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This article considers the nature of, and factors contributing to, experiences of vulnerability. It also explores some aspects of resilience among immigrants and refugees of black African background in South East Queensland, Australia. The findings indicate that an understanding of what influences immigrants and refugees to engage in activities to mitigate vulnerability can inform the development and implementation of targeted policies, including programs and interventions for successful settlement and integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The entanglement between notions of Blackness and gangs in Britain suggests that Black people exhibit some supposed compulsion for criminality collectively, as well as individually. This commentary critiques the criminalization of (young) Black individuals as gang members and the corresponding racialization of antigang policing and punishment measures through Britain’s history of colonial control and exploitation. I argue that the myth of collective Black criminality and the incorporation of clusters of Black individuals into an expanding prison labor market via joint enterprise relate to the criminalization and collective punishment of castes and tribes by the British colonial state in India. The resonance of Britain’s destructive past in present-day antigang initiatives makes it even more necessary to abolish gang databases, to question the validity of the idea of “the gang,” to review the convictions administered under joint enterprise, and to repeal the doctrine of common purpose itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the relationship between a radical politics and the institution of the archive through a history of the George Padmore Institute (GPI), a community archive attached to New Beacon Books in London. Focusing on the life and thought of John La Rose (1927–2006)—Trinidadian poet, publisher, activist, and founder of the institute—the essay explores how a politics of hope is articulated in relation to competing priorities of "foundation" and "movement." It assesses the GPI's radical potential as an archive designed to subvert its own authority, functioning in the spirit of a "beacon"—that is, something stable and reliable but which does not function as a destination, that is successful only if it is left behind , providing "foundation for movement." This vision for the GPI is contextualized with regard to recent debates around archive building in the Caribbean as well as in the age of digital technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British August First celebrations were an important day of the year for Blacks in North America. Elite and aspiring organizers attempted to use the holiday as a sight of excellence. Partakers understood they were watched closely during commemorations and that their slightest imperfections could be magnified to unreasonable proportions. Thereby, Blacks felt it was essential to present themselves in near “perfection” to prove that they could be “upstanding citizens.” This article asserts that the standard of outright excellence Blacks attempted to execute on August First was neither achievable nor performed by Whites at celebrations like July Fourth. While Whites could be the notorious offenders of uncivilized and imperfect behavior, First celebrations were to be as theLiberatorproclaimed an “array of virtue, loveliness, moral heroism, and true piety.” In all, when Blacks utilized the power to assemble, it was viewed more as a potential site of lawlessness and subversion, despite their efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the current study, we examined scores on an adapted version of the Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS) in a sample of 348 Jamaican college students. Our goal was to assess whether nigrescence attitudes as operationalized by adapted Cross Racial Identity Scale scores (J-CRIS) would be internally consistent and structurally valid in a context outside the United States. Nigrescence theory was conceptualized in the context of discrimination in a country where individuals of African descent are a minority, whereas Jamaica is a country that is more than 90% Black. Results indicated that scores on the J-CRIS were internally consistent and confirmatory factor analyses supported the structural validity of the scores in Jamaica. Correlations of J-CRIS scores with ethnic identity and collective self-esteem scores provided some evidence of convergent and discriminant validity. The results of the study suggest that nigrescence attitudes can be measured with integrity in Jamaicans, although future research will be needed to understand whether the subscales have the same meaning in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on co-viewing (or group viewing) is scarce. Yet, co-viewing has important implications for the viewers’ entertainment experience and the way viewers respond to and evaluate entertainment—especially those with controversial messages. The present study investigated responses to racial humor content among racial in-group and out-group viewing contexts. Specifically, the study examined the extent to which Blacks and Whites would experience discomfort when viewing racial slurs in comedies with in-group compared to out-group members. Employing real-time psychophysiological data and multilevel time series models, the study found a significant increase in emotional arousal (indicated by SCRs) and distraction (indicated by RSA) among Blacks in the context of out-group viewing compared to in-group viewing, but not for Whites. Implications of findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article offer information on the views of the people on Detroit, Michigan and the condition of Detroit. Topics discussed include views of the people on the attitude of black people; apology of Detroit mayor for the activity of the Detroit police in the library of the author; and blog post headline about hating Detroit mentioning about the economic disparity and lack of development for Detroiters. It also mention about the works of artist Terryn Hall.

