theories of code-switching (CS) that appeal to abstract features or to a matrix language remain in a stalemate, since their predictions have been reported to mostly coincide. Here, we contribute data from northern New Mexico bilingual community members who switch between Spanish and English in both directions. Beyond the NP-internal mixes within the purview of the theories, the widened data set encompasses all relevant mixes and positions: every adjective or associated noun at the boundary with the other language. We thus assess lone-item and multi-word mixing types, distinguishing also between multi-word CS at different points of the NP. Multi-word CS at the adjective-noun boundary is indeed rare. These bilinguals choose CS after the determiner with prenominal modifiers in English adjective-noun pairs, as previously observed, and at the external NP boundary. Furthermore, they disproportionately prefer the shared predicative position. Accounting for all adjective mixes, the Variable Equivalence hypothesis proposes that, where cross-language equivalence is not consistent due to language-internal variability, bilinguals prefer CS at alternative syntactic boundaries that are consistently equivalent and more frequent in their combined linguistic experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Second Vienna Award of 1940, which divided Transylvania into a Hungarian and a Romanian part, a contest started between the two countries for gaining control of the whole region. In order to reach this goal, both countries joined the alliance system of Nazi Germany and in June 1941 entered the war against the Soviet Union. After the battle of Stalingrad, the strategies of the competitors started to change. The two rivals realized that Germany would lose the war, and therefore the peace, including the settlement of territorial disputes and border changes, would be shaped by the Allies. Although they continued to fight on the side of Germany, they prepared for the victory of the Allies. In this new phase of the race, Romania proved to be more successful. In August 1944, she turned the tables on the Wehrmacht while Hungary continued to fight on Germany’s side. Despite the successful Romanian volteface, the future of Northern Transylvania which had belonged to Hungary since 1940, was still undecided. The armistice agreement with Romania signed on September 12, 1944 stipulated that “Transylvania or greater part thereof should be returned to Romania, subject to confirmation at the peace settlement”. The dispute was settled in 1945-1946 by the victorious Allied Powers. The United States and – less firmly – Great Britain and France favored “an adjustment of the Hungarian-Roumanian frontier in Transylvania along ethnic lines which would transfer a small strip from Arad to Szatmár/Satu Mare to Hungary”. The Soviet Union, however, stubbornly opposed any modification of the post1920 borders, including even symbolic changes. This meant that the final decision taken by the Paris Peace Conference in the Fall of 1946 accomplished the restoration of the pre-war frontiers. The race was won by Romania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China-India border dispute is the biggest obstacle to the development of China-India relations. The existing studies on the China-India border dispute do not pay enough attention to geographical factors and lack comprehensive analysis of multi-agent and multi-scale, so it is difficult to grasp the essential characteristics and overall situation of the China-India border issue. This paper proposes a multi-scale geopolitical analysis framework to analyze the competitive nature of contemporary China-India border dispute under the joint action of multi-scale and multi-agent. The main conclusion is that the contemporary China-India border dispute is a complex problem caused by multi-scale spatial superposition and multi-agent power game. On the global scale, the China-India border dispute is an important part of the strategic interaction be‐ tween the United States and India to contain China; At the regional scale of South Asia, China-India border dispute is a land blockade for India and its partner countries to restrict China's expansion of influence in South Asia; On the bilateral scale of China and India, India regards the China-India border dispute as a strategic fulcrum to seek land advantages over China, and tries to gain strategic advantages over China on both land and sea; At the national internal scale, the China-India border dispute is a competition between China and India in the border transformation mechanism; At the border area scale, the China-India border dispute is a competition between the two countries in terms of their ability to effectively manage border areas. The national inter‐ nal scale is the core scale that determines the China-India border dispute, but the possibility of the two countries reaching a reasonable compromise on this scale is still very small in the short term. The current situation of the global, South Asian region, and bilateral scale is not conducive to a rational solution of the China-India border dispute. The border area scale is the main focus of the China-India border dispute for a long time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe Self is a hypercomplex concept that humankind has given to their essence, which has been consequently explored as a social construct or an individual concept. Nevertheless, we have only recently started to overcome the idea that the Self is simply one unity. With