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The Net Promoter Score (NPS) is a popular metric for measuring customer loyalty and is claimed by Reichheld to predict a company's growth. However, various academic studies provide controversial results regarding its reliability and prediction powers. This study analyzes how respondents answer the likelihood-to-recommend (LTR) question in different predescribed and validated situations. One thousand participants are presented with situation descriptions that consist of previous and recent experiences with a bank and are asked how they would respond to the LTR question after such an experience. The results indicate that respondents do not always give a high score for good experiences, and a low score for bad experiences. However, with a high number of respondents, the different answering approaches even out, and the NPS results are higher for good than for bad experiences. Additionally, we notice that whereas negative experiences are evaluated as low by all respondents, Generation X and Boomers tend to give lower scores for neutral and positive experiences. Those with lower income and basic education give lower scores for neutral experiences. The recent experience influences the customer's likelihood of recommending more than the previous experiences with the company. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Considering the uncertainty that accompanies political reforms, this study examines the determinants of universal basic income (UBI) acceptance among a representative sample of 593 German citizens using innovation resistance theory. The study aimed to determine whether passive innovation resistance (PIR) negatively influences UBI acceptance and to investigate how active evaluation of pro‐ and con‐arguments, potentially leading to active innovation resistance (AIR), affects this relationship. The results indicate that both PIR and AIR reduce UBI acceptance. Social influence and individual advantages appear to be the primary drivers of UBI support, while counter‐arguments have a relatively minor impact. AIR is mainly influenced by individual economic effects, universality and social justice, whereas unconditionality has a negligible effect. The study also reveals moderation effects of age and political orientation (liberal vs. conservative) and provides practical insights along with suggestions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: This study will evaluate the Basic Income for Care Leavers in Wales pilot (BIP), which is the most generous basic income scheme in the world. A cohort of care-experienced young people who become aged 18 during a 12-month enrolment period (July 2022-June 2023) are receiving £1,600 (before tax) per month for two years, and the Welsh Government intends this to have a range of benefits. This evaluation will examine the impact of BIP, the implementation of the pilot and how it is experienced, and its value for money. Methods: The study is a theory-based quasi-experimental evaluation, and the design and methods are informed by ongoing co-production with care-experienced young people. We will estimate the impact of BIP on participants using self-reported survey data and routinely collected administrative data. This will include outcomes across a range of domains, including psychological wellbeing, physical and mental health, financial impact, education, training and volunteering. Comparisons between temporal (Welsh) and geographical (English, using administrative data) controls will be done using coarsened exact matching and difference in differences analysis. The process evaluation will examine how BIP is implemented and experienced, primarily through monitoring data (quantitative) and interview, observational, and focus group data (qualitative). The economic evaluation will take a public sector and a societal perspective to identify, measure and value the costs and outcomes of BIP, and to synthesise the evidence to inform a social cost-benefit analysis at 24 months post-intervention. Discussion: BIP is unusual in that it targets a wide range of outcomes and is available to an entire national cohort of participants. The evaluation also has several practical constraints. Therefore, the study will use a range of methods and triangulate between different analyses to assess how successful it is. Findings will inform policy in relation to care leavers, social security and basic income studies worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Given increased interest and investment in guaranteed income initiatives across North America, it is critical to understand the impact of guaranteed income on health, an understudied outcome. As part of Baltimore, Maryland's guaranteed income pilot, we conducted formative research to understand the influence of increased income on health and develop concrete recommendations for implementation and evaluation of the pilot. Methods: We conducted semi-structured in-depth interviews with Baltimore community residents (n = 8) and community collaborators (n = 8), probing on familiarity with guaranteed income; effect of guaranteed income on overall health and specific health outcomes (e.g., mental health, nutrition); and recommendations for program structure (e.g., eligibility, target population). Data were analyzed thematically using a framework analysis approach. Results: Respondents agreed that guaranteed income could have beneficial effects on health though some were unsure of specific mechanisms. Respondents emphasized pathways through which guaranteed income could improve health: (1) reduced financial-related stress; (2) improved nutrition through purchase of healthier foods; (3) improved family well-being including child health and parent-child relationships; (4) increased utilization of health services; (5) improved community health through increased community cohesion and decreased violence. Respondents described decreased feelings of time scarcity as a social determinant of health. Most respondents reported that Baltimore's guaranteed income program should prioritize young, low-income families with $1,000/month or more for at least one year. Conclusions: This formative research on the potential health impacts of guaranteed income in Baltimore highlights important health outcomes and pathways, such as social cohesion and decreased feelings of time scarcity, to prioritize for evaluation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many democracies, unemployed and low‐income citizens are less willing to vote. Can social policies weaken the link between income and turnout? We study policy feedback leveraging a unique experiment in Finland, which randomly assigned a sizable group of unemployed to receiving an unconditional basic income (BI) for 2 years (2017–19). Combining individual‐level registry and survey data, we show that the intervention has large positive effects on voter turnout. Unconditional BI increases turnout in municipal elections by about 3 percentage points (p.p.), on average, an effect that is concentrated among marginal voters (+ 6–8 p.p.) and persists in national elections after the end of the experiment. Exploring possible mechanisms, our analysis highlights the role of the interpretive effects that follow from unconditionality in the bureaucratic process, including higher levels of political trust and efficacy. We discuss implications for theories of voter turnout and policy feedback, and the design of BI policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Precarity has long been a defining feature of the creative industries. Recently, the concept of a (universal) basic income (UBI) has received increased academic and policy interest as a way to mitigate the cultural and creative labour market’s precarious conditions. However, little is known about how artists experience receiving a basic income, and how this affects their work practices. Therefore, we explored such self-perceived effects of a basic income on artists’ professional and personal lives. We interviewed the recipients and the organisers of No Strings Attached – a 6-month experiment offering seven creative workers a basic income – at the beginning, middle, and end of this initiative (n = 22). Contrary to expectations of decreased productivity, our findings reveal three main ways in which respondents allocated their basic income: (1) “buying” time to improve their quality of work, (2) “buying” time to improve their quality of life, and (3) direct career investments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As automating technologies are increasingly integrated into workplaces, one concern is that many of the human workers who remain will be relegated to more dull and less positively impactful work. This paper considers two rival theories of meaningful work that might be used to evaluate particular implementations of automation. The first is achievementism, which says that work that culminates in achievements to workers' credit is especially meaningful; the other is the practice view, which says that work that takes the form of an open-ended practice is especially meaningful. Of the two, the practice view is the better tool for assessing the future of meaningful work, because achievementism is explanatorily inadequate in two ways. Moreover, the practice view can explain why the most meaningful forms of work cannot be automated. A procedure can only be automated as long as the steps are defined, whereas, in such work, which steps to take is indefinitely open to redefinition. This reveals the real threat to meaningful work to be a political-economic one. The relevant ethical questions there have to do with how much creative control workers retain in crafting their own jobs, when those jobs involve meaningful work in collaboration with machines; and how to liberate workers from jobs that do not involve meaningful work, which should be left to machines anyway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rapid increase in technology in production, the idea that robots will take away people's jobs and that this will lead to a major social problem has started to gain prominence. In such a situation, there will be a need for both income sufficient to ensure people's basic livelihoods and the preservation of social peace. At this point, the idea of a universal basic income comes to the fore. Universal basic income can be defined as the amount of money paid unconditionally and regularly to every individual in society. In this study, the theory of universal basic income is examined from many aspects. In this context, the scope and motivation of universal basic income are presented, and the advantages that basic income would provide for both workers and capital owners are evaluated separately. Additionally, within the scope of this study, it is demonstrated that it is possible to finance basic income by considering the social expenditures made by states. The study also evaluates the criticisms of basic income and the responses to these criticisms. Furthermore, the pilot implementations of universal basic income and their results are analyzed. In the conclusion section of the study, it is reached that basic income is consistent but its simultaneous implementation on a universal level is not yet possible in its current form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering contemporary crises and challenges, I hereby discuss the Universal Basic Income (UBI) as a citizenship prerogative aimed at promoting new ways of social organization and living. The analysis primarily focuses on understanding how UBI could impact people's quality of life, subjectivities and perceptions. The empirical material used in the analysis includes some statistical data, but mainly ethnographic testimonies from participants in UBI-related programmes or experiments. Access to this data was made possible through secondary research of various worldwide cases related to this policy between 1970 and 2022, aiming to establish a solid foundation for characterizing the effects of the programmes and the experiences of recipients. In this research process, I assumed that documentary secondary sources also provide fertile ground for anthropological approaches and analyses. From this empirical ground it became possible to understand the structural changes brought about by UBI in people's living conditions, subjectively experienced through emotional relief, safety, trust, optimism and joy, constituting embodied subjectivities of well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using individual-level tax filing data, we simulate basic incomes for Nunavut. We identify basic incomes that are feasible within Nunavut's budget and that deliver the greatest poverty reduction for the lowest cost. We find that Nunavut could implement a small basic income using savings from the elimination of Nunavut tax credits and income assistance. Given the low tax base in Nunavut, a more generous basic income would require federal funding. A basic income could mitigate concerns such as food insecurity but would not eliminate the need for programs such as housing nor completely cover harvesting costs. The current Nunavut income assistance program requires that recipients participate in "productive choices." Similar conditions, which are often conditions of Indigenous basic incomes, would be difficult to implement in a basic income administered through the tax system. We discuss this and other aspects in the context of Inuit principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the moderating effects of public