Studies have documented ethnic differences in advance directive (AD) completion, with lower rates in minority groups. Of those with ADs, blacks are more likely than whites to prefer aggressive care, but little is known about how these differences in preferences have changed over time in ethnic groups. This nationally representative study aimed to investigate whether these differences in AD development persisted after adjusting for important confounding variables. Year of death was analyzed to see how AD completion changed over time within ethnic groups, and for those with an AD, the association between these factors and opting for aggressive care was investigated. Data from the 2000 to 2012 Health and Retirement Study (HRS) exit interviews from 7,177 decedents were used. Analyses included logistic regression to determine the relationship between ethnicity and AD completion and preferences for aggressive care and how it changed over time in ethnic groups. Forty-six percent of decedents had completed an AD (whites 51.7%, Hispanics 18.0%, blacks 15.0%). Of blacks completing an AD, 23.8% elected prolonged care, compared with 13.3% of Hispanics and 3.3% of whites. Logistic regression revealed that blacks 75% lower odds of completing an AD and Hispanics had 70% lower odds. Model covariates had a small influence on ethnic differences, although in examining the change in AD completion over time, the odds of having an AD increased with each subsequent death year for blacks and whites but not Hispanics. Additional research is needed to investigate the effect of cultural differences in AD completion rates of ethnic minority groups to ensure that preferences are honored in the clinical setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores daily online conversations between Black young people of West African descent in the Paris region. It analyses how they react to the racial and social categorizations which they are subjected to. How do they express and/or contest everyday racism, discrimination, and their being defined as a social and ethno-racial minority? What are the social effects of these modes of expression? Away from the explicit and organized discourses from associations and anti-racist groups, these conversations show how people invent modes of expressions and/or contest everyday racism, using spaces and modes which are not always explicitly political or militant, but refer to their experience of minoritization. Analysing ‘minor modes’ of expressing and contesting opens to a study on the processes of community building among black people in the French migratory and postcolonial context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a criticism of Henry O. Pruden and Douglas S. Longman's article "Race, Alienation, and Consumerism," appearing in the July 1972 issue of "Journal of Marketing." The author asserts that Pruden and Longman limit their discussion of alienation to the phenomenon of anomie, without considering the mulidimensionality of alienation. Consideration is given to the Srole measure of anomia and the influence of race, occupation, and education on the perception of alienation. Differing perceptions among different races are discussed.