Hermans’ Dialogical Self Theory (2001) it became much more common to see the Self as a polysemic and dynamic concept, consisting of I-positions, that constantly remain in dialogue with one another while maintaining the relative stability of the Self as a whole. In the following contribution, this dynamic notion of the Self is enhanced by the elaboration of how this dynamic concept is guided in its process, by the implemented borders -introduced in analogy with particle borders-. Elementary for our ongoing in exploring the complexity of the Self is to learn to understand therefore the inner movement of the fragmental units that result in the experienced Self. A movement that is explored and defined as reverberating and reminds explorers of the self to be aware that the topic they tackle is always in change and strongly influenced by the positions they find themselves in -for looking into the future, past, and present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of People & Nature is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article theorizes and tests how different types of interstate conflict across borders affect trade between disputing parties and trade diversion with third parties. Building on theories of borders as institutions, we differentiate the effects of two types of international disputes – border disputes and escalated militarized disputes – and draw on 60 years of trade and conflict data to test the effects of these disputes on bilateral and third-party trade flows. We find that border disputes and militarized disputes each depress trade flows between the disputing countries. However, legal border disputes are associated with increased trade diversion with non-disputing countries, which may fully offset the forgone bilateral trade, whereas militarized disputes have the opposite effect. These results show that actors engaged in trade can offset bilateral trade losses from a border dispute by expanding trade with third parties not involved in the dispute, but the same cannot be said of offsetting the losses from militarized disputes. The fact that border disputes and militarized disputes have opposite effects on trade diversion highlights the importance of examining both the type of dispute and the type of trade flows that are affected when studying conflict and trade and evaluating the potentially pacifying incentives of international trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humans must identify others as enemies or allies to develop, protect, maintain, and refine their sense of self. This is a part of their normal psychological development. These phenomena operate on individual and large group levels and are pronounced under threat. In peril, they help create psychological boundaries between conflicting parties and bonds between allies. These boundaries and bonds are invested with strong emotions. The narcissism of minor differences concept is involved in identifying and delineating enemies at times of perceived danger. This article introduces the concept of the narcissism of minor resemblances. This concept is discussed from the psychodynamic perspective and illustrated with examples of socio-political developments from modern history. The narcissism of minor resemblances concept may help us understand the underlying dynamics of bonding with allies and identifying with others when undergoing threat and hardship. This concept connects the public arena of political action with individual psychological development. Awareness of this phenomenon can help mitigate the negative aspects of rigid enemy-ally distinctions and promote cooperation and peace. It may also help individuals impacted by psychological trauma to make meaning of psychological and societal processes experienced and contribute to their healing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While it is often assumed that the core debates about nationalism were settled by modernist scholars already in the 1980s, there are reasons to question this theoretical 'consensus', especially because it fails to anticipate the wave of nationalist geopolitics that is currently sweeping through the world. Contemporary studies of nationalism typically refrain from conceptualising politics in spatial terms, while overstating states' ability to shape ethno‐national identities irrespective of their ethnic roots and offering little empirical validation. To overcome these limitations, it is useful to analyse how nationalism transforms the state, rather than the reverse. This article reports findings from an EU‐funded research project that uses historical maps covering borders of states and ethnic groups to show how nationalism causes increasing congruence between these borders and how a lack thereof makes conflict and border change more likely. This risk is further increased by 'restorative' narratives bemoaning supposedly lost independence and unity. Further research traces the spread of reactive nationalism through modernisation processes driven by railroad expansion until the early 20th century. Yet this does not mean that state partition offers the only, or the best, solution to nationality problems. Power sharing can pacify at least as well as ethno‐nationalist border change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Border issues, such as sovereignty, territorial claims, and security, play a significant role in transboundary river management. Borders can act as physical barriers that impede cooperation and coordination, and disputes over ownership and control