deliberation on policy support determinants: self-interests, symbolic attitudes and sociotropic perceptions. It explores how individual attitudes and policy preferences evolve during deliberation, focusing on Gyeonggi Province's basic income policy held in 2020 in South Korea. The paper reveals that while public deliberation, through information and group discussions, reduces the influence of material self-interests on policy preferences, it has a relatively limited effect on symbolic attitudes and sociotropic perceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Worktime has been falling slowly though real wages have risen dramatically. We show that in a general equilibrium model with CES utility and production functions, worktime falls with real wages if and only if the elasticity of substitution between consumption and leisure is less than that between capital and labour, but always rises with labour's income share and concerns with relative income. While a falling labour share may not reduce worktime due to market inflexibility, stronger income comparison increases inefficient overwork. Hence, more flexibility, higher income taxes and a basic income are needed to reduce working hours and raise social welfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This viewpoint analyzes recent experiments in guaranteed income (GI) projects and identifies implementation issues that extend the frontiers of public administration. GI programs provide low‐income individuals with substantial and regular cash with few or no strings or conditions attached and are being used to assist the lower income population, including informal workers who are left out of many government programs. The following implementation issues are discussed as frontiers in current public administration research and theory: (1) increasing the federal role in vertical collaboration; (2) improving data integration across levels of government; and (3) finding new solutions to financial and political sustainability. As GI programs and experiments proliferate, it becomes critical to examine implementation and not just outcomes or impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Income interventions with pro-poor targeting is a common fiscal policy around the world. However their distributional effects on consumption and savings are not well understood. Motivated by the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), we use longitudinal data on income and consumption of Indian households to estimate distributional effects of such interventions in a model with endogenous consumption and savings distribution, where households face uninsured income risks. In the model, a standard scheme of interventions that consistently targets low-income cohorts, has small distributional impacts on targeted and non-targeted cohorts alike. In contrast, a fiscally-equivalent scheme that changes the expected income profile of the targeted households in the same initial cohort irrespective of their future incomes, generates larger effects by changing income mobility for both the targeted and non-targeted cohorts. This mobility-based channel generates consumption responses even though the magnitude of the shock is lesser for the initially targeted cohort, as it more than offsets the effect from permanent income shock. Quantitatively, such an intervention in the order of 0.6 percent of output, approximating the Indian scenario, increases consumption share of the targeted cohort by nearly 2.5 percent, five times as large as the effect of standard interventions. The distributional effects are similar to those arising from a counterfactual policy of universal basic income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research questions addressed in this study are: “Who supports basic income (BI) in Korea?” and “What type of BI do supporters endorse?” To understand the support for BI in detail two key factors were considered: job insecurity and the receipt of no‐strings cash benefits during the COVID‐19 pandemic. The types of BI were categorized based on regularity, individuality, and adequacy. A series of logistic regression analyses was conducted using nationally representative survey data from 2020. The results revealed that job insecurity and the receipt of no‐strings cash benefits during the pandemic were significantly associated with the support for BI. Additionally, the study explored significant correlates of the support for each feature of BI. Job insecurity and the receipt of no‐strings cash benefits were significantly associated with the regularity of BI but not with its individuality and adequacy. Interestingly, among the participants who supported universal BI, only 9% believed that BI should be regular, individual, and sufficient to cover the minimum cost of living. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past two decades, a significant surge in interest in investigating mental disorders and challenges faced by low- and middle-income countries in the realm of mental health has been observed. Various types of universal basic income (UBI) programs have already demonstrated significant impacts on individuals' mental health in high-income countries. Therefore, this review focuses on the situation in low- and middle-income countries. A literature review was conducted using seven electronic databases. Empirical studies of any design that implemented different types of UBI interventions in middle- and low-income countries and applied any type of mental health measures were searched for. After systematically reviewing 6822 articles, 13 empirical studies examining the relationship between various types of UBI interventions and different aspects of mental health in developing countries were identified. The collective findings of the studies suggest that UBI programs have significant positive effects on the mental health of individuals from developing countries, with the potential mediating role of unconditionality and payment frequency being noteworthy. However, these implications are limited due to the small number of studies conducted in this area and their methodological constraints. Further research with rigorous design is needed, particularly focusing on experimental control and length of follow-up periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given a general utility and income distribution and positive unemployment benefits, we analyze the impact of a universal basic income (UBI) financed by an income tax and reducing unemployment benefits. With extensive margins only and identical fixed costs of work, we show that UBI can benefit a poor majority. Plausible conditions can ensure similar results with different fixed costs. With both extensive and intensive margins but identical fixed costs, a modest UBI can still benefit a poor majority provided the income weighted tax elasticity of labor supply from intensive margins is less than the non-employment rate, which is usually true. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Artificial Intelligence (AI) is predicted to have a deep impact on the future of work and employment. The paper outlines a normative framework to understand and protect human freedom and justice in this transition. The proposed framework is based on four main ideas: going beyond the idea of a Basic Income to compensate the losers in the transition towards AI-driven work, towards a Responsible Innovation approach, in which the development of AI technologies is governed by an inclusive and deliberate societal judgment; going beyond a philosophical conceptualisation of social justice only focused on the distribution of 'primary goods', towards one focused on the different goals, values, and virtues of various social practices (Walzer's 'spheres of justice') and the different individual capabilities of persons (Sen's 'capabilities'); going beyond a classical understanding of capital, towards one explicitly including mental capacities as a source of value for AI-driven activities. In an effort to promote an interdisciplinary approach, the paper combines political and economic theories of freedom, justice and capital with recent approaches in applied ethics of technology, and starts applying its normative framework to some concrete example of AI-based systems: healthcare robotics, 'citizen science', social media and platform economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "If the Difference Principle Won't Make a Real Difference in Algorithmic Fairness, What Will?: Response to 'Rawlsian Algorithmic Fairness and a Missing Aggregation Property of the Difference Principle'" examines the challenges of applying John Rawls' difference principle to algorithmic fairness. The authors argue that implementing the principle at a local level is not enough to ensure fairness at a societal level. They provide examples and simulations to support their argument and suggest that addressing inequality through measures like taxing billionaires or implementing universal basic income may be more effective. The article also raises questions about the practicality of Rawlsian principles and proposes alternative policies that focus on broader patterns of distributional justice. It explores different perspectives on justice and responsibility, emphasizing the need for collective action to bring about meaningful change. The author critiques the limitations of Rawlsian political philosophy and calls for a more comprehensive approach to algorithmic fairness. [Extracted from the article]

Purpose: The aim of this article is to analyze the proposal of unconditional basic income (UBI) in the context of social inequalities and to elucidate the fundamental aspects of this concept. The analysis of the UBI concept is conducted without reference to the sources of financing for this solution. Design/methodology/approach: The primary research methods employed are a literature review and the observation of reality. Findings: The implementation of unconditional basic income, as envisioned by Klaus Schwab, is projected to lead to a significant increase in social inequality. Research limitations/implications: To avert the potential negative outcomes, it is essential to initiate a robust discourse and develop a comprehensive system with detailed solutions. It is recommended to engage not only economists, lawyers, and policymakers but also entrepreneurs and trade unions, ensuring that the resulting concept is as optimal as possible. Practical implications: (if applicable) What outcomes and implications for practice, applications and consequences are identified? How will the research impact upon the business or enterprise? What changes to practice should be made as a result of this research? What is the commercial or economic impact? Not all papers will have practical implications. Social implications: (if applicable) What will be the impact on society of this research? How will it influence public attitudes? How will it influence (corporate) social responsibility or environmental issues? How could it inform public or industry policy? How might it affect quality of life? Not all papers will have social implications. Originality/value: This article contributes to the academic discourse by evaluating the concept of unconditional basic income in relation to social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite citizens' precarization and policymakers' enthusiasm for a universal basic income (UBI), this alternative to targeted welfare has, curiously, received limited popular support. We theorize that this is due to people overestimating society's meritocratic nature. Accordingly, we field a randomized survey experiment with a representative sample of the Dutch population (n = 1,630) to investigate the impact of information provision about the non-meritocratic nature of wealth and ethnic inequality on support for a UBI. Informed by extant research indicating that citizens respond differently to the same information because of material circumstances or different worldviews, we further estimate conditional average treatment effects to explore moderation by (1) income, (2) economic egalitarianism, (3) welfare chauvinism and (4) institutional trust. We find that support for a UBI is higher among individuals with lower incomes and those who are more egalitarian and less welfare chauvinistic. Nonetheless, while exposure to our factual treatment makes participants more concerned about inequality and supportive of economic redistribution in general, it neither directly nor conditionally affects their support for a UBI. Our findings suggest that a UBI may be deemed too radical an approach to addressing inequality. We discuss theoretical and policy implications and provide suggestions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To explore the prevalence and risk factors associated with circadian syndrome (CricS) in community-dwelling middle-aged to older adults. We performed a cross-sectional analysis of 13,516 participants from the China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study (CHARLS). We used logistic regression to compute the odds ratios (OR) and 95 % confidence intervals (Cls), using covariates derived through the health ecology model. The overall prevalence of CricS was 31.5 % (25.0 % males and 37.1 % females). With controlling all covariates, social isolation (OR 1.164, 95%CI 1.033–1.310), irritable mood (OR 1.689, 95%CI 1.488–1.917), fear responses (OR 1.546, 95%CI 1.262–1.894), chronic disease (OR 1.577, 95%CI 1.392–1.788), and financial debt (OR 0.806, 95%CI 0.657–0.990) were significantly correlated with increased CricS risk in males, whereas CricS syndrome was significantly associated with age (OR 1.285, 95%CI 1.214–1.361), married (OR 1.258, 95%CI 1.089–1.452), current drinkers (OR 0.835, 95%CI 0.716–0.974), social isolation (OR 1.175, 95%CI 1.065–1.296), irritable mood (OR 1.346, 95%CI 1.210–1.497), fear responses (OR 1.202, 95%CI 1.047–1.378), chronic disease (OR 1.363, 95%CI 1.225–1.517), chronic pain (OR 1.177, 95%CI 1.058–1.309), and universal basic income (OR 0.742, 95%CI 0.611–0.900) in females. CricS is common in middle-aged to older adults, and health behavior factors have an important impact on CricS. The potential predictors identified for CricS should be further studied to prevent the occurrence of adverse health events in the presenium stage. • Circadian syndrome is a major health problem around the world. • The prevalence of circadian syndrome in the present study was 31.5 %. • Circadian syndrome risk factors are multi-level, multi-dimensiona. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GWP: Gesellschaft Wirtschaft Politik is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Left-behind places face linked economic and political problems that must be resolved jointly. This paper examines the potential contribution of basic income programs to that goal. Consisting of regular, no-strings-attached payments to citizens, basic income programs ensure resources and stability for poor and economically precarious households who comprise a significant share of left-behind places' populations. Advocacy for basic income emphasizes social and ethical commitment to individuals who have paid the price for economic decline. Thus, even though the goal of national and universal basic income remains distant in the UK, activism for basic income has succeeded in creating alternative paths for populist sentiments originating in the decline of left-behind places. Drawing on extensive fieldwork and interviews with advocates in the UK and elsewhere, I demonstrate that activism for basic income diverts potential support for ethno-nationalism and European withdrawal to alternate, place-contingent and variegated regional political paths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Since the last decade, debates regarding the efficiency and effectiveness of the forms of transfer, i.e. in the form of in-kind or cash transfers, have been gaining momentum. This paper aims to explore the preferences revealed by the beneficiaries, the role of contextual conditions in moulding these preferences, factors associated with the transfer scheme that defines the preferences and the rationale behind such responses. Design/methodology/approach: The study conducted involves primary data collected from an Indian state, Odisha. 308 beneficiaries of the Targeted Public Distribution System (TPDS) were interviewed concerning specific objectives in a rural district (Mayurbhanj) and another highly urbanised district (Khordha). Findings: The comparative results show that the strength of the contextual conditions significantly influences the preferences of the beneficiaries in the rural district as compared to the effect on the beneficiaries of the urban district. Education seems to have an insignificant impact in rural areas. However, income and standard of living have positive significant effects on shaping the preferences for cash or in-kind transfers. Originality/value: Examining the strength of the contextual conditions and emphasising beneficiaries' perspectives would stimulate a better understanding of the implementation of the proposed quasi-Universal Basic Income. The study would hence, be instrumental in dealing with the transition towards cash transfers in the Indian context where the co-responsibility of both stakeholders, the government and the beneficiaries, should be given equal weightage. Peer review: The peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-03-2023-0158 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis paper explores the intellectual history of Universal Basic Income (UBI), specifically focusing on Milton Friedman’s Negative Income Tax (NIT) as a precursor. Examining Friedman’s work in the 1940s, the study reveals the polysemic nature of early NIT proposals and underscores the significance of Friedman and Stigler’s engagement with concepts like Abba P. Lerner’s Social Dividend and Kenneth Boulding’s adjustable tax plan, the latter often overlooked in the literature. Contrary to the prevailing view of NIT as solely a poverty alleviation policy, this research also positions it, at this moment, as a macroeconomic steering mechanism. Drawing on Reinhart Koselleck’s categories, theoretical analysis emphasises the importance of exploring diverse “layers of meaning” in early NIT debates, shedding light on nuances that echo contemporary discussions on UBI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unconditional basic income (UBI) is a redistributive policy proposal that is receiving increasing attention in the Spanish political sphere. Welfare attitudes literature has shown that support for UBI is higher among left‐wing citizens and those of lower socioeconomic status. However, previous studies have not addressed the mediating role of ideological values such as egalitarianism or meritocratism in supporting UBI. Furthermore, studies have not considered the interactive relationship between ideological and self‐interest motives when studying attitudes toward UBI. Drawing on modernization theory, we propose that individuals' socioeconomic status conditions the role of ideological motivations in shaping support for UBI. To test this hypothesis, we study data from two different surveys conducted in Spain in 2017 (N = 1958) and 2021 (N = 2004). Our findings suggest that ideology is a less relevant motivation for supporting UBI among the Spanish citizens of lower socioeconomic status, but it becomes increasingly salient among higher‐status citizens. Among the latter, egalitarian values lead leftists to support UBI, whereas anti‐egalitarian and meritocratic values lead rightists to anti‐UBI positions. We discuss these findings within the framework of modernization theory, addressing support for UBI by different social groups and the ability of this policy proposal to elicit broad‐based support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The upswing: How America came together and how we can do it again" is a book by Robert Putnam that examines trends in economic, political, social, and cultural aspects of American life over the past 125 years. Putnam argues that the United States experienced a period of progress and social cohesion during the Progressive movement, but has since declined in terms of inequality, political polarization, social dislocation, and cultural narcissism. The book explores the shift from a collective "we" orientation to a more individualistic mindset and offers insights into the role of religion, political polarization, and social justice movements in shaping American society. Putnam suggests that by learning from history and working collectively, America can regain a sense of unity and social progress. [Extracted from the article]