Little consensus exists regarding conducting intersectional studies. We introduce 'intersectional identity work' as an approach for examining individuals' experiences at the nexus of multiple identities. Incorporating identity work as a theoretical and analytical framework, we use journals and interviews to examine identity-heightening episodes that trigger meaning-making of intersecting senior, gender and ethnic identities among British Asian and black women and men. Our analysis reveals how intersecting identities are leveraged in encounters with subordinates, superiors and clients. Intersectional locations provide resources and cues for claiming or restricting privileged and disadvantaged status in asymmetric power positions. Intersectional identity work expands and restricts identification at juxtaposed locations. It offers a prospect for elucidating intersectional dynamics present in a range of identity configurations and addresses critiques that individual-level intersectional analyses at intersections are mere narrative. We encourage further research that examines other socially salient identities using our approach to develop theory on how multiple identities play out in everyday experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: We assessed the relationship of self-reported racial discrimination with illicit drug use among US Blacks, and whether this differed by socioeconomic position (SEP).Methods: Among 6587 Black participants in Wave 2 of the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions (2004-2005), we used multiple logistic regression models to test the association between racial discrimination (measured on the 6-item Experiences of Discrimination scale) and past-year illicit drug use, and whether this differed by SEP.Results: Racial discrimination was associated with past-year drug use [adjusted odds ratio (aOR) 2.32; 95 % confidence interval (CI) 1.70, 3.16] and with frequent drug use (aOR 1.91; 95 % CI 1.22, 2.99). For frequent illicit drug use, this relationship was stronger among higher SEP participants (aOR 3.55; 95 % CI 2.09, 6.02; p interaction < 0.01).Conclusions: The stronger association between racial discrimination and frequent illicit drug use among higher SEP Blacks suggests a complex interplay between disadvantaged and privileged statuses that merits further investigation. The finding of a significant difference by SEP highlights the importance of considering differences within heterogeneous race/ethnic groups when investigating health disparities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses what justice is and how it is perceived by members in the Black community. The Black community is composed of people of all races and ethnicities who live and/or work in predominantly Black areas. Interviews were conducted and analyzed focusing on this question: “What is justice?” The Black community does not have a monolithic view of the meaning of justice, nor of the process. We interpreted participants’ definition of justice in terms of Eurocentrism, Afrocentrism, or simply cultural sensitivity (“enculturated”). The goal of this article is to lay the framework and groundwork for dialogue among and to provide recommendations to scholars and professionals in the allied fields of education, legal studies, and criminal justice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We examined views on same-sex marriage in the context of California's Proposition 8 among a community sample of non-Black gay men, lesbians, and bisexual men and women (GLBs) as well as Black heterosexuals. Additionally, we investigated whether GLBs' perception of Blacks' views on same-sex marriage influenced the extent to which they blamed Blacks for the passage of Proposition 8. As expected, GLBs viewed same-sex marriage as a civil rights issue significantly more than a moral issue and as analogous to the 1960s Civil Rights Campaign. The views of Black heterosexuals, however, varied greatly by their vote on Proposition 8. Furthermore, the more GLBs perceived Blacks to view same-sex marriage as a civil rights issue, the less they blamed Blacks for the passage of Proposition 8. These findings suggest that GLBs and Blacks frame the issue of same-sex marriage differently and point to important intergroup consequences of perceived views of others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This viewpoint draws on discussions at two seminars to consider ambivalent attitudes amongst a group of Black women towards considering themselves and/or other Black people as 'middle class'. The first seminar highlighted the experiences of a group of Black 'middle-class' parents and the second, which was organised as a result of the reaction the first seminar received, sought to explore attendees views as to whether they thought Black people could be Black and 'middle class'. The viewpoint contends that the concept 'Black middle class' is incompatible with some Black women's notions of self, and that their ambivalence about the 'Black middle classes' is partly rooted in an emotional need to remain connected to the wider Black community. Whilst these women's understandings of the 'Black middle classes' are informed by their gendered and racialised experiences, there is also evidence of a denial of (class) privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does the furor over the “politicization” of Coretta Scott King's funeral reveal about contemporary black mourning practices? What does it reveal about black political thought, rhetoric, and practice? Identifying two key modes of mourning and their concomitant conceptions of democracy, this article situates the funeral within a tradition of self-consciously political responses to loss that played a significant role in abolitionism and the struggle for civil rights. Tracing the tradition's origins, and employing the speeches of Frederick Douglass as an exemplar, it considers the approach's democratic value and the consequences of its failure. Arguing that the response to the King funeral indicates that the tradition is in decline, the article locates causes of this decline in significant changes among the black population and in the complex consequences of the tradition's previous successes. It concludes by considering the decline's potentially negative impact, both for African Americans and for the broader political community. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Within Black communities, individuals of mixed Black/White parentage have faced diverse reactions, ranging from elevation to scorn. These reactions have often been based on the oppressions of history, the injustices of the present, and the hopes for a radically different future. This article traces the common historical responses, both positive and negative, within Black communities to mixed race identities, thereby elucidating contemporary reactions to race mixture within Black communities. In so doing, it argues that an historical understanding of these reactions as well as a recognition of the positions mixed race individuals occupy can challenge assumptions about race, difference, identity, and community—fostering new ground on which individuals can stand for common causes within heterogeneous communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which examines the authenticity of black radicalism and ontological difference between blackness and the blacks. It is stated that, the perception that aggressive behavior of black people, in colonies, is due to their color is wrong. It is stated that, the behavior is actually a fight for the liberation of their countries from colonialist nations. It is stated that, there is a difference between blackness, which is related to behavior and criminality, and black people.

The article discusses the factors that contributed to the development of Black criminal typification and its role in justifying racial profiling of criminals. Marc Mauer hints that Whites have long viewed criminal behavior as an inherent characteristic of Blacks. Randall Kennedy seconded the view by explaining that he reputation of Blacks has been tarnished by beliefs about predispositions toward criminality that can be traced back to the enslavement of Africans in the U.S. The author cites that the foremost contributor to the formation of the public's association between Blacks and criminality is the sheer number of Blacks represented in crime statistics and the criminal justice system.

Using a nationally representative sample from the 2002 General Social Survey (GSS) and a woman of color feminist analysis, this study examines the attitudes Black, Hispanic, and White Americans have toward maternal roles and the effects these attitudes have on life satisfaction. Hierarchical multiple regression analyses reveal that: (1) age is a predictor of job-life satisfaction for White respondents but not for Black or Hispanic respondents, (2) managing home and work life is important to family-life satisfaction for Black and White respondents but not for Hispanic respondents; (3) viewing children as life's greatest joy is important for family-life satisfaction among all three groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Greenwald, McGhee, and Schwartz showed that white participants indicated a more positive evaluative association with whites than with blacks in the Implicit Association Test (IAT), and were being neutral on explicit measures. Their results suggested that the IAT might resist self-presentational forces which can mask personally or socially undesirable racial attitudes. In the current study, two experiments tested whether participants could voluntarily suppress the tendency to appear (1) more favorable to flowers than to insects on the IAT of those attitudes, or (2) pro-white on the racial IAT of whites and blacks. Both experiments found that participants could not fake the IAT effectively when merely asked to do so; they could produce a faked implicit attitude only when they were instructed to respond slowly to a subset of the stimuli. Overall, participants did not spontaneously discover the apparently controllable strategy for faking the IAT; they had to be taught how to implement it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows that when confronted with a problem as complex as racial prejudice, researchers cannot afford to limit themselves to studying prejudice from the perspective of Whites. Many argue that in the research that does focus on Blacks and prejudice, Blacks are studied primarily in terms of their reactions to prejudice. This article challenges researchers to examine how Blacks' racial attitudes and behaviors influence intergroup dynamics between Whites and Blacks. Four areas of research in the prejudice and stereotyping literature that could be used to study Blacks' role in understanding racial prejudice are discussed. Moreover, the implications of studying Blacks in these 4 areas are explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the influence of violent rap music on stereotypical attributions of Afro-Americans in North Carolina. Link of violent rap music exposure with negative dispositional attributions of violence to Blacks; Impact on judgments involving stereotype-related traits; Perpetuation of negative effects by Blacks and Whites.