of river resources can exacerbate tensions and lead to conflicts. Transboundary river management is a complex and critical issue that has gained increasing attention in recent years. The management of rivers that cross international borders raises numerous challenges, including political, economic, social, and environmental concerns. Effective management requires the cooperation of all countries sharing the river basin, and it involves the development of legal and institutional frameworks that promote sustainable use, equitable sharing, and peaceful resolution of conflicts. This paper aims to explore the intricate relationship between India's persistent border disputes with China and their far-reaching implications for the management of transboundary rivers. Their unresolved territorial disputes have profound implications for the shared river basins, such as the Brahmaputra Basin, and pose significant challenges to the implementation of effective transboundary river management strategies. Through an interdisciplinary examination of historical, geopolitical, and hydrological factors, this study sheds light on the multifaceted dimensions of India's border disputes with China and elucidates their detrimental impacts on the use of transboundary river resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the topic of borders in the international system of the 21st century, highlighting their importance in the creation and development of nation-states and in international relations. It also mentions exceptions to state sovereignty, such as Antarctica and international waters. The article is divided into three sections that analyze borders from different perspectives, such as regionalism and border control in relation to international migration. Additionally, other topics are mentioned, such as the impact of climate change on maritime delimitations in the Arctic, China's territorial disputes in the South China Sea, border disputes between India and China, hybrid governance in the border area between Colombia, Brazil, and Peru, and the secessionist movement of contemporary maroons in Jamaica and its relationship with the Jamaican state. [Extracted from the article]

Creativity has its 'dark side.' This study investigated the relationship between employee creativity and work-family conflict drawing on boundary theory. Data were collected from 1074 participants who were full-time employees. By employing PROCESS macro, we found the relationship between employee creativity and work-family conflict is fully mediated by psychological detachment difficulty. We also found that family-work conflict moderates the effect of creativity on psychological detachment difficulty such that for those who experience lower family-work conflict, the effect of creativity on the mediator (i.e. psychological detachment difficulty) is stronger than for those who experience higher family-work conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Soochow University Law Edition is the property of Soochow University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The North East Region of India, comprising Meghalaya, Assam, Tripura, Sikkim, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, and Mizoram, is characterized by a distinctive blend of ethnic, cultural, religious, and linguistic diversity. Connected to the rest of the country via the Siliguri Corridor, also known as Chicken’s Neck, this paper delves into the historical context of conflicts in the region. It assesses various contributing factors such as ethnic diversity, migration patterns, resource allocation, and political interests. Given China's proximity through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to the Siliguri Corridor, India's attention to this area becomes crucial. Furthermore, the paper evaluates the socio-economic impact of these conflicts and proposes potential strategies for conflict resolution and peace-building efforts. Specifically, it focuses on analyzing border disputes between Assam and neighboring Northeastern states, identifies primary causes of conflict, and offers actionable recommendations for resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the latest violent crisis, which began in April 2023, Sudan has been suffering the consequences of an armed conflict, that is worsening the humanitarian crisis and sociopolitical instability. In this context, it is worth analysing how this conflict affects the neighbouring region and the influence of the nearby countries and regional and world powers. The aim of this paper is to present the consequences of this conflict for Sudan's neighbours and the degree of interference of the external powers in Sudan. In relation to this latter issue, it will be established if the foreign presence is a positive influence (a way towards peace) or a negative one (defense of the national interests in the region). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of mobility and borders in sociolinguistics, arguing that borders should be seen as social and political constructs. It emphasizes the importance of language and discourse in border production and discusses the diverse realities of borders and their impact on power dynamics. The authors draw inspiration from their local context in Kazakhstan, where the collapse of the Soviet Union changed the role of borders between former Soviet Socialist Republics. The article also highlights that borders are historically contested and mobile, especially for nomadic populations, and discusses cases in Turkey, Hong Kong, Kazakhstan, and Cyprus to demonstrate how language, politics, history, and ideologies shape border discourses. The authors call for further research and discussions on the construction of borders in sociolinguistics. [Extracted from the article]