The Old Age Security (OAS) program entitles Canadian seniors to an income consisting of two benefits: the universal OAS pension and its low-income complement, the Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS) pension. After introducing the development and eligibility requirements of the OAS program, we empirically assess two equity challenges of the OAS pension: first, the OAS pension, which determines eligibility on the basis of individual income thresholds, overlooks total household income, and second, the federally administered pension disregards the regionally divergent costs of living. To address the first equity concern, we point out that households receive different treatment based on the income distribution between partners. Additionally, we emphasize the allocation of OAS pension amounts in the top deciles of equivalized household income. For the second equity concern, we compare the OAS pension amount with the provincial levels of essential household spending and gross domestic product per capita. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Media stories on the economy tout automation as one of the biggest contemporary technological changes in America and argue that many Americans may lose their jobs because of it. Politicians and financial elites often promote a policy of Universal Basic Income (UBI) as a solution to the potential unemployment caused by automation, suggesting Americans should support UBI to protect them from this technological disruption. This linkage and basic descriptive findings are largely untested: we don't know much about whether Americans support UBI, see automation as a threat to their job, or connect the two in any meaningful way. Using a Mechanical Turk survey of 3600 respondents, we examine the relationship between Americans' perception of how much automation threatens their jobs, how much automation actually threatens their jobs, and their support for UBI. Our results indicate that while the public does not view automation as the same threat that elites do, Americans who believe their jobs will be automated are more likely to support UBI. These relationships, however, vary considerably by political party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains how a legal argument for a constitutional right to a universal basic income (UBI) in the United States could be constructed. My aim is to move the idea of a constitutionally-required UBI from the implausible to the plausible, suggesting that it is less far-fetched than it may initially appear to be. In Dworkinian terminology, everyone is entitled to equal concern and respect under the Constitution. Judges can read its abstract language morally when they decide real constitutional cases to make the country more just. In egalitarian liberalism, the quality of a person's life must not depend on financial circumstances that are mostly beyond her control and the government must protect the most vulnerable members of society from financial insecurity to enhance their personal autonomy. I reduce the sharp distinction between positive and negative rights in contemporary constitutional doctrine by elaborating on how the U.S. Constitution, and the case law that has glossed it over time, can establish a constitutional right to a UBI. A constitutional right to a UBI is morally justified and constitutionally possible; it is only implausible inasmuch as the timing is far from ideal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are currently unsure whether the digital revolution will herald the end of work or whether it represents another evolutionary phase, similar to previous industrial revolutions. However, the changes in work brought about by AI and automation are already exerting negative impacts on both employment and people's income. In this context, this article delves into the potential role of social law in mitigating these adverse effects. With this objective in mind, the author advocates for a departure from our current model of social inclusion in favour of broader income support mechanisms. The author expounds on how a universal basic income could contribute to steering the digital revolution with the aim of facilitating a more inclusive and effective transition into the digital era. Keywords: digitalization, income, social law, universal basic income, work [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Welfare analysis of policy interventions is ubiquitous in economic research. It plays an important role in merger analysis and antitrust litigation, design of tax and subsidies, and informs the current debate on a universal basic income. This paper provides a survey of existing empirical methods, based on cross-sectional microdata, for calculating welfare effects and deadweight loss resulting from realized or hypothetical policy change. We briefly outline classical parametric methods that are computationally tractable, then discuss recent nonparametric approaches that avoid making statistical and functional-form restrictions on individual preferences. This makes the welfare estimates theoretically more credible, and clarifies exactly what welfare-relevant information is contained in demand distribution in various choice settings. However, these methods also demand greater in-sample variation in the data for practical implementation than classical parametric approaches. We then cover settings with externalities. The above results are theoretical, and take the demand function as known; therefore, we briefly discuss empirical problems around demand estimation. We conclude by suggesting areas for future research. (JEL C14, C35, D11, D60, D62) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Psychosomatische Medizin und Psychotherapie is the property of Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Welfare for Markets: A Global History of Basic Income" by Anton Jäger and Daniel Zamora Vargas is a sociological and intellectual history of the basic income concept. The authors argue that the basic income debate reflects a failure of progressive imagination and a shift towards market models within progressive thought. They trace the evolution of basic income from earlier republican traditions of universal provision to its current focus on money and consumption. The book explores the role of key thinkers such as Milton Friedman and the Basic Income Earth Network (BIEN) in shaping the basic income discourse. While the book provides a rich intellectual history, its political claims may be less convincing, as it overlooks other perspectives and strategies associated with basic income. Nonetheless, it offers an important contribution to the understanding of basic income and the growing popularity of cash payments. [Extracted from the article]