Presents information on a study which described how Black Americans view advance directives. Background on the study; Research design; Results; Implications.

Examines the relationship between religiosity and both political participation, and membership in voluntary associations among Blacks and Whites. Expectation that religiosity is positively related to political participation; Mobilization theory; Negative effect of religiosity on nontraditional political participation among Blacks.

Three studies demonstrated that induced compliance can change socially significant attitudes and that the change generalizes to broader beliefs. White college students wrote an essay endorsing a pro-Black policy that was costly to Whites. In Experiments 1 and 2, attitudes and general beliefs about Blacks became more favorable in both high- and low-choice conditions, provided publicity of the essay was high. Overall, choice and publicity had additive effects on attitude change. Some high-choice Ss wrote only semipositive (semicompliant) essays and did not change their essay attitudes. Yet their beliefs about Blacks still became more favorable. In Experiment 3, racial ambivalence, but not prior attitude, predicted essay compliance (positive or semipositive essay). Ambivalent Ss were more likely to comply than were less ambivalent Ss. Thus, dissonance-mediated change may be facilitated when internal conflict already exists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While blacks are generally considered to be more "liberal" than whites, this generalization is primarily based on differences in economic welfare attitudes and party identification. Seldom have racial differences in social attitudes been explored. Using national samples, the attitudes of blacks and whites on the Supreme Court's school prayer rulings are compared. At each of the three times investigated, blacks were less supportive of the Court's rulings. This difference persists even when the greater religiosity of blacks and their lower socioeconomic status are taken into account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The culture-of-poverty perspective suggests that the values and beliefs of minority group members and persons in the lower classes inhibit their use of physician services. This traditional view appears to be no longer valid. A causal model of physician utilization, based on data collected in Illinois in 1980, showed that the attitudes of blacks and the less educated promote utilization rather than discourage it. These two groups were found to have positive attitudes about the medical system and a tendency to feel that a visit to the doctor is the desirable course of action when symptoms are present. Attitudes alone (an additive effect), however, have no effect on utilization; attitudes have their effect only in combination with symptoms (a conditional effect). Higher levels of symptoms among blacks and the less educated coupled with a propensity to use physician services act to promote visits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I investigated the impact of location in the social structure and communication processes on white and black responses to societal change conceptions of equality (structural equality), one conception that entailed beliefs about abstract notions of equality and one that pertained to a concrete reference-based conception of inequality (of blacks). A recent national survey provided the data to test 12 hypotheses formulated from theorizing in the area of stratification beliefs. Using covariance analysis resulted in substantial support for the prediction. Overall, blacks more strongly favored using structural means to attain equality (general and racial equality) than did whites. Those blacks and whites better placed in the social system were more likely to embrace these institutional change solutions to inequality, and whites who watched more television news were more likely to embrace conceptions of racial structural inequality. Moreover, whites who were less well placed in society were more likely to endorse general structural equality, and those who embraced the general conception of equality were more likely to endorse structural remedies to reduce racial inequality. Finally, religion variables had strong, but sometimes puzzling, relationships with the equality constructs. Several areas for further study are outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A study which obtained black street respondents as well as black household respondents, who are the only respondents obtained in surveys by other investigators, reveals some noteworthy differences from earlier findings on the relationship between social status and attitudes toward and experiences with the police. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study that investigates the anti-Black attitudes as well as shared threat in relation to the study of variation in the expression of hostility. Hostility is demonstrated in direct evaluations made of the Blacks, in the frequency with which the Blacks are rejected from the group and in the avoidance of communication during the problem solving interaction. Through the study, it seems that the expression of hostility varies directly with the strength of anti-Black attitudes and indirectly with the degree of shared threat. It reveals that under the condition of shared threat, a reduction in the expression of prejudice occurs in terms of direct evaluation of the Blacks by other racially group people.