Lord Salisbury, according to the historiography, was notoriously sceptical of international arbitration. Yet, at the end of the nineteenth century, Salisbury's last government entered into an arbitration agreement with Venezuela in relation to its border dispute with British Guiana and a general arbitration agreement with the US. It then took the lead in establishing a permament court of international arbitration at the fist Hague Peace Conference in 1899. This article explains why that change in Salisbury's outlook occurred, how Salisbury developed a distinctively Conservative approach to arbitration in international relations and how the British contribution to the development of an institutional international rule of law at the end of the nineteenth century was as much a Conservative moment as a liberal one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an ethnographic account of ongoing border conflicts in south Lebanon between members of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) and residents in a south Lebanese border village. It emphasizes the specific experiences of this border population with foreign intervention and land expropriations. It places UNIFIL's current intervention in a long history of Western imperialism in the region. It underlines how UNIFIL weakens the Lebanese state by taking over the sovereign functions a state typically performs. It examines current border contestations in a context of Israeli settler colonialism and its long-term role in shaping the livelihoods in south Lebanese border villages. It argues for the importance of understanding border conflicts and the work of international interventions in their specific local and historical contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the adjudication of a maritime boundary dispute is usually a bilateral process, it is also often the case that third States have an interest in the delimitation to be carried out. Coupled with the potential for the delimitation decisions of courts and tribunals to impact their maritime claims or entitlements, this raises the concern that third State interests could be prejudiced by such a dispute settlement process, without their participation. While third-party intervention has been suggested as a possible means of recourse for such third States, this article argues that third States may, in practice, be hesitant of resorting to intervention. This is because attempts to intervene, whether successful or unsuccessful, are likely to entail the court or tribunal's eventual decision having some legally binding effects on the third State. Further, alternative options remain available to third States desirous of a platform to make their interests known. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since the Republic of India became an independent nation in 1947, the Indian state has strived to keep its territorial integrity, in spite of the numerous territorial claims made by neighboring states. Firstly, the Kashmir region is home to both Muslim and Hindu populations; therefore, when the Indian and Pakistani states were created, the region was split between the two new states. However, both states hold the belief that the entirety of the Kashmir region should be part of their territory,. This situation sparked numerous local conflicts and four local wars (1947, 1965, 1971, and 1999). Secondly, another disputed area is located on the border with the People's Republic of China, as the Chinese state does not recognize the McMahon Line, which was agreed upon by British India and Tibet. This led to the conflict in 1962 and to a tension-filled relationship between China and India. This paper approaches both the historical evolution of the conflicts and the way in which these two conflict areas are portrayed in literature. While Veera Hiranandani, in The Night Dia77 (2018), and Khushwant Singh, in Train to Pakistan (1956), focus on the conflicts between Muslims and Hindus after the partition of India and Pakistan, Salman Rushdie, in Midnight's Children (1981), analyzes the traumas of the conflict in Kashmir. Furthermore, Jon Cleary, in Pulse of Danger (1966), presents the context of the Sino-Indian war. The most disturbing novel about the Indian conflicts is Humphrey Hawksley's novel, Dragon Fire (2000), because the author presents an apocalyptic war between the Republic of India, on one side, and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan allied with the People's Republic of China, on die other side. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to describe and analyze the changes in public sites of memory in the multi-ethnic border region of Czechoslovak Silesia during the period of restoration of Czechoslovak sovereignty, between the fall of Nazism in May 1945 and the communist putsch in Czechoslovakia in February 1948. This research focuses on transformations and (dis)continuity of cults and symbols during that period, and on specifics and differences within the examined region with regard to ethnic and social structure of local population. Research is based primarily on the recorded agendas of state and district administrations, but preserved memorials and photographs or descriptions of vanished sites of memory also serve as important sources. After the expulsion of German population, the western part of the region was repopulated by settlers from various regions of East-Central Europe. Most of local German sites of memory vanished, with the partial exception of religious symbols and a few "apolitical" memorials. New monuments and memorials were dedicated mainly to personalities of Czech history in an effort to inculcate the "official" identity amongst the new-settlers. In the Ostrava coal basin, the new regime invoked the pre-war tradition of working-class identity and showed tolerance towards the sites of memory of the local Polish minority, except memorials related to the former Czech-Polish border conflicts. In the Hlučín region specifically, a strong pro-German narrative survived despite the "Czechization" efforts of state authorities. In general, the state-supported memory policy aimed to create the narrative of a "Slavic" and "socialist" Silesia, suppress the German past of the region, and weaken frictions between Czechs and Poles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Der Aufsatz untersucht, wie Konfliktakteure sich selbst (im Singular und Plural) in Beziehung zueinander und in Bezug aufeinander sozial verorten. Er zeigt, wie sie ihre Beziehung erleben und erfahren, und wie sich dabei die Figuration ihrer Beziehungen verändert. Dazu greift der Autor auf eine soziologisch kaum ausgearbeitete Perspektive zurück: Norbert Elias' Überlegungen zu Personalpronomen. Er entwickelt diese Perspektive am Fallbeispiel eines gewaltsam eskalierenden Konflikts, der sich 2012 im ehemaligen Bonner Diplomatenstadtteil Bad Godesberg ereignete. Die Analyse fokussiert auf die Wechselseitigkeit pronominaler Bezugnahmen in der Interaktion, die Re-Figuration von Intergruppengrenzen und die sich daraus entspinnende Konfliktdynamik. Auf dieser Basis werden einige Grundlinien einer pronomensensiblen soziologischen Analyseperspektive angedeutet und Implikationen für die neuere Diversitäts-, Humandifferenzierungs- und Konfliktforschung umrissen. This article examines how conflict actors socially situate themselves (in the singular and plural) in relation to one another and with respect to each other. It demonstrates how they experience their relationship and how the figuration of their relationships changes in the process. To this end, the author draws on a perspective that has hardly been worked out sociologically: Norbert Elias' reflections on personal pronouns. He develops this perspective using the case study of a violently escalating conflict that took place in 2012 in the former diplomatic district of Bad Godesberg in Bonn. The analysis focuses on the reciprocity of pronominal references in the interaction, the re-figuration of intergroup boundaries and the resulting conflict dynamics. On this basis, the author indicates some fundamental lines of a pronominal-sensitive sociological analysis perspective and provides implications for recent diversity research, human differentiation research and conflict research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The north western Atlas Mountains (Béchar region) act as refugia for relict populations of many species which highlights their interest as priority areas for conservation. Further work since the beginning of the last century has been difficult because of restricted access in a military area with long-standing border conflicts. This paper aims to analyse the temporal dynamics of the vegetation communities, to assess the floristic diversity of one of those isolated djebels, Djebel Antar, and to contribute to the knowledge of the conservation status of the species found. Surveys from 1925,1951 (published data) and 2017 (fieldwork) were interpreted and investigations were carried out on honey harvesting, production, and marketing in the Benzireg area to better understand and contribute to the development of beekeeping. A high proportion of endemic and very rare species was found. A tendency towards the homogenisation of the flora was detected with a decrease in plant diversity. Beekeeping is being tested as a means of enhancing biodiversity and contributing to the fight against vegetation degradation by reducing pastoral pressure. Djebel Antar retains its function as a refuge for biodiversity and may play an important role in conservation measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Belgeler is the property of Turkish Historical Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Focusing on the Russia–Ukraine war, this paper investigates natural gas futures volatilities. Applying several hybrid GARCH and EGARCH models, which innovatively incorporate both fat-tailed distribution errors and structural breaks, we derive the following new evidence. First, our hybrid modeling approach is effective in timely capturing the natural gas futures volatility spike when tensions simmered on the Russia–Ukraine border. Second, the hybrid modeling approach is effective for not only GARCH modeling but also EGARCH modeling. Third, the volatility estimates from our hybrid models have predictive power for the volatilities of nonhybrid models. Fourth, the volatility estimates from the nonhybrid models lag behind the volatilities of our hybrid models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This book examines the dynamics of national and regional security in the age of Zeitenwende amid polarization and conflict management. Through a comparative analysis, the authors reveal the intricate problems of border dynamics and practice in cases of border disputes and conflicts in the