We compare two welfare programs: the universal basic income (UBI) and negative income tax (NIT). Under a linear income tax system, we show that (i) the NIT can replicate the allocation of the UBI exactly by providing an identical marginal effective tax schedule, and (ii) the budget of the NIT is always smaller than that of the UBI. According to our quantitative model, which is calibrated to approximate the income and wealth distributions in the United States, the optimal UBI is to pay everyone 7.2% of the average income. We also show that the NIT can achieve a similar average welfare with a much smaller budget (2.3% of the GDP) by providing a subsidy that is generous to the very poor and quickly phases out as income increases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Prehistory of Private Property" is a book by Karl Widerquist and Grant McCall that challenges prevailing propertarian myths in modern political thought. The authors deconstruct and refute three hypotheses related to economic inequality, market freedom, and individual appropriation. Drawing on empirical anthropology, they argue that pre-propertarian forms of appropriation were more collective and exhibited stronger commitments to negative freedom. The book also examines the historical imposition of private property regimes through colonialism and the industrial revolution. While the authors provide a compelling critique, they do not offer extensive normative alternatives to private property, leaving readers to seek additional sources for such perspectives. [Extracted from the article]

The article proposes to defend the basic income as a pillar of a socio-cultural revolution. This is done exclusively from a literature review and articulation of different works. The introduction section presents the characteristics of a basic income. Section 2 brings how it would mitigate current capitalism problems, which are: increasing inequality, lack of equality of opportunity, means tested social security and its bureaucracy, narrow definition of paid work and future of labor. On Section 3, the author does a literature review to address two common objections against basic income: the cost, and potential labor decrease. Section 4 presents the author argument on three pillars of the socio-cultural revolution: austerity, active citizenship, and solidarity. The article ends with a general conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses data from Google Trends and Twitter to analyze how public interest and sentiment towards Universal Basic Income (UBI) changed across all 50 states and Washington D.C. between 2018 and 2021. We specifically selected this time period as it includes both Andrew Yang's UBI campaign during the Democratic primaries in 2019 and the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 when UBI gained attention due to the federal government's unconditional cash payment to almost all citizens. To overcome the limitations of sporadic opinion polls, we built on a recent development of the rescaling method to generate longitudinal Google Trends and conducted Twitter sentiment analysis. We observed a modest rise in public interest in UBI during Andrew Yang's campaign, especially in blue states, and a significant increase across all states at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Although it quickly waned, the level of public attention became elevated compared to the pre-pandemic level. Contrary to previous studies, our analysis also reveals that overall sentiment became less positive after the peak interest during the pandemic, as more people engaged in online discussions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Functional finance" is an economic theory within the Post Keynesian school of thought. Especially in the form of Modern Monetary Theory (MMT), it has begun to have two big but opposite effects on the debate over Universal Basic Income (UBI). Some people state MMT in an exaggerated way that implies the government can spend all it wants on UBI or anything else without ever raising taxes or borrowing money as if government spending had no limits of any kind. Other people refer to MMT while arguing that any effort to maintain a livable level of UBI is unsustainable. This article discusses the functional finance implications for the cost and sustainability of UBI, arguing that neither of those exaggerated implications are correct. MMT doesn't free us for the concern for how to support UBI with taxes, but neither does it give reason to believe UBI is any less sustainable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic plunged economies into recessions and advancements in artificial intelligence create widespread automation of job tasks. A debate around how to address these challenges has moved the introduction of a universal basic income (UBI) center stage. However, existing UBI research mainly focuses on economic aspects and normative arguments but lacks an individual perspective that goes beyond examining the association between socio-demographic characteristics and UBI support. We add to this literature by investigating not only socio-demographic but also psychological predictors of UBI acceptance in a multivariate analysis using a representative sample of the German working population collected in 2020 (N = 1986). Our results indicate that being more supportive of a UBI went along with being comparably younger, of East-German origin, and more in favor of equal living standards, as well as perceiving one's economic situation to be worse and the threat of the corona-pandemic to be higher. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Violence against women is understood as a public health issue that has long-term health consequences for women. Economic inequality and women's economic dependence on men make women vulnerable to violence. One approach to addressing poverty is through basic income, a cash transfer for all individuals which is not dependent on their employment status. This paper examines the relationship between basic income and violence against women by surveying different forms of cash transfer programs and their association with intimate partner violence, sexual exploitation, and systemic violence. Previous reviews report that cash transfers can be associated with decreased intimate partner violence. This review goes beyond existing systematic reviews by including intimate partner violence, sexual exploitation, and systemic violence for a broader understanding of how cash transfers relate to violence against women. Search databases include EBSCOhost search with Medline, Social Science Abstracts, APA PsychINFO, Social Work Abstracts. Search terms were "basic income" or "cash transfer" and "women" and "violence" or "homicide" or "sexual risk." Other terms searched were "indigenous" or "colonial" or "systemic". This search included articles reporting on cash transfers as the exposure and an indicator of violence against women as the outcome. Articles were excluded if it did not fit these criteria and were not written in English. This search yielded 28 articles that described intimate partner violence (emotional, physical, or sexual), 15 articles that described sexual exploitation, and no articles describing systemic violence against women. We used other supplemental articles that did not meet the inclusion criteria to pinpoint gaps in literature on systemic violence. These papers were analyzed through a feminist lens, an intersectional approach in addition to other theories. This search resulted in 43 articles. Consistent with other reviews on this subject matter, many recipients of cash transfers reported feeling empowered by it. A large proportion of articles found that cash transfers have a decreased association with physical forms of IPV overall, however some articles report decreased, increased, or unchanged outcomes for emotional IPV, such as aggression, controlling behaviours, or threats. Cash transfers may also be associated with reduced sexual exploitation as nine out of 11 studies reported that participants reduced their number of sex trade interactions due to having their financial needs met and studies also reported their perceived increased autonomy in sexual decision-making. This article outlines the gaps in literature, including the examination of cash transfers and systemic violence that can guide future research to best understand how cash transfer impact violence against women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

United Nations (UN) leaders suggest that the world is not on track to meet the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030. The purpose of this paper is to explore whether the SDGs provide a valuable platform to call for a basic income (BI) globally. Adopting a critical historical studies approach, the article traces the evolution of 'development', including the UN decades of development, the Millennium Development Goals, and the SDGs. It subsequently describes the structural adjustment and poverty reduction efforts by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, and then outlines why the SDG framework may be helpful in advancing a BI. We argue that as climate-related disasters increase, a BI will be vital in providing a modicum of security in an increasingly unstable world. Calls for BI must be anchored to a broader change agenda that recognizes the causes of poverty and income inequality, and seeks their dismantling and redress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there have been increasing demands for public policy design to be guided by empirical evidence, especially in programmes addressing social inclusion. In this scenario, qualitative approaches are often subordinated to the macro results obtained from quantitative instruments. Based on the results of a mixed-methods RCT research design, this article explores how qualitative research tools might provide qualitative significance – information as valuable as numerical data obtained using standardised scales. This proposal is based on the results of a research project addressing problems associated with barriers to employment and mental health among its participants. The impact of gender-sensitive issues – i.e., the unequal distribution of care responsibilities – or the development of mental health problems such as anxiety are often underestimated in studies based purely on statistical data. Our approach underscores the value of the testimonies and narratives obtained through qualitative tools – e.g., semi-structured interviews and focus groups – and how these can provide first-class evidence for the design and impact assessment of public policies tackling social inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the covid-19 pandemic, basic income pilot programs spread across U.S. cities like the novel coronavirus itself. The policy of no-strings-attached cash transfers marks a potentially significant change in the development of post-austerity politics, but only if basic income programs can endure beyond their trial phase. This paper centers the phenomenon of viral cash —cash transfer programs that mutate and multiply like the coronavirus to which they respond—as a means of assessing the possible pathways from trial programs to standing policy. Drawing on case studies of pilot programs in Minneapolis, St. Paul, and Denver, I argue that basic income pilots extend beyond their end-date by creating individual and institutional constituencies invested in unconditional cash transfers. Focusing on these constituencies draws attention to basic income's role in popularizing child tax credits, program cash stipends and other policy reforms recently enacted by cities and states. Seen this way, basic income's virus-like susceptibility to mutation plays a key role in seeding support for urban policies and politics that counter prior austerity by centering investment in human capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Schemes to replace traditional welfare programmes with a universal basic income (UBI) are sometimes presented as a way to reduce overall economic inequality. But because they lower the implicit marginal taxation rate of individuals entering the workforce, they have the effect of increasing economic inequality between those who opt out of the workforce and those who choose to participate. This article examines the effect that an increase in this income gap can be expected to have on the perceived adequacy of the UBI payment level as an alternative to paid employment. The first question involves the extent to which individuals living on UBI payments will assess the adequacy of their condition by comparing themselves to those who are adjacent to them in the income distribution. If this looms large in their assessment, then the UBI, by increasing inequality within this segment of the income distribution, will tend to increase the perception of its own inadequacy. The second question involves the importance of the consumption of positional goods in determining the adequacy of the UBI. If these are significant then again this will increase the perception of inadequacy, because those in paid employment will enjoy a great deal more than those who opt out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]