member states of the OSCE. The authors offer their approaches on how to peacefully settle the disputed borders, which can be supported by the EU, the NATO and the OSCE. It can be of significant help in preventing security crises and conflicts. In this regard, a number of solutions that can affect the Russian-Ukraine war and the settlement of RussiaUkraine relations are highlighted. From the author’s approach, it becomes clear that various European countries and international organizations should play an active role in the settlement of the Ukrainian crisis and the strengthening of European security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores China's growing presence and influence in India's neighboring island nations, particularly in the Indian Ocean. China has made significant investments in ports and infrastructure in countries like Hambantota, Gwadar, Kyaukphyu, and Djibouti, raising concerns for India. China has also been actively engaging with the domestic politics of India's immediate island neighbors, presenting itself as a counterweight to India. The article discusses the implications of China's actions for India's foreign policy options and highlights concerns raised by India and the United States regarding Chinese research vessels operating in the region. It suggests that India needs to develop counter-strategies and engage more actively with these island nations to prevent further drift towards China, while also emphasizing the importance of partnerships with other major powers like the United States. [Extracted from the article]

This article provides an overview of the regional geopolitics at the India-China border, focusing on the challenges and disputes surrounding territorial sovereignty and border demarcation. It discusses the ongoing military standoffs and conflicts at the border, as well as China's presence in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and the construction of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The article also explores the impact of these dynamics on India's geopolitical ambitions in Central Asia and its relationship with Nepal. It highlights the complex relationship between India, China, Nepal, and Bhutan, and the challenges India faces in countering China's influence in the region. [Extracted from the article]

The editorial discusses China's economic and political influence in the Indian Ocean region, particularly through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The article highlights China's focus on strategic locations such as Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Africa, and its efforts to acquire influence, political hegemony, and control over resources. It also examines China's operations in South Asia, Central Asia, and neighboring island states, as well as its relationship with Russia. The editorial concludes by discussing China's influence in Sri Lanka, Central Asia, and Africa, and recommends that India pursue capacity building to counter China's influence offensive in the Indian Ocean. [Extracted from the article]

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Indonesia's border areas with other countries are prone to various threats, both traditional threats such as territorial disputes or military attacks and non-traditional threats focusing on individual security, known as human security. The high number of human trafficking cases through border areas indicates the need to enhance the functions of personnel assigned to these areas. In this context, Immigration has a significant responsibility to prevent transnational crimes such as the non-procedural dispatch of Indonesian migrant workers and other forms of human trafficking. This research aims to analyze the role of immigration functions in enhancing human security in border areas. This descriptive research is based on literature studies related to border issues and potential crimes, as well as the role of immigration in addressing these problems. Through the four immigration functions--immigration services, law enforcement, state security, and facilitator of community welfare development--it is hoped to improve human security for communities in border areas. The findings indicate that strengthening these functions can significantly reduce human trafficking cases and enhance the welfare and security of border communities. This research provides important contributions to the development of public policies related to border management and the prevention of transnational crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shadow trading is a common activity along state borders. Its omnipresence is puzzling because border checkpoints are highly regulated spaces that are heavily gated and securitized. Most studies attribute such a paradox to ineffective border control and corruption. However, this line of argument overlooks the peculiar nature of border and checkpoint governance. We explore this phenomenon with a case study of the Sino‐Kazakh border where shadow traders negotiate their passage every day. We find that border crossing is a highly organized activity dictated by informal yet specific and meticulous rules that are enforced by various state and non‐state actors. Together, they constitute a kind of gray governance that is thoroughly entwined with the formal regime. It is a kind of technology of rule that enables the state to selectively enforce formal and informal rules so as to accommodate the conflicting goals